Journal articles on the topic 'Divorced women Remarriage'

Among adults who had ended their first marriage in divorce, about three-fourths of the elderly men and two-thirds of the elderly women in both 1970 and 1980 were found to be remarried. However, the general decline in remarriage at the younger ages during the 1970s was accentuated among those under 35 years old. Although the proportion remarried among women with graduate school training was the smallest, that proportion declined less during the 1970s than for women in any other educational level. In both 1970 and 1980, the proportion remarried was positively correlated with personal income for men but negatively for women. An estimated two-thirds of those who end their first marriage in divorce will eventually remarry while they have young children living with them. During the lifetime of women in their second marriage after their first marriage ended in divorce, only one-third of their children are born after remarriage, whereas two-thirds are born before their second marriages. During the 1970s, the proportion of currently divorced adults living alone or sharing the homes of relatives diminished, while the proportion living as cohabitants outside marriage rose substantially. It appears as if both the divorce rate and the remarriage rate are approaching a period of relative stability.

Traditionally, attitudes towards remarriage in India have been characterised by scepticism and suspicion, especially in the case of women. Online remarriage sites promised to open up new possibilities for Indians seeking remarriage. A study of self-presentation strategies adopted by men and women in their online profiles posted on a popular remarriage site shows that while the new technology may have made it easier for divorced and widowed individuals to search for partners, profiles presented emphasise caste and community affiliations, and reinforce gendered roles and expectations. Those seeking remarriage, especially women, engaged in substantial efforts to allay fears and concerns associated with divorce and remarriage in India by adhering to normative standards characteristic of a deeply patriarchal society. While many profiles of men highlighted a sense of male entitlement and privilege, an account of the circumstances of divorce was missing from the profiles of both men and women even as the Indian family as a site of harmony and respectability was emphasised by both. Furthermore, while men made consumerist promises in their statements, women used their online profiles to express their consumerist dreams, simultaneously adhering to gendered expectations. Finally, both men and women engaged in selective self-presentation emphasising socially desirable traits such as a light skin tone or a desirable body type in a neoliberal context marked by consumerist modernity.

SummaryData from the 1971 Census records included in the OPCS Longitudinal Study were used to examine the relationship between geographic mobility and marriage termination and remarriage. Remarried women had high rates of mobility and there seemed to be a clear ‘excess’ of moves made around the time of remarriage, shortly after the end of the first marriage. There was a suggestion too of a peak in movements following widowhood but no indication of excess movement at the time of de jure divorce. The data were not adequate to allow examination of moves made at the the time of separation. Additional data from linked 1971–81 Census information showed that changes of marital status were strongly associated with changes of tenure. Other characteristics of divorced, widowed and remarried women were also examined to see how they might affect their patterns of geographic movement.

Divorce rates continue to rise, especially in urban centers, which in turn contributes to increasing numbers of women who remarry. While remarriage is one of the only options for survival for divorced women, especially those from low socioeconomic status, remarriage also brings with it increased stressors of financial strain and the strain of blended families. This study tested the hypothesis that remarried women compared with first-time married and divorced women are at increased risk for domestic violence. The sample was drawn from the Cambodia Demographic and Health Survey, consisting of 1,560 women with the average age of 31.64. Results showed that 20% of women reported emotional violence and 14%, physical violence. Based on hierarchical multiple regressions, this study found that remarried women were more likely to experience physical and emotional abuse than women in their first marriage or women who remain divorced/not in union. Further interaction analyses showed that domestic violence varies depending on place of residence, number of children younger than 5 years, partners’ education, and wealth index. Rural residents who were in poorest and poorer groups and urban residents in their poorer and middle groups of their wealth index showed high risk of domestic violence. Remarried women with two or three children younger than 5 years showed highest risk of domestic violence. Additional three-way interaction analysis revealed that remarried women residing in rural/urban areas with a spouse having no education and/or primary level of education were at highest risk of domestic violence. The study lends support to the structural role of the power of male dominance on women’s social and emotional well-being. This study suggested that to reduce men’s perceived domination, structural intervention that includes implementing gender-responsive curriculum in formal education, as well as strengthening domestic violence law enforcement would help reduce domestic violence against women.

