Academic literature on the topic 'Dissimilation (Phonetics)'

This paper explores the implications of 'gradient dissimilation' (Jatteau & Hejná 2016) for the diachronic implementation of long-distance dissimilation (e.g. ChVCh > CVCh). Since dissimilation is usually considered as lexically sporadic, cases where it applies regularly throughout the lexicon should result from lexical diffusion. Against this assumption, we explore the hypothesis that gradient dissimilation may represent the phonetic precursor of completed, regular dissimilatory processes. Such cases might then be reanalysed as Neogrammarian types of change. To assess this question, we gather and analyse new data from Halh Mongolian, a language reported to show gradient dissimilation of the aspiration feature, and compare it to two completed patterns of aspiration dissimilation reconstructed within the Mongolic family: Chahar Mongolian and Monguor. The results suggest that the gradient dissimilation in Halh may represent the phonetic precursor of Chahar, but also that gradient dissimilation may be bidirectional for some speakers. An interesting difference between our Halh Mongolian results and the other patterns of the Mongolic family resides in the behaviour of /s/, which in our data does not pattern as expected with the aspirated stops.

AbstractA phonetic process of ‘height dissimilation’ is universally reconstructed as an intermediate stage between e.g. AGk þþþþà [ennéa] and MGK îþþþþ [eþá]. The same process is reconstructed for some Ancient Greek dialects (e.g. Boeot. îþþþà traditionally interpreted as representing [ennía]) and for other languages: e.g. Vulgar Latin. Allegedly, the existence of ‘height dissimilation’ is warranted by some modern dialects which seem to preserve the stage [enía]. In a previous paper I dealt with the data of Ancient Greek challenging this explanation. This paper deals with the evidence found in modern vernaculars. On closer inspection, the data at issue turn out to be illusory and call for an alternative reconstruction. ‘Height dissimilation’ is a mere artifact which fails to match any universal process type and lacks any real phonetic motivation either synchronically or diachronically. Synizesis (glide formation) gives a more satisfactory explanation: [eo], [ea] > [o], [a] > [jo], [ja] with non-syllabic [] turning into an optimal [j]-glide. In spite of appearances, the outcomes like [enía] are not a compelling argument for ‘height dissimilation’. There are good reasons to think that this type resulted secondarily from a process of dieresis with accent retraction: [enjá] > [enía].

Adequately accounting for patterns of dissimilation has challenged more than one linguistic theory. This paper brings together evidence for certain recurrent patterns of dissimilation in Austronesian and Australian languages. It does not claim to have found a definitive solution to why these patterns occur, but it does provide indications that avoidance of multiple markedness may be causally implicated. Although the emphasis is different, the proposal offered here thus has fundamental similarities with Alderete (1997) in arguing that where it applies to dissimilation the Obligatory Contour Principle is inseparably connected with marked elements. Its primary contributions are to provide further empirical support for this claim that may not be readily accessible to non-specialists, to generalise the claim to a larger class of data, to suggest that the explanation for such patterns may be cognitive rather than phonetic and particularly to draw attention to conditions under which markedness-triggered dissimilation is suppressed.

This paper highlights the various studies which have been carried out to determine the rules which govern the elision of one of the vowels in a verb-noun concatenation where the verb is vowel-final and the noun vowel-initial. It proposes that there are basically three phonological rules which come into play at the Deep Structure Level. However, at the Surface Structure Level, the paper recognizes that there is a Semantic Dissimilation Principle (SDP), which may block the application of otherwise well-motivated rules. The SDP, then, guarantees maximal perceptual distance between otherwise homophonous products of the phonological rules.

Abstract Grassmann’s Law (=GL) is generally regarded as a quintessential example of regular sound change, though dissimilation processes are generally said to be quite rare and sporadic. In the present paper, evidence is presented aiming to show “the phonetic prehistory” of Grassmann’s Law in Greek, namely a diachronic stage during which GL acts in all but regular fashion. In particular, especially in some dialectal areas, some forms retain the original diaspirate stem up until Classical epoque (V–IV c. BC). Moreover, the presence of an opposite process, that is the assimilation (generally regressive) between aspirated segments, is also documented. Both of these aspects seem to show a lexically constrained spread of such a change. Its relatively late regularity can be explained as a process implemented by phonological constraints, which intervene at some point in the linguistic change.

