Academic literature on the topic 'Dixit Dominus'

ABSTRACTWhile there have been growing calls for historians to listen to the past, there are also significant barriers to integrating music in particular into broader historical practice. This article reflects on both the gains and difficulties of this integration, moving from an interrogation of the category of music to three case studies. These concern musical terms, compositional practices and cultures from the fifteenth to eighteenth centuries, revisiting some key debates in musicology: first, the highly charged language of sweetness deployed in the fifteenth century; second, connections discerned in nineteenth-century music history between medieval polyphony and contemporary attitudes towards time and authority; and, third, debate over the anti-Jewish implications of Handel's music, which we approach through his Dixit Dominus and a history of psalm interpretation stretching back to late antiquity. Through these case studies, we suggest the contribution of music to necessarily interdisciplinary fields including the study of temporality and emotions, but also explore how a historical hermeneutic with a long pedigree – ‘diversity of times’ (diversitas temporum) – might help to reframe arguments about musical interpretation. The article concludes by arguing that the very difficulty and slipperiness of music as a source can encourage properly reflective historical practice.

The Sächsische Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden (SLUB), holds one of the world’s largest collections of sacred and secular works by the Italian composer Baldassarre Galuppi, “il Buranello”, whose operatic music was very popular in the mid-1750s with the Saxon elector and Polish king August III and other members of his court. This impressive collection of Galuppiana includes numerous copies of liturgical works from the copying house of the Venetian priest and notorius forger Iseppo (Giuseppe) Baldan. Recently, several compositions falsely attributed to Galuppi by Baldan have turned out to be the works of Antonio Vivaldi, including an excellent setting of Dixit Dominus (RV 807).
 This article demonstrates that the Galuppi-Baldan manuscripts were sent in several batches from Venice to Warsaw (and not Dresden, as originally thought) during the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), when August III resided in the Polish capital. The Saxon prime minister count Heinrich von Brühl and his musically gifted daughter Maria Amalia also stayed in Warsaw during this period, as did Brühl’s secretary and musical director Friedrich August von Koenig, who arranged for the purchases from Galuppi and Baldan. The fact that operas were also being sent from Rome to Warsaw during the war shows that the nobility in the Polish capital was up-to-date with all the latest Italian music. Reports of performances of Galuppi’s music in Warsaw is presented through official documents and letters written by Friedrich August de Rossi, secretary of Italian affairs at the Saxon-Polish court. This includes a description of a serenate performed at the fifty-seventh birthday of Brühl in August 1757, and evidence is provided which strongly suggests that the music, the so-called “Endimione” serenate, was specially composed by Galuppi for this occasion. Finally, details of the musical manuscripts being sent from Warsaw to Dresden in 1763 and the cataloguing of the collection is presented, in addition to an account of a previously unknown visit of Galuppi to the Saxon capital in 1765.

