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Journal articles on the topic 'Doha Agreement'

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Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 1 August 2025

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1

Abazaj, Ersila. "TRIPS Agreement and the experience of Kenya regarding patents and compulsory licensing of HIV/AIDS drugs." Balkan Journal of Interdisciplinary Research 10, no. 3 (2024): 22–29. https://doi.org/10.2478/bjir-2024-0022.

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Abstract Although the TRIPS Agreement establishes minimum standards for the protection of intellectual property, it also leaves some room for policy interpretation by WTO members, whether they are developed or developing nations. This allows them to implement the Agreement’s provisions in a variety of ways and to enact legislation in areas that are not covered by the Agreement’s minimum standards. The Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health specifically recognizes the importance of the implementation of TRIPS flexibilities for the design of a pro-competitive intellectual property system an

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2

Hindley, Brian. "The Draft Doha Round Anti–Dumping Agreement." Global Trade and Customs Journal 3, Issue 7/8 (2008): 231–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2008033.

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Abbott, Frederick M. "The WTO Medicines Decision: World Pharmaceutical Trade and the Protection of Public Health." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 2 (2005): 317–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1562501.

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On November 14,2001, the Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, meeting in Doha, Qatar, adopted the Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health (Doha Declaration). The declaration affirms that the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights “can and should be interpreted and implemented in a manner supportive of WTO Members’ right to protect public health and, in particular, to promote access to medicines for all,” and it reaffirms that the Agreement “provide[s] flexibility for this purpose.” The Doha Declaration mandated further negotiation

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Deitos, Marc Antoni. "Antidumping e a Organização Mundial do Comércio: da emergência à incerteza da regulação internacional/Anti-dumping and the World Trade Organization: from the emergency to the uncertainty of the international regulation." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (2015): 608–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.08.p608.

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Esse artigo tem como objetivo analisar a mudança de padrão do comportamento dos Estados nas negociações dos sucessivos acordos antidumping do sistema multilateral de comércio desde Bretton Woods. Parte-se do estudo histórico do comportamento dos Estados em relação aos códigos antidumping, após o fechamento das Rodadas Kennedy, Tóquio e Uruguai, e as reformas que se seguiram nas legislações domésticas dos signatários. Demonstra-se que, historicamente, os países aproximaram as práticas internas aos acordos multilaterais. Contudo, o mandato de abertura para negociar um novo acordo antidumping em

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Cardwell, Michael, and Fiona Smith. "RENEGOTIATION OF THE WTO AGREEMENT ON AGRICULTURE: ACCOMMODATING THE NEW BIG ISSUES." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 62, no. 4 (2013): 865–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589313000341.

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AbstractThe WTO Agreement on Agriculture was designed to maximize trade flows at a time of surplus agricultural production. It required Members to open markets and to reduce domestic and export subsidies. Proposals for reform in the Doha Round negotiations largely adopt the same pattern. Yet, as surplus is replaced by shortage, Members are increasingly concerned about food security and the impact of agriculture on climate change. And contemporary agricultural policies crystallize around ‘sustainable intensification’, where domestic production is promoted, but not at the expense of future produ

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Maley, William, and Ahmad Shuja Jamal. "Diplomacy of Disaster: The Afghanistan ‘Peace Process’ and the Taliban Occupation of Kabul." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 17, no. 1 (2022): 32–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10089.

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Summary On 29 February 2020 in Doha, the United States signed an ‘Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan’ with the extremist Taliban movement. Yet on 15 August 2021, the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul. This article argues that the Doha Agreement did not simply precede the Taliban takeover; in significant ways it contributed to it. In its negotiation, content and implementation, it created destructive incentives for domestic and international parties, and it had effects on mass psychology in Afghanistan that its creators seemed not to have anticipated or understood.

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Raturi, Rishab, and Sanjay Notani. "A Plurilateral E-Commerce Agreement: Skirting the Doha Impasse." Global Trade and Customs Journal 12, Issue 7/8 (2017): 277–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2017037.

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Increased discussions at the WTO on E-commerce demonstrate a strong interest amongst many WTO Members to introduce new rules to regulate digital trade. However, these discussions have primarily been exploratory; substantive discussions under a formal mechanism have not yet been initiated. Moreover, several legal and political challenges present themselves as potential obstacles to the on-going discussion. Given these circumstances, this article argues that a ‘ critical mass ’ based-plurilateral agreement approach amongst ‘ like-minded ’ WTO Members, with extension of benefits on Most Favoured

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8

Christy, David S. "The Problems Facing the Doha Development Agenda." Global Economy Journal 8, no. 2 (2008): 1850137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1367.