SUMMARY Careful examination of the Semitic languages provides a substantial amount of evidence for an association of hushing sibilants with a class of segments having at its core /r/ and /m/. This association is manifested in a statistically elevated number of Proto-Semitic roots in which *r and *1 co-occur (compared with those in which *r and *s co-occur) , in the sporadic appearance of reflexes of *4 instead of *s in roots containing *r or *m, and, paradoxically, in the occasional preservation in Akkadian of /s/ rather than /š/ (in roots containing one of /r m b 1/). I argue that both the assimilatory and the dissimilatory changes can best be accounted for within the context of a model of the phonetics-phonology interface which gives due weight to individual differences among language users with regard both to perceptual acuity and fine articulatory control. When these inter-speaker differences are considered, seemingly random variation will, I contend, turn out to be systematic. RÉSUMÉ Un examen detaille des langues semitiques permet d'associer les chuintantes avec une classe des sons formee autour de /r/ et /m/. Cette association se manifeste dans: (1) le nombre statistiquement éleve des racines proto-sémitiques avec a la fois *r et *4 (compare a celles avec *r et *s qui apparaissent ensemble); (2) 1'occurrence sporadique des descendants de *4 plutot que *s dans des racines avec *r et *m; et, pa-radoxalement, (3) la preservation de /s/ en Akkadien au lieu de /2/ (dans des racines comprennant l'un des segments suivants: /r m b 1/). Je maintiens que les changements dfassimilation et de dissimilation s'expliquent au mieux dans le cadre dfun modele dfinterface phonético-phonologique qui mettrait en valeur les differences inter-individuelles vis-a-vis de leur acuité perceptive et de leur contrôtle fin d'articulation. Je soutiens qu'en tenant compte de ces differences inter-indivi-duelles, des variations qui paraissent aleatoires se réveleront motivees. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Eine sorgfaltige Untersuchung der semitischen Sprachen erlaubt es, Zischlaute mit einer Klasse von Segmenten zu verbinden, die /r/ und /m/ als ihr Zentrum haben. Diese Verbindung manifestiert sich in statistisch hoher Zahl bei proto-semitischen Wurzeln, in denen *r und *ir gemeinsam auftreten (im Vergleich zu solchen, in denen *r und *s zusammen auftre-ten), in der seltenen Erscheinung von Reflexen von *3r anstelle von *s in Wurzeln, die *r oder *m enthaiten, und, paradoxerweise, in der gelegent-lichen Erhaltung von /s/ im Akkadischen anstelle von /s/ in Wurzeln, die einen von /r m b 1/ enthalten. In diesem Aufsatz wird der Argument vorge-bracht, das sowohl die assimilatorischen als auch die dissimilatorischen Prozesse am besten erklart werden konnen, wenn man ihnen ein Modell zu-grundelegt, in welchem phonetische und phonologische Gesichtspunkte be-riicksichtigt werden, die individuellen Unterschieden unter den Sprechern in Hinblick auf perzeptive Scharfe und genaue artikulatorische Kontrolle hinreichend Rechnung tragen. Wenn einmal die inter-individuellen Unter-schiede in Betracht gez.ogen worden sind, dann erweist sich, wie hier vor-geschlagen, die scheinbar zufallige Variation als in der Tat systematisch.

ABSTRACTThis paper represents a return to the theme of Germanic umlaut, umlaut in general, and sound change in general. It invokes first the concept of the parameter, then the concept of parametric inertia. That is, since all parameters are produced by physical organs, they are governed by inertia, and this allows a (phonetic) explanation of assimilation (including umlaut) and dissimilation. Further, the concept of a hierarchy of parameters based on a phonetically most similar notion is developed to replace the unworkable phonetically similar criterion in classical phonemics.

Aims and objectives/purpose/research questions: This study investigates the cross-linguistic phonetic interactions in the production of closed mid vowels of Galician-Spanish bilinguals in a semi-urban area in Galicia. The research questions were: (1) Do Galician-Spanish bilinguals produce /e/ and /o/ similarly in their two languages? (2) Does language dominance influence whether these sounds are produced more like Spanish or more like Galician? (3) Do age and gender influence the bilingual production of Galician and Spanish /e/ and /o/? Design/methodology/approach: Thirty Galician-Spanish bilinguals from the western coast of Galicia completed a sociolinguistic questionnaire and two reading tasks in both Galician and Spanish. Data and analysis: 4,728 vowels were acoustically analyzed and submitted to several mixed effect statistical models. Findings/conclusions: Bilinguals in this study produce distinct phonetic categories for their four Galician mid vowels, and additionally have created new phonetic categories to accommodate their L2 (Spanish) vowels, resulting in a more crowded mid-vowel phonetic space. Originality: This is the first study to examine closed mid vowel realizations in both Spanish and Galician by bilinguals who maintain a Galician four mid-vowel contrast, and to investigate their complex L1-L2 phonetic interactions. Significance/implications: This study offers new data to examine how early bilinguals organize their phonetic system(s) through cross-linguistic assimilation and dissimilation.