One of the important factors that threaten the family structure, it is a single parent, especially if children are in families headed by mothers live. Functionalist vision of a single parent family is a disorder for any reason, but especially the second marriage for women is challenging. Social and cultural factors vary from society to society, with the dramatic effects of the marriage or remarriage of women heads of household. This article is the result of a survey of female-headed households non married (divorced and husband died) through interviews with 93 women heads of households between 26 and 40 years who had at least one dependent child is doing.Results showed that the female heads of households, number of children from his previous marriage to remarriage in attitude level is a major obstacle. The thosearound's attitude toward remarriage (72%) has a direct impact on the attitudes of female heads of households. In 63% of cases, the women have a higher status in terms of employment and social, were less likely to remarriage her probably the to avoid loss of its economic position or lack of need. The sense of commitment and loyalty to the late spouse in the a lack of female heads of households tend to remarry influence and the number of suitors, as a potential factor stimulus in front strong tradition, is not effective in changing attitudes on female heads of households is than to remarriage.

In deze bijdrage wordt het herpartneren na een scheiding uit een eerste huwelijk beschreven. Met gegevens van “Scheiding in Vlaanderen” verzameld bij 1192 mannen en 1448 vrouwen gescheiden tussen 1981 en 2005, wordt vooreerst de timing van het herpartneren alsook de leefvorm waarvoor men kiest in postmaritale relaties, bestudeerd. We onderscheiden LAT‐relaties, ongehuwd samenwoonrelaties en tweede huwelijken. Daarna wordt de huidige partnerstatus van gescheidenen anno 2010 in kaart gebracht. Ten derde komt de mate waarin partners uit eerste huwelijken of postmaritale relaties gelijkend zijn aan bod. Vervolgens wordt de stabiliteit van LAT‐relaties of ongehuwde samenwoonrelaties na een eerste huwelijk bestudeerd. Een beschrijving van postmaritale relatietrajecten met aandacht voor relatierang en relatietype rondt deze bijdrage af. Alle analyses worden apart uitgevoerd voor mannen en vrouwen van verschillende scheidingscohorten. Abstract : Using surveydata of “Divorce in Flanders” for 1192 men and 1448 women, divorced between 1981 and 2005, we explore repartnering after a first divorce. Firstly, prevalence and timing of repartnering are examined. LAT‐relationships, unmarried cohabitation and remarriage are considered as different types of repartnering. Secondly, the current partner status for divorcees in 2010 is described. Homogamy in first marriages and in higher order relationships is the third topic in this article. At last, stability of postmarital relationships and partnership trajectories are explored. Data are analyzed using a cohort perspective and a gender perspective.

An analysis of demographic characteristics from the gender perspective represents a contribution to enlightening the social relations between female and male population in Belgrade. Gender specificity and explicitness of socio-demographic structures indicate to different positions and statuses of the female and male populations. There are more females than men in the total population of the capital city of Serbia. The sex imbalance of age groups is determined by gender differences in the number of born boys and girls, in migration characteristics and in the level of mortality. The male population is greater in the age group up to 20 years old, while the female population is more numerous among the middle-aged and older generations. Gender differences in marital structure, level of education and economic activities cannot be reduced only to demographic limits. A larger rate of married persons among the males in relation to female population is determined by the different behavior in view of remarriage in case of divorce or death of partner. Women are widowed or divorced more often than men, which can be interpreted as a less favorable position in everyday functioning, especially when the women have small or school-age children, as well as in the case of older women. Gender differences in the level of education of Belgrade population are not exceptionally pronounced and are a consequence of unfavorable positions of older women to a certain degree. Differences in economic activity, among other things, are determined by uneven utilization of female and male work force. The rate of economic activity is greater in the male population, and the coefficient of economic dependency in the female population. The gender difference in the rate of supported persons among the work capable population increases the unfavorable social position of women. The characteristics of socio-demographic structures of female and male population of the city of Belgrade vary by areas. The manifestation of gender differences can be connected with demographic and sociological specificities of the proper and wider city region. The rate of divorced women in Belgrade proper is especially marked as well as the rate of supported persons in the female population in Belgrade suburbs. Imbalance in the education level between women and men is less distinct than the differences in educational structures by regions with population of both sexes.