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The prospects of successfully concluding the Doha Development Agenda negotiations in 2008 are poor. Even a basic agreement on major issues with details to be filled in later is unlikely. Possibly, there may be an agreement this year on modalities. Deep divisions remain in all major negotiating areas—agriculture, non-agricultural market access (NAMA), services and rules. Moreover, in some respects, the Members do not even agree on the form the negotiations should take, e.g., the level of importance to be accorded to services.

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9

Yu, Peter K. "Access to Medicines, BRICS Alliances, and Collective Action." American Journal of Law & Medicine 34, no. 2-3 (2008): 345–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880803400210.

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On December 6, 2005, shortly before the World Trade Organization (“WTO”) Ministerial Conference in Hong Kong, WTO member states agreed to accept a protocol of amendment to the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (“TRIPs Agreement”). This amendment sought to provide a permanent solution to implement paragraph 6 of the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health (“Doha Declaration”). If ratified, the new article 31bis of the TRIPs Agreement will allow countries with insufficient or no manufacturing capacity to import generic versions of on-patent phar

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10

Zhafir, Ali Zhafir Talmullah. "Realisasi Perjanjian Perdamaian DOHA Dialogue antara Afaghanistan-Amerika Serikat dan Taliban Periode Kepemimpinan Ashraf Ghani." Jurnal Ilmu Hubungan Internasional LINO 2, no. 2 (2022): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31605/lino.v2i2.1571.

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The long conflict that occurred in Afghanistan resulted in many casualties and setbacks in the field of peace. The events that took place on the land were the aftermath of foreign occupations under the pretext of promoting the progress and prosperity of the Afghan state. The difference in peaceful views between the United States and the Afghan government is different from the Taliban, so the three parties do not stop carrying out attacks. The United States and the Government of Afghanistan consider that the definition of peace is a situation in which extremist groups including the Taliban no l

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11

BUREAU, JEAN-CHRISTOPHE, SÉBASTIEN JEAN, and ALAN MATTHEWS. "The consequences of agricultural trade liberalization for developing countries: distinguishing between genuine benefits and false hopes." World Trade Review 5, no. 2 (2006): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474560600276x.

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Recent analyses suggest that the impact of agricultural trade liberalization on developing countries will be very uneven. The Doha Round focuses on tariff issues, but some developing countries currently have practically duty-free access to European and North American markets under preferential regimes. Multilateral liberalization will erode the benefits of these preferences, which are presently rather well utilized in the agricultural sector. While South American and East Asian countries should benefit from an agricultural agreement, African and Caribbean countries are unlikely to do so. The m

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ODELL, JOHN S. "How Should the WTO Launch and Negotiate a Future Round?" World Trade Review 14, no. 1 (2015): 117–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561400038x.

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AbstractIf WTO Members wish to launch a new round to follow Doha, setting the agenda will require a complex negotiation as in the past, however Doha ends. To reduce the serious information problems they face and prepare the way, advocates should commission an independent research team to produce a comprehensive negotiation analysis before they decide to move further. Reaching an agreement on an agenda will depend on the procedural rules that apply in the agenda negotiation and the subsequent Round. They should consider four rules that seem legitimate today and most likely to help Members find

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HOEKMAN, BERNARD, WILL MARTIN, and AADITYA MATTOO. "Conclude Doha: it matters!" World Trade Review 9, no. 3 (2010): 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745610000297.

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AbstractThe Doha Round must be concluded not because it will produce dramatic liberalization but because it will create greater security of market access. Its conclusion would strengthen, symbolically and substantively, the WTO's valuable role in restraining protectionism. What is on the table would constrain the scope for tariff protection in all goods, ban agricultural export subsidies in the industrial countries and sharply reduce the scope for distorting domestic support – by 70% in the EU and 60% in the US. Average farm tariffs that exporters face would fall to 12% (from 14.5%) and the ta

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da Conceição-Heldt, Eugénia. "The Clash of Negotiations: The Impact of Outside Options on Multilateral Trade Negotiations." International Negotiation 18, no. 1 (2013): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341247.