The paper deals with a 15 century psalter that was kept in Franciscan convent at Kampor on Rab Island. In 1986 it was stolen, thrown away and later found in the sea by local fishermen. It was entirely destroyed.In this way, another worthy historical testimony disappeared from otherwise opulent heritage of this Dalmatian island. Author has made an effort to reconstruct the destroyed manuscript through comparison with Dalmatian Franciscan manuscripts from both Zadar and Dubrovnik, chosen mostly because of their common contents. In literature, Kampor manuscript was concisely published long ago - in 1917 - by H. Folnesics, with a black-andwhite photo of a single figural initial (fig. 8). In 1995, A. Badurina published a colour photo of a whole folium 57’ with a figural miniature (fig. 1). In 2004, this was apparently enough for M. Medica to attribute these miniatures to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, active during the second half of the 15th century.On the basis of the thorough descriptions by H. Folnesics and A. Badurina, it was obvious that the codex contained eight figural miniatures in total, with few decorative ones in addition. Author had assumed that the legacy of A. Badurina could contain few more photos of Rab miniatures and began the quest in the photo archive of Zagreb Institute of Art History. Consequently, photos were found: four, previously unpublished black-and-white reproductions of figural initials allowed further understanding of the lost codex illuminations. One of theminiatures with the figure of Christ (fig. 3) entirely matched a figural initial (fig. 2) from a privately owned folio that was exhibited in 1998 and published in the catalogue La miniatura a Ferrara dal tempo di Cosmè Tura all’eredità di Ercole de’ Roberti, (ed. F. Toniolo), published in 1998. M. Medica has attributed this folium to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, unaware of psalter’s original context. All of the abovementioned led to conclusion that the the most valuable folios have been cut from the codex that was thrown in the sea in order to ease the trafficking. These new findings have facilitated an, at least partial, reconstruction of destroyed psalter’s figural contents. Miniatures have been distributed according to the liturgical division of psalter, in the way that the initialpsalm for each of the weekdays began with an initial adorned with a figural miniature, as was usual with contemporary examples.The distribution of the miniatures: first image is related do Psalm I (ff: Ps I) on f. 4, illustrating the beginning of text Beatus vir, (fig. 5), related to Sunday. It is followed by Monday, on f. 29 Dominus illumination mea, Ps XXVI, with no preserved reproduction. On f. 44, there is a Tuesday text: Dixi: custodiam vias meas, ut non delinquam in lingua sua from Ps XXXVIII. Its reproduction has not been preserved. Wednesday’s f. 57’: Dixi insipiens in corde suo, Ps LII, with a colour representation of the entire folium (fig. 1), showing a figure of a reckless man. On Thursdayf. 70: Salvum me fac, Deus, quoniam intraverunt aque usque ad animam mea, Ps LXVII (fig. 8). The Friday f. 88: Exultate deo adiutori nostro: jubilate deo Jacob, Ps LXXX (fig. 9), and the Saturday f. 101’ Cantate dominon canticum novum, Ps XCVII (fig. 10). The eighth miniature is related to Ps CIX, with verses Dixit Dominus Domino meo, used to commence the vespers. This folium is the only one that has been preserved (fig. 2) and whose original context is proved by a black-and-white photo from Zagreb Institute of Art History (fig. 3).Except for a general confirmation of the suggested attribution to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, author points out to some of the corresponding miniatures from codices illustrated by that miniaturist, particularly thecompositions that haven’t been preserved in the photoarchives of Rab codex (figs. 4, 6, 7, 11).Finally, author dates the psalter before 1445, year of the foundation of Kampor Franciscan convent in which it had been used, furthermore pointing out that the name of the Rab aristocrat who financed theconstruction was Petrus de Zaro, and not Car as was generally accepted in the literature.

Latar Belakang: Perilaku diit pada prinsip gizi dan perencanaan makan merupakan salah satu kendala pada pasien diabetes. Penderita diabetes banyak yang merasa tersiksa sehubungan dengan jenis dan jumlah makanan yang dianjurkan. Pada tahun 2016 di Poliklinik Penyakit Dalam RSI Sultan Hadlirin Jepara ditemukan kasus DM sebanyak 4.022 orang .Tujuan : Untuk mengetahui hubungan pengetahuan, sikap, dan status ekonomi dengan perilaku diit pada Pasien DM Rawat Jalan di RSI Jepara.Metode: Penelitian ini adalah korelasi. Desain yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah cross sectional. Populasi pada penelitian ini adalah pasien DM yang sedang berobat di Poli rawat jalan penyakit dalam RSI Sultan Hadlirin Jepara yaitu sebanyak 398 orang. Sampel ditentukan dengan rumus slovin dipeoleh sebanyak 80 orang. Teknik pengambilan sampel yang digunakan adalah accidental sampling, Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan uji Chi square. Hasil penelitian : Pasien DM yang mempunyai pengetahuan baik tentang diit sebesar 43,8%. Pasien DM yang memiliki sikap mendukung diit sebesar 46,2%. Sebagian besar pasien DM mempunyai pendapatan lebih dari Rp. 1.600.000,- atau lebih dari upah minimum kabupaten (UMK) sebanyak 52 orang (65%). Ada hubungan antara pengetahuan dengan perilaku diit bagi penderita DM (p value = 0,040 < 0,05). Ada hubungan antara sikap dengan perilaku diit bagi penderita DM (p value = 0,040 < 0,05). Tidak ada hubungan antara status ekonomi dengan perilaku diit bagi penderita DM (p value = 0.288 > 0,05). Faktor yang paling dominan dalam hubungan dengan perilaku diit bagi penderita DM adalah sikap sebesar 68,35 %,.Simpulan : Ada hubungan pengetahuan dan sikap terhadap perilaku diit bagi penderita DM. Tidak ada hubungan status ekonomi terhadap perilaku diit bagi penderita DM.