Analyzing event history data from the 2010 China Family Panel Studies and 13 qualitative interviews, we examine the complex and gendered relationship between family relations and remarriage in China. Distinct roles are played by the presence of preschool, school-age, and adult children in configuring the remarriage of women and men after divorce and after widowhood. The remarriage of widows but not divorcées is positively associated with the presence of parents and siblings. Remarriage is more likely in the presence of large extended families. Whereas single and remarried divorcé(e)s equally provide care to their children, such care provision is less likely among remarried than single widow(er)s. Compared with their single counterparts, remarried divorcé(e)s and particularly widow(er)s are less likely to receive care from their children. We underline the importance of considering the “linked lives” of family members and comparing distinct life course circumstances in the study of remarriage. We demonstrate that remarriage is far from an “individualized” institution and that the state’s privatization of marriage seems to reinforce the “familialization” of remarriage practices in China.

Do individuals marry and divorce for economic reasons? Can we measure the economic attractiveness of a person's marriage market? We answer these questions using a structural model of consumer‐producer households that is applied to rich data from Malawi. Using revealed preference conditions for a stable marriage market, we define the economic attractiveness of a potential match as the difference between the potential value of consumption and leisure with the new partner and the value of consumption and leisure in the current marriage. We estimate this marital instability measure for every possible pair in geographically defined marriage markets in 2010. We find that the marital instability measure is predictive of future divorces, particularly for women. We further show that this estimated effect on divorce is mitigated by the woman's age, and by a lack of men, relative to women, in the marriage market, showing that these factors interact with the economic attractiveness of the remarriage market. These findings provide out‐of‐sample validation of our model and evidence that the economic value of the marriage market matters for divorce decisions.

SummaryThe long term consequences for women of parental divorce and separation in childhood are explored using data from a national, prospective, longitudinal survey. In comparison with women who suffered no parental loss, parental divorce is associated with lower educational attainment and occupational status, poorer mental health, higher alcohol consumption and higher rates of remarriage. Links with earlier signs of emotional disturbance and current levels of stress are explored.

SummaryA proportional hazards regression model was applied to data on women aged 45–49 from the Egyptian Fertility Survey, to assess the effects of women's education, residence, and marital experience on their age at the birth of their last child. When age at marriage and parity were controlled, well-educated urban women tended to stop reproducing earlier than less educated rural women. Compared to intact first marriages, marital dissolution (divorce, widowhood, or separation) with remarriage tended to prolong the age at last birth, while failure to remarry tended to hasten it.

Using nationally representative data, it is shown that marital unions are relatively stable in Nigeria. Remarriage rates are high so little time is lost between unions. Consequently, the fertility of women who have experienced marital disruption is only slightly lower than for those in stable unions. Their slightly lower parity may be a function of a high incidence of reproductive impairment, which is a major reason for divorce and separation in Nigeria.

Even in this age of progress, there are misconceptions about Islamic women in various societies. This article is designed to emphasize that the idea that women are oppressed in Islamic society and not given adequate privileges and rights in their lives is completely wrong. The main purpose of this article is that hameeda's novel is known that women have the same right as they have duties. Hameeda's novel has also emphasized that Islam has given women the right to equality, property rights, free speech, copyright, succession, the right to divorce, remarriage and the right to education. The main objective of this article is to highlight this.

The aim of this article is to show how a ‘traditional’ society may produce a household system in which the structural tensions are no less intense than in the Western world. Muslim Hausa society (in northern Nigeria) has one of the highest rates of divorce (and remarriage) in the world. An explanation is sought here in terms of the economic and organisational requirements of a subsistence farming system that is always potentially short of labour. Divorce is a solution to otherwise unacceptable pressures, particularly on young women, in a society that requires them to be subordinate and marginal within the extended family. The data presented here were collected between 1979 and 1989 in the Niger valley of Sokoto State in northern Nigeria.

Age is perhaps the most important single variable influencing outcome in the assisted reproductive technologies (ART). The effect of advancing age on clinical ART outcome is manifested not only in the pattern of ovarian response to stimulation regimens, but also in reduced implantation efficiency and an increased spontaneous abortion rate. The clinical importance of these factors is compounded by the fact that increasing numbers of older women are presenting for ART treatment. Delayed childbearing is becoming increasingly common in the western world. The availability of methods of birth control, educational and career priorities for women, and the increased rates of divorce and remarriage are some of the factors contributing to this phenomenon.