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Abstract While the number of preferential trade agreements (PTA) has increased rapidly in recent years, the Doha round of multilateral trade negotiations has been deadlocked since 2006. Most PTAs were even concluded after the start of the Doha round. Does the shift to PTAs “marginalize” the multilateral system? And is there a clash between preferential and multilateral trade liberalization? To answer these questions, we build upon negotiation analysis literature, arguing that the proliferation of PTAs draws negotiating capacity away from the multilateral level and thus reduces the incentives t

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Doroshenko, Gleb A. "The Evolution of US-Qatar Political-Military Co-operation: From a Security Agreement to a Strategic Partnership." Asia & Africa today, no. 10 (December 15, 2024): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0321507524100095.

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In recent years, Russia has paid special attention to co-operation with the Arab monarchies of the Gulf. Despite pressure from the United States and Western countries, the states of the region have not joined the diplomatic pressure and sanctions regimes. However, not all countries from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are equally open to deepening co-operation with Russia. For example, Qatar has a more restrained stance on cooperation with Moscow. This is due to special relationship between Doha and Washington. Moments that have contributed to the formation of an essentially allied relation

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Yilmazcan, Abdulkadir. "The Slow Train to Reforming Anti-Dumping Measures." Amicus Curiae 3, no. 2 (2022): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/ac.v3i2.5415.

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This essay examines the need for and slow progress towards a revision of the Anti-Dumping Agreement. There are ongoing negotiations on the Anti-Dumping Agreement, but they are without positive outcomes. Several reasons account for this failure such as the deadlock in the Doha Development Round, mega trade agreements and the unwillingness of top anti-dumping users to engage in meaningful reform. In this paper, alternative solutions are proposed to settle the hidden trade protectionism in anti-dumping investigations. Normative solutions include a comprehensive reform of the Anti-Dumping Agreemen

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17

Wu, Hao. "Customs Cooperation in the WTO: From Uruguay to Doha." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 5 (2017): 843–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017033.

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From the Uruguay Round to the Doha Round, the issue of customs cooperation has been discussed in the World Trade Organization (WTO). Customs cooperation in the context of the WTO is mainly conducted in three dimensions: the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), customs valuation, and trade facilitation. Article 69 of the TRIPS provides for customs cooperation against trade in goods infringing intellectual property rights, particularly counterfeit trademark goods and pirated copyright goods. Customs cooperation under customs valuation deals with the truth o

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18

Begum, I. "Russian Reassertion in Afghanistan: Implications of the Doha Peace Agreement 2020." Modern History of Russia 13, no. 2 (2023): 430–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu24.2023.211.

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The research aims to explore the causes of Russian reassertion in Afghanistan and delves into its impact on the peace process. Russia has a deep-rooted history in Afghanistan. At the peak of its power, it sent troops to Kabul to protect the communist regime but faced strong resistance from the Afghan people. The Soviet- backed Afghan regime and the Soviet forces tried to control the insurgency for ten years; eventually, it had to pull back all troops from Afghanistan. The extended engagement in Kabul worsened internal conditions in Russia which attempted to prevent them from the Afghan scenari

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19

Andersson, Erik. "Who Needs Effective Doha Negotiations, and Why?" International Negotiation 17, no. 1 (2012): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180612x630983.

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AbstractThe growth and resilience of world trade indicate that the original aim of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) has been largely fulfilled. This success makes the economic interest of parties in the Doha Development Round (DDR) less clear. This article analyzes how countries express their interests in the Doha round, based on their reactions to the breakdown in Geneva in July 2008. A qualitative analysis of these reactions reveals that the interests of the actors differ considerably. Only a minority of the member countries express an interest in negotiations congruent with

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Martins, Fernanda de Castro Brandão. "hegemon’s outside option: mega-regional trade agreements and United States trade policy." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 8, no. 1 (2019): 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2019.v8n1.08.p142.

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The United States is facing growing challenges to the advancement of its interests in the World Trade Organization. The assertiveness of emerging countries in advancing their interests in the Doha Round made the achievement of a deal almost impossible. Slow progress is being made (the Trade Facilitation Agreement, for example), but no broad and significant trade deal has been reached so far. There are ongoing suggestions that the Doha round should be abandoned for good. The TPP and TTIP represented two shots the United States has taken to advance its trade interests outside the scope of the WT

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Sauvé, Pierre. "Towards a plurilateral Trade in Services Agreement (TISA): Challenges and prospects." Journal of International Commerce, Economics and Policy 05, no. 01 (2014): 1440006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793993314400067.