This paper reports on a comprehensive phonetic study of American classroom learners of Russian, investigating the influence of the second language (L2) on the first language (L1). Russian and English productions of 20 learners were compared to 18 English monolingual controls focusing on the acoustics of word-initial and word-final voicing. The results demonstrate that learners’ Russian was acoustically different from their English, with shorter voice onset times (VOTs) in [−voice] stops, longer prevoicing in [+voice] stops, more [−voice] stops with short lag VOTs and more [+voice] stops with prevoicing, indicating a degree of successful L2 pronunciation learning. Crucially, learners also demonstrated an L1 phonetic change compared to monolingual English speakers. Specifically, the VOT of learners’ initial English voiceless stops was shortened, indicating assimilation with Russian, while the frequency of prevoicing in learners’ English was decreased, indicating dissimilation with Russian. Word-final, the duration of preceding vowels, stop closures, frication, and voicing during consonantal constriction all demonstrated drift towards Russian norms of word-final voicing neutralization. The study confirms that L2-driven phonetic changes in L1 are possible even in L1-immersed classroom language learners, challenging the role of reduced L1 use and highlighting the plasticity of the L1 phonetic system.

The disproportionate number of studies in Barcelona and the Balearic Islands observing Spanish contact effects in Catalan production, rather than Catalan contact effects in Spanish production, is an oversight of bidirectionality and the probabilistic nature of social factors in situations of language contact. Accordingly, the present study analyzes both Catalan and Spanish mid front vowel production data from Barcelona to investigate whether Catalan contact effects occur in Spanish via a process of dissimilation, and whether such effects are strengthened in younger speakers due to the relatively recent implementation of Catalan linguistic policy in the educational and public spheres. The results are suggestive of dissimilation, where phonetic distinctions are maintained between Spanish /e/ and the two Catalan mid front vowels across both F1 and F2. Additionally, analyses of variance across F1 and F2 reveal that Spanish /e/ productions across F1 are more diffuse in younger speakers and Catalan mid front vowels across F2 are less diffuse, providing evidence of reciprocity in contact effects. These results underscore the bidirectional nature of language contact and advocate for the use of variance of F1 and F2 as a metric of phonological contact effects.

This study investigates the role of perceptual distinctiveness in consonant inventories. While distinctiveness appears to play a role in the shaping of vowel systems, a literature review indicates that its status in consonant selections remains unclear. To address this issue I used speech materials recorded by a trained phonetician containing 35 CV syllables with seven places of articulation (bilabial, dental, alveolar, retroflex, palatal, velar and uvular) and five vowels: [i] [[epsilon]] [a] [[backwards c]] and [u]. Detailed acoustic measurements were performed: formant patterns at vowel onsets (loci) and vowel midpoints, transitions rates and burst spectra. To validate the speech material, comparisons were made with published data and with formant frequencies derived by means of an articulatory model. Perceptual data were collected on these 35 syllables. Multiple Regression analyses were performed with the coded dissimilarities as the dependent variable and with (combinations of) formant-based distances, time constant differences and burst differences as the independent variables. The results indicated that acoustic measurements could be successfully used to help explain listener responses. Optimal place sets were obtained from a rank ordering of the CV syllables with respect to 'individual salience' (defined as the sum of a syllable's perceptual distance to other places in the same vowel context) and from a replication of the Liljencrants & Lindblom systemic criterion of maximizing distances within all vowel pairs. Instead of the typologically prevalent pattern of [b d g], predictions were found to be vowel-dependent and to often favor CV:s located at the 'corners' of the acoustic F3-F2 space, viz., uvular, palatal and retroflex. This finding leads to a conclusion that distinctiveness alone is unlikely to account for how languages use place of articulation in voiced stops. For more successful attempts, future work should be directed towards defining and incorporating production constraints such as 'ease of articulation'.

This chapter provides a selective overview of recent research on the phonetics and phonology of bilingualism. The central idea put forth in the chapter is that, in bilingualism and second-language learning, cross-language categories are involved in complex interactions that can take many forms, including assimilations and dissimilations. The sound categories of the two languages of a bilingual seem to coexist in a common representational network and appear to be activated simultaneously in the processing of speech in real time, but some degree of specificity is attested. The chapter then goes on to explore some of the characteristics of cross-language sound interactions, including the fact that these interactions are pliable and appear to be mediated by the structure of the lexicon.