<p><strong>BACKGROUND &amp; OBJECTIVE:</strong> Social reactions to infertility are one of the concerns infertile people. This study aimed to investigate the social consequences of infertility among urban and rural population of Shahroud in northeast of Iran.</p> <p><strong>METHOD:</strong> This study is a comparative study that was conducted in 2013. In this study, 1,528 women (511 infertile and 1017 fertile ones) were randomly selected. The 36-item questionnaire included 18 items about women’s attitude towards infertility and 18 questions about the consequences of infertility was used. Data were analyzed using chi-square test, one-way analysis of variance and t test.</p> <p><strong>FINDINGS:</strong> The prevalence of infertility in rural areas was estimated to be 2.23 percent. 42.2% of the participants were living the city (n= 645) and 57.8 % were living in the village (n= 883). 49.2% of the participants had education below high school diploma (n=751), 31.7% had high school diploma (n=484) and 19.2% had university degrees (n=293). 51.9% of the people referred to the infertility problem among distant relatives, 24.9% referred to infertility among the close relatives and 9% reported the infertility among their family members. The mean score of attitude of the fertile was 56.6±7.0 and that of the infertile was 56.8± 6.6 and there was no statistically significant difference between the two groups (P&gt;0.05). There was a significant association between fertility status and encouraging divorce, encouraging remarriage and encouraging adoption (P = 0.001).</p> <p><strong>CONCLUSION:</strong> Infertility causes a negative attitude toward infertile people. But the interference of others leads to further encouragement of divorce and remarriage among the infertile people.</p>

Purpose of the study: The study investigates the Emirati Women’s perceptions of polygamy according to three variables, namely age, employment, and educational level. It also explores where there are possible reasons that may drive these women to accept polygamy in certain circumstances and their reactions if it actually happens. Methodology: To achieve this, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 50 Emirati women to get more insight into their choice, reasons, and reactions. Main findings: The results reveal that 88% of the participants refused the entire idea of polygamy while the rest accepted it. The results also show that the three social variables played an important role in their choice. The participants who consented to polygamy did so due to religious and cultural reasons. In case the husband went along with his remarriage, the participants indicated that they would file for divorce, especially those who are young and employed, or stay with their husbands unhappy. The latter were mostly older and unemployed. Applications of this study: The Emirati women’s concerns of polygamy and its consequences on family life should be taken into account when revising social policies in the UAE. The originality of this study: The study is one of its kinds to address polygamy in the UAE. It contributes to the body of knowledge through identifying Emirati women’s concerns of polygamy and discussing the reasons for accepting/rejecting polygamy.

The recent article by R. P. Saller on Roman dowry in the Principate makes some interesting and important suggestions about the function of dowry and its role in the devolution of property. I am in broad agreement with a good deal of what he says, and would not dispute his views that dowry was, as shown by the requirement of collatio dotis, regarded as in a sense part of a woman's patrimony, and that the rules for the recovery of dowry show that the purpose of giving dowry was not held to rest on one single principle, but included provision both for the expenses of the wife's maintenance during marriage and for a possible remarriage after divorce or widowhood. However, his remarks on both points need some qualification and amplification. Briefly, I hope to show (i) that the oddities and anomalies noticed by Saller in the rules governing the recovery of dowry at the end of a marriage are apparent rather than real, since these rules rest, not on conflicting views about the purpose of dowry, but on the fact that the husband had full legal ownership of the dowry during marriage, together with the right of the wife or her pater to an actio rei uxoriae for recovery of dowry; (ii) that the rules for collatio dotis applied only if the woman herself chose to claim a share in her father's estate on intestacy beyond the amount of her dowry; (iii) that the use of the dowry for the wife's support was an equitable, rather than a legal, requirement.