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This paper addresses a number of policy challenges arising from ongoing attempts to negotiate a plurilateral Trade in Services Agreement (TISA), a recently launched plurilateral negotiating initiative coexisting uneasily alongside the World Trade Organisation's General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), particularly in the context of the ongoing Doha Development Agenda. While the TISA offers scope for imparting much needed forward movement to a policy area of central economy-wide and trade importance, such progress, even if realized within the narrower confines of a preferential trade agre

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22

Soprano, Roberto. "Doha Reform of WTO Export Credit Provisions in the SCM Agreement: The Perspective of Developing Countries." Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 3 (2010): 611–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010022.

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Export credit instruments are important tools for enterprises used by developing and developed countries to face risks of default of transactions and to offer purchasers extended payment of their goods. Although they contribute to foster international trade, their misuse is likely to distort competition in the marketplace. In order to prevent competition being based on the amount of support received by the domestic Export Credit Agencies more than on price and quality of goods traded, states developed international rules within the framework of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Dev

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Majchrowska, Elżbieta. "EU–New Zealand Relations – towards a New Trade Agreement." Teka Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych 14, no. 2 (2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/teka.2019.14.2.103-118.

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<p>Trudności w zakończeniu negocjacji w ramach Rundy Rozwoju z Doha oraz dynamicznie zmieniające się środowisko międzynarodowe (w tym polityka USA i Chin) sprzyjają zacieśnianiu współpracy UE z innymi partnerami. Dlatego też Regionalne Porozumienia Handlowe (RTAs)stanowią coraz bardziej istotny element zagranicznej polityki handlowej UE, a szczególnie zauważalne jest w tym kontekście zainteresowanie regionem Azji i Pacyfiku. W przedstawionej w 2015 r. strategii handlowej i inwestycyjnej UE „Handel z korzyścią dla wszystkich” wyraźnie podkreślono znaczenie Nowej Zelandii jako partnera han

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Abbott, Frederick M. "The Trips Agreement, Access to Medicines, and the Wto Doha Ministerial Conference." Journal of World Intellectual Property 5, no. 1 (2005): 15–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1796.2002.tb00147.x.

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Weir, Adam, Peter Brukner, Eamonn Delahunt, et al. "Doha agreement meeting on terminology and definitions in groin pain in athletes." British Journal of Sports Medicine 49, no. 12 (2015): 768–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjsports-2015-094869.

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Taylor, Rachel, Zarko Vuckovic, Andrea Mosler, et al. "Multidisciplinary Assessment of 100 Athletes With Groin Pain Using the Doha Agreement." Clinical Journal of Sport Medicine 28, no. 4 (2018): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/jsm.0000000000000469.

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Popovic, Vesna, Branko Katic, and Ruzica Cvetkovic. "Doha round of WTO negotiations and trade liberalization in Serbian agriculture." Ekonomski anali 53, no. 176 (2008): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0876061p.

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The accession of Serbia to the WTO is expected in 2008. In negotiations process, the most difficult is to reach agreement in agriculture. This sector is very sensitive in market access for biotechnological, economical and social reasons. The level of sensitivity varies between production branches. In the course of defining the schedules of market access commitments, it is crucial to keep in mind the need of reconciliation dynamics and level of market liberalization with the obligations comprised in the EU Stabilization and Association Agreement. Export support policy also must conform to the D

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Yashar Aghamaliyeva, Sara. "Patent Hüquqlarının Tətbiqi və Dərman Vasitələrinin Əlçatanlığı Mövzusunda Beynəlxalq Müqavilələrin Rolu". SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 10, № 6 (2022): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/10/35-38.

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International recognition of intellectual property rights was achieved after adopting the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property and the Berne Convention for the Protection of Literary and Artistic Works. Afterward, the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights was adopted to establish minimum standards for the regulation of intellectual property by the national legislation of the member countries. On the other hand, there are international agreements, such as the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and the United Nations In

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Scott, James. "The Use and Misuse of Trade Negotiation Simulations." Journal of World Trade 42, Issue 1 (2008): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2008003.