AbstractWhat occupies us in this volume is how women at all social levels devise their own coping mechanisms to deal with the impact of externally imposed pressures. Their stories reflect the creative solutions with which they have come to terms with some of the resulting problems, but always in a very personal way and without recourse to any form of collective action or organization. With a few exceptions, most of these women are still committed to traditional roles and the perception of obligations, even if the content of the role has changed. At least these "core" roles seem ideologically more resistant to change, such that there is a considerable lag between changing social conditions and the values underpinning them (cf. Goody, 1984). Apparently, it is only when women have become exposed, either through education, overseas travel or scholarly professions, that outside ("Western") notions of feminism and gender equality emerge. It is the highly unique and privileged upper middle class who agitate and raise the consciousness of their "deprived" sisters, and who also initiate women's organizations and support centres. If an awareness of womanhood for itself, a gender-as-class type of feminism has yet to surface in most of the societies of Southeast Asia, it is still legitimate to pursue the question of situation of women as a group-in-itself, as a potential action group. If we focus on the kinship system, as we have seen above, there is little in the ideology, distribution of resources and male-female relationships in traditional Southeast Asian practice (the immigrant Chinese here being something of an exception), to suggest an undue exploitation or oppression of women as a whole. In the domestic arrangements of most of them, a modus vivendi had been struck, an acceptance of role complementarily whether labelled the "myth of male dominance" (Rogers, 1975; Hirschon, 1984), or the false consciousness so readily perceived by many outsiders. Operating from the domestic core, women devise all manner of individual strategies to pursue their interests, influence their kin and turn events towards their chosen direction. Whether within or outside the household, such strategies are in the broadest sense political and can have substantial impact upon the male world (Collier, 1974). Commonly, women act or achieve their goals indirectly through men, particularly by the manipulation of husbands, brothers and sons, so that even the Chinese woman may eventually come into her own as a mother-in-law. In this collection of stories, Chat is the supreme example of this kind of successful manipulator. Satisfaction may even be had vicariously, as in Tok Nyam's pleasure in seeing her husband and sons make the pilgrimage to Mecca ahead of her. All of these women have managed to make, within their own small worlds, a choice of action between two or more options: Maimunah and Ah Ling opted for a non-traditional life of their own in the city, while Zainab chose to retreat from it and ease her family into compliance with her choice. The Singapore women's solutions to their working situation constantly result in a creative tension and some changes in the original Chinese family organization. For all the poverty of her family, even Yurni has been bold enough to spurn employment with and dependence on Ibu Ica, whom she dislikes, taking up alternative sharecropping and embroidery jobs instead. Rufina left Manila to marry the man of her own choosing, and in the most desperate of circumstances, devises a constant series of strategies of survival, while she and Tia Lilia are both victims of a system of rural proletarianization endemic in the Philippines. The deprivations of the latter two women stem, not from their position in a kinship, domestic or male-dominated system, but rather from the inequities of the wider society beyond them. In the case of the Muslim women in particular, some "interference" or even conflict emerges between the ideologies of their religion and kinship customs. In matrilineal Minangkabau society, Islam's main impact on Yurni has been in diverting the girls to an inferior or less modern type of education in favour of preparing the boys for a profession or other career. Islam moulded the sequence of Tok Nyam's divorce, remarriage and such important events in her life as the pilgrimage, but in no way prevented her from enjoying an active community life and the profits of her pandanus mat trade. Zainab happened to be growing up at a time when Islam was on the upswing in her social set and the immediate pressures of her social environment undoubtedly provided some coercive effect. Yet the final choice was still her own: Maimunah, living in the same time and place, charted a different path for herself. In the final analysis, it is probably to the world beyond the kin and family group that we must turn to seek the locus of the real inequities and the sources of oppression as they affect women, both in Southeast Asia and elsewhere. As noted above, the origins of most of the problems of the disadvantaged women of our collection lie in their overall class position, or in the political situation of their country. Rufina and Tia Lilia are the most dramatic examples here, and to a lesser degree, Yurni. In these cases, it must be recognized that the men, alongside the women, are also in positions of dependence and deprivation lacking the means to take control of their own lives and condition. It is a fallacy to assume that women represent an undifferentiated common interest group on the basis of their gender alone, for factors more powerful emerge on the backs of such distinctions as wealth, status, class, ethnicity and religion. Even the "advantages" of involvement in modern economic development, employment and education institutions are dependent upon these same distinctions, such that, for example, elite women may benefit more than those of lower status, as shown by Ibu Ica and Yurni, or women of one ethnic origin may be eligible for certain employment opportunities less available to those of other backgrounds for political reasons, as the urban careers of Maimunah, Zainab and Ah Ling illustrate. In the Philippines, it is to the destructive process of increasing rural proletarianization and poverty affecting the country as a whole that Rufina and Tia Lilia owe their pitiful existence, of which their menfolk are equally victims. Women in their own daily lives take cognisance of these various roles in devising strategies of action and charting paths to particular goals. None of this is quantifiable in any reliable way and to attempt to do so is to reduce the women actors to the anonymous shadow, dependent role occupants that most feminists would strenuously avoid. The alternative pursued here is the biographical method which allows us to present more of the individual richness of the situations of a small sample of selected women, as seen through their own eyes. In this exercise, the observer/biographers have deliberately refrained from passing judgment of a cultural, feminist or other variety, instead using the opportunity for interaction with their subjects to gain insights into both cultures through a process of defamiliarization and refamiliarization simultaneously.

Divorce leads to many conflicts as women being single at an early age. This study aimed to determine the rate and socio-demographic associations of Divorce in Sri Lanka. A larger range of remarriages have conjointly additional to the increased numbers of marriages per annum. The data were gathered through an in-depth interview method and Questionnaire from 60 divorced young couples, to ignore the data duplication, data were collected from one of the divorced young couples who live in Batticaloa District, Sri Lanka. The research findings demonstrated that to reverse this trend, elders of the couple recommend and instruct them about the realities of life. Compromises and sacrifices are important aspects that the couple ought to have a secure married life.

In Nigeria, most of the mainline churches forbid divorce and remarriage, and one of the passages most popularly quoted in support of this doctrine is 1 Corinthians 7:10–11. The traditional interpretation teaches that marriage is ‘for better, for worse’ and should be between one man and one woman for life. In view of the fact that this mode of interpretation is capable of enhancing the already high rate of domestic violence, this work examines the text in the context of intimate partner violence (IPV) in Nigeria. Applying the analytical and exegetical methods, the essay investigates the possible correlation between the doctrine of no divorce and IPV. The research found that when understood against its specific context, 1 Corinthians 7:10–11 permits divorce and remarriage on grounds of adultery, and allows a deserted Christian spouse to remarry. It can also be deduced from the chapter that when IPV poses threat to life, divorce may be the appropriate response, and the affected spouses are free to remarry. In this way, a proper understanding of the passage can go a long way to reducing the rate of domestic violence in Nigeria. It is noteworthy, however, that the overall intent of the text is to protect marriage as a permanent institution, hence even when divorce has taken place, the church and concerned couples should still seek reconciliation.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: The work employs the analytical approach for the investigation of the correlation between the doctrine of no divorce and IPV, and the exegetical method to the study of 1 Corinthians 7:10–11 and other related texts.

Our experiment included 72 genograms of women aged 27-34, who participated in the practical course aimed at work with generic scenarios. We analyzed women`s genograms and identified transgenerational models of marriage. Transgenerational models of marriage can be reflected in each of 3-4 generations or have some influence through generation. It should be noted that transgenerational models of marriage have the following characteristics: the structure of marriage (family hierarchy, distribution of family roles), stages of family development (divorce, move, giving birth, remarriage), the level of satisfaction with the marriage. We identified 4 transgenerational models of marriage that were frequently seen in the study sample. The 1st model “Patriarchal marriage” (14 genograms) is characterized by a significant role of a father and/or a grandfather, idealized and seen as a desired image of a man. The studied women with this family model showed some discontent with their husbands because they do not meet the expectations. The 2nd model “Matriarchal marriage” (14 genograms) is connected with strong female images (grandmother and/or great-grandmother), who were forced to take primary responsibility for the family because the man was a weak figure: he might have drunk, been sick, cheated, had problems with the law. Such relationships are very consistently reproduced in the families of female descendants. The 3rd model “Serial monogamy” (10 genograms) is characterized by the common features of two marriages from previous generations. Most often the 1st of them is described as unconscious and early, and the 2nd marriage as a more successful one. One of the options is that there are children in one marriage, and the other couple has problems with fertility. The 4th model “Misalliance” is an alliance of people with a consciously different social, educational and material status. The fact of the partners’ inconsistencies is emphasized and passed as a family mythology. This misalliance is reproduced in the generations of the descendants. Recommendations are offered for marital psychotherapy, taking into account the influence of the transgenerational model of marriage on the interactions of couples.