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The Doha Round of trade talks was suspended following the inability of the key players to find a mutually satisfactory agreement. One contributory factor to the problems the negotiations have faced has been the significant improvement in developing countries’ awareness of the costs and benefits of the offers being made, as a result of a huge expansion in the availability of economic analyses being performed by a diverse array of agencies, much of it focused specifically on the effects on developing countries. While in the Uruguay Round and before many developing countries had little understand

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Rehulina, Rehulina, Ria Wierma Putri, and Yunita Maya Putri. "Pengaturan Sektor Jasa Pendidikan Indonesia Dalam Kerangka Liberalisasi WTO." PROGRESIF: Jurnal Hukum 16, no. 1 (2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/progresif.v16i1.2071.

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Pengaturan perdagangan jasa dalam General Agreement on Trade and Services-World Trade Organizations dalam bidang jasa diatur pada pada putaran Doha bersama dengan 12 Sektor perdagangan lainnya yang merupakan kompromi antara negara berkembang dengan negara maju. Pengaturan liberalisasi perdagangan jasa dalam General Agreement on Trade and Services-World Trade Organizations pada sektor pendidikan di Indonesia telah terimplementasi pada Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 1999 Tentang Sistem Pendidikan Nasional dan Undang-Undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2012 Tentang Perguruan Tinggi. Kata Kunci: GATS, Liber

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Panezi, Maria. "The Two Noble Kinsmen: Internal and Legal Transparency in the WTO and Their Connection to Preferential and Regional Trade Agreements." British Journal of American Legal Studies 5, no. 2 (2016): 539–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjals-2016-0019.

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Abstract The proliferation of Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) and Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) has given rise to significant debate on the need to measure, understand and possibly regulate the impact these agreements have on the multilateral trading system under the umbrella of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This article will discuss the two Doha Transparency Mechanisms (legal transparency) regarding regional trade agreements, as they appear in two General Council decisions from 2006 and 2010. I will argue based on a closer look and a consistent interpretation of Paragraph 10 of

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Parízek, Michal. "An Analysis of Multilateral Negotiations in the World Trade Organization." Czech Journal of International Relations 49, no. 2 (2014): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.293.

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The Doha round of negotiations in the World Trade Organization (WTO)constitutes one of the prime cases of current multilateral negotiations. Butin the more than twelve years of the negotiations, little progress has beenachieved. Given this, I ask whether there is at all any zone of possibleagreement in the Doha round. To answer the question, I present a largenew dataset on the negotiation positions of the almost fifty largest WTOmembers. The dataset is based on a manual coding of the statements bythe member states’ ministers at the ministerial conferences in the years1996–2011. After the aggre

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Bouzas, Roberto, and Julieta Zelicovich. "La Organización Mundial de Comercio, los acuerdos mega-regionales y los usos estratégicos del regionalismo." Studies of Applied Economics 32, no. 3 (2020): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v32i3.3244.

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The paralysis of the Doha Round, the proliferation of preferential trade agreement and the launching of mega-regional trade negotiations have encouraged the debate about the governance of international trade. In contrast to a benign interpretation of the relationship between “XXI century regionalism” and the multilateral trade regime, we argue that there is a remarkable continuity between the incentives and characteristics of the “new regionalism” and those of “XXI century regionalism”. Even when the content of the regulatory agenda may have reduced the discriminatory nature of the new agreeme

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Robles Jr, Alfredo C. "Negotiating Services with ASEAN: The EU between the WTO and Japan." European Foreign Affairs Review 16, Issue 3 (2011): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2011026.

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In future Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between the EU and individual Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) members, trade in services will feature prominently. Such negotiations will be constrained by the network of ASEAN's bilateral Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with Japan, because the EPAs' approach differs from the EU approach at the World Trade Organization's Doha Round in two ways. First, Japan adopted the approach to services trade liberalization favoured by ASEAN. Second, Japan accepted ASEAN's regulations in the services sectors that they liberalized and al

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Poczta-Wajda, Agnieszka. "Measuring domestic agricultural support in developed countries in the light of the WTO regulations." Wieś i Rolnictwo, no. 1 (158) (March 20, 2013): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.53098/wir.2013.1.158/02.

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This paper deals with an issue of measuring and reducing the level of agricultural domestic support within the provisions of the WTO in developed countries. The emphasis is put on the analysis of the implementation process of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture in the field of domestic support, as well as on explaining its impact on the agricultural policy in chosen countries. It also presents an alternative way of measuring the domestic support using popular PSE index compiled by the OECD. Finally, it suggests some improvements in the way the trade distorting programmes might be assess

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Martin, Antoine, and Bryan Mercurio. "Doha dead and buried in Nairobi: lessons for the WTO." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 16, no. 1 (2017): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-01-2017-0001.

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Purpose This paper aims to reflect on the outcomes of the Nairobi Ministerial Conference of 2015, which, for all intents and purposes, put the Doha Round to rest and analyses the policy implications and lessons for policymaking at the World Trade Organization (WTO), most importantly the abandonment of the “single undertaking” and return to plurilateral agreements. Design/methodology/approach The paper approaches the issue of WTO policymaking by analysing the various outputs produced both before and because of the Ministerial Conference. Findings The paper suggests that the Nairobi Ministerial

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Stevovic, Jelena. "Crisis of the Doha cycle of multilateral trade negotiations and EU: Developing countries relations." Medjunarodni problemi 58, no. 3 (2006): 294–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0603294s.

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The author deals with the new cycle of multilateral trade negotiations that started in Doha in 2001. Since then, the main question has remained to be how to overcome the radically different priorities of developed and developing countries. EU insists on expanding the WTO regulation system. Developing countries were against broadening of the negotiations, especially not to development that is not directly related to the trade dimension. The clash appeared in the form of a crisis of the multilateral system but also in the form of a crisis of confidence in WTO. The general agreement signed by the

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Leal-Arcas, Rafael. "Services as Key for the Conclusion of the Doha Round." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 35, Issue 4 (2008): 301–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2008023.

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This article aims to stress the importance of services negotiations for the conclusion of the Doha Round. It is argued in the article that trade in services is of high importance for the economies of both developed and developing countries, and that there remains substantial scope for many World Trade Organization (WTO) countries to make further commitments towards greater liberalization within the services sectors and within all modes of supply provided in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). After an explanation of the notion of trade in services, the article analyzes the GATS,

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Simonyan, Ani. "International Patent Law Conflicts With the Right of Access to Medicines and Healthcare: Key Aspects." Bulletin of Yerevan University C: Jurisprudence 14, no. 2 (39) (2023): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:c/2023.14.2.131.

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This article is dedicated to the legal conflicts between international patent law and the right ofaccess to medicines and healthcare. This article discusses the problem above under the light ofthe framework of the international agreements, mainly WTO Agreement on Trade-RelatedAspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS Agreement) and Doha Declaration on the TRIPSagreement and public health. As we know, patents give exclusive rights to the inventors to usetheir innovations for a long period of time. This limits the ability of public to get easy access tomedications, consequently to indispens

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Arrowsmith, S. "Reviewing the GPA: The Role and Development of the Plurilateral Agreement After Doha." Journal of International Economic Law 5, no. 4 (2002): 761–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiel/5.4.761.

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Cardwell, Michael, and Christopher Rodgers. "Reforming the WTO Legal Order for Agricultural Trade: Issues for European Rural Policy in the Doha Round." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no. 4 (2006): 805–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei131.

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AbstractEuropean farm policy has undergone radical change in recent years, culminating in the Agenda 2000 reforms to the Common Agricultural Policy agreed in 1999 and then their Mid-Term Review in 2003. In particular, subsidy payments have been substantially ‘decoupled’ from production and switched decisively towards providing income support for farmers under a new ‘single farm payment’ scheme. These reforms have been predicated upon the need to win acceptance for Community farm subsidies in the Doha Round of WTO negotiations. This article examines the new law of the Common Agricultural Policy

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Echols, Marsha A. "Geographical Indications for Foods, Trips and the Doha Development Agenda." Journal of African Law 47, no. 2 (2003): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855303002092.

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Geographical indications (GI's) for foods link a quality or characteristic of a product to its locality of origin. GI's usually represent traditional or artisanal knowledge and techniques, yet they are recognized as a form of intellectual property. A GI may propel a food or beverage product from commodity status (blue cheese) into the high value niche or gourmet market (Roquefort cheese) and, consequently, can have a positive social and economic impact on farmers and rural development. African teas, coffees and other special products might benefit from greater international recognition and pro

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ADLUNG, RUDOLF, PETER MORRISON, MARTIN ROY, and WEIWEI ZHANG. "FOG in GATS commitments – why WTO Members should care." World Trade Review 12, no. 1 (2012): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745611000486.

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AbstractThe entry into force of the General Agreement on Trade in Services in 1995 marked a new stage in the history of the multilateral system. Given the peculiarities of services trade, the Agreement contains a variety of conceptual innovations, including its extension to transactions (modes of supply), beyond conventional cross-border trade, and various types of non-tariff restrictions. In turn, the new concepts needed time to be absorbed by the ministries and agencies involved, many of which might have been surprised by ‘their’ sectors being covered by a trade agreement and the ensuing gov

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Afandi Rambe, Mhd Faisal Anwar, and Nuri Aslami. "PERAN PERTANIAN DI INDONESIA DALAM MEMASUKI PERDAGANGAN INTERNASIONAL." Journal Of Social Research 1, no. 3 (2022): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.55324/josr.v1i3.52.

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Trade on Agriculture has been reformed since January 1995. ft was a result of Uruguay Round and stated on Agreement on Agriculture. However, its implementations hove given negative aspects to developing countries. It was caused by the malfunction of specific protection mechanism. Besides, special and differential treatment, created by developed countries, is not implemented effectively. Accordingly, sector on Agriculture has been being negotiated since the Doha Round in 2001

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Adlung, Rudolf, and Hamid Mamdouh. "How to Design Trade Agreements in Services: Top Down or Bottom-Up?" Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 2 (2014): 191–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014008.

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This article deals with claims, recently raised in various circles, that structural faults in the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) have prevented WTO Members from advancing services liberalization under the Agreement. The GATS is generally associated in this context with a bottom-up (positive-list) scheduling approach where the sectors on which trade commitments are undertaken are selected individually. This is claimed to be less efficient, in terms of liberalization effects, than alternative approaches under which everything is considered to be fully committed unless specifically

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Heydon, Kenneth. "Plurilateral Agreements and Global Trade Governance: A Lesson from the OECD." Journal of World Trade 48, Issue 5 (2014): 1039–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2014036.

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A key lesson from failure at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to negotiate a multilateral agreement on investment is that attempts to reduce barriers to trade and investment will fail without broad-based domestic support for open markets. This article applies that lesson to the faltering Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations and argues that the deadlock is due to the collective failure to make-the-case for liberalization rather than, as is commonly suggested, the systemic constraints of a 'single undertaking' or the ascendancy of emerging powers. Deadloc

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Harvey, David. "What prospects for a Doha Round Agreement on Agriculture? Quel avenir pour un accord du cycle de Doha sur l'agriculture? Welche Aussichten für ein Abkommen über Landwirtschaft (AoA) in der Doha-Runde?" EuroChoices 6, no. 2 (2007): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-692x.2007.00065.x.

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Prekajac, Zora. "Agriculture and developing countries in the new round of negotiations within WTO." Privredna izgradnja 48, no. 1-2 (2005): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/priz0502053p.

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The Ministerial Conference held in Doha (Qatar) launched a new round of multilateral trade negotiations in World Trade Organization. It is called the development round because the interests and needs of developing countries are in the focus of negotiations. One of the most important (and controversial) questions is the liberalization of international trade in agricultural products. The beginning of that process was the conclusion of the Agreement on agriculture during the Uruguay Round which was followed by the negotiations initiated in 2000. The negotiations are supposed to finish until the e

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Peng, Junlei. "Sino-US Trade Frictions on Non-automatic Export Licensing under the WTO Sino-US Trade Frictions on NAEL under the WTO." Global Trade and Customs Journal 4, Issue 6 (2009): 195–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2009024.

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Though fruitful, the World Trade Organization (WTO) Doha Round negotiations seem to be reaching a deadlock. It is hard to say when and how the next ministerial conference is to resume. The Doha Round negotiations appear extremely difficult, especially with regard to more substantial issues such as those concerning agricultural trade. This paper therefore attempts to introduce and analyze another relatively rarely touched issue in the WTO negotiations, that of non-automatic export licensing (NAEL). In the history of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the WTO forum, these issu

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Singh, J. P., and Surupa Gupta. "Agriculture and Its Discontents: Coalitional Politics at the wto with Special Reference to India’s Food Security Interests." International Negotiation 21, no. 2 (2016): 295–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341334.

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The demise of the Doha round of trade negotiations is often attributed to deadlocks in agricultural negotiations between the developed and the developing world. Why has agriculture been so difficult to negotiate? This article explains North-South agricultural negotiations through the lens of coalition politics, especially the shift from bloc to issue-based diplomacy from the developing world. We argue against the proposition in the negotiation literature that multiple coalitions at the international level allow negotiators room to maneuver. Our study shows that bloc coalitions in fact allowed

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