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Journal articles on the topic "Doha Development Agenda (2001- ) http"
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Lim, Chin Leng. "China and the Doha Development Agenda." Journal of World Trade 44, Issue 6 (December 1, 2010): 1309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2010050.
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In contrast to early predictions during its accession, China has not sought to play a leadership role in the Doha Round negotiations or to rewrite WTO rules in a systemic manner. However, China’s role in the negotiations came into prominence during the ‘mini-ministerial’ held in Geneva in July 2008. Now included in the seven-member group (G-7), China came under fire from the United States and the European Union for failing to demonstrate greater leadership. This article seeks to explain the nature of that criticism and argues that over-reliance on the question of ‘Chinese leadership’ as an explanatory concept could aggravate broader misperceptions about China’s position in the Doha Round. According to these misperceptions, China has ‘broken cover’ and that it has become more ‘assertive’ while becoming more ‘protectionist’. In other words, there is the view today that China has emerged as a fresh obstacle to the conclusion of the Doha Round talks. This article analyses that misreading and argues that an analysis of China’s position in the negotiations must be tempered by a more nuanced understanding of certain tensions and mixed positions within China’s overall approach. The article seeks to explain China’s current position in the goods negotiations, on agriculture and non-agricultural market access, and in the services and rules negotiations. It also tries to explain the complexities of China’s alignment with developing country members and how that is likely to translate into various negotiating positions on specific issues. Finally, the article discusses a range of factors that are likely to play an important, continuing role in shaping China’s perception of specific trade issues and, more importantly, its perception of the overall worth of an eventual outcome to the Doha Round. These range from China’s reflections on the success of the 2001 accession process, its domestic political constraints, the emergence of a successful FTA programme, and resort to out-of- WTO aid for developing country nations, as well as the potential longer term impact of the current global economic crisis.
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van Dijck, Pitou. "How to Save the Doha Round: A European Perspective." European Foreign Affairs Review 11, Issue 3 (August 1, 2006): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2006027.
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This article analyzes the rapidly changing context in which the negotiations on the Doha Development Agenda of the World Trade Organization take place, takes stock of the achievements so far, and attempts to delineate the main bottlenecks and conditions for a successful result, with special attention for the role of the EU. The challenges facing the negotiators have been daunting throughout the round, which started in November 2001: the agenda is broad and ambitious, the membership has expanded to 150, developing countries with clearly diverse interests have created coalitions, and at this stage time is clearly running out. So far, the intensified pace of meetings in all sorts of coalitions and subgroups has not resulted in a breakthrough in what is referred to as the ‘triangle of make-or-break issues’: domestic support and market access in agriculture, and industrial tariffs. A fiasco would not only be a missed opportunity to contribute to the prospects of worldwide economic growth and development but would moreover jeopardize the prospects of the WTO as a multilateral institution capable of serving the interests of developing and developed countries alike.
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Subedi, Surya P. "The Road From Doha: The Issues for the Development Round of the Wto and the Future of International Trade." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 2 (April 2003): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.2.425.
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After the debacle in Seattle in December 1999, the Fourth Ministerial Conference of WTO members took place successfully under tight security in the capital city, Doha, of the small Arabian state of Qatar in November 2001. The Doha conference did not adopt any new treaty or protocoll to add to the network of WTO agreements already in place. It did, however, approve a ‘broad and balance ’ work programme in the form of two declarations—a main declaration and one on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and public health, plus a decision on implementation designed to alleviate the difficulties of developing countries in implementing the existing WTO agreements. In other words, the Doha conference agreed on the nature and scope of the next round of trade negttiations, named as the ‘Development Round’. Although some least-developed countries had argued that ‘no new round should be started until there has been full implementation of the agreements concluded in the last Round, and an evaluation of their effects done’, the Doha Conference decided to start a new round of trade negotiations. How development oriented is the agenda of the new round of trade negotiations? What is going to be negotiated during th e negotiations? Is it indeed going to be a ‘Development Round’ in more than name? The object of this article is to analyse the background to the Doha conference, to assess the nature of negotiations at the conference and to evaluate its outcome.
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Putri, Karina Dwi Nugrahanti. "THE TRADE GOVERNANCE FRAMEWORK PROVIDED BY TRIPS AND CLAIM OF ‘PRO-DEVELOPMENT’ AGENDA." Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada 31, no. 2 (June 3, 2019): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jmh.36976.
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Having encountered objection from developing countries during previous negotiations, the WTO has tried to soften the framework of trade liberalisation in subsequent negotiations, held in Doha in 2001. In this round, the WTO gave rise to the ‘pro-development framework’ to attract fuller participation by developing countries. However, the development agenda had been assumed as a strategy in maintaining the superiority of advanced industrialised countries in applying ‘organised imbalance. This essay will discuss the implementation of special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing countries within TRIPS provisions. The promise of help through SDT for developing countries (as the majority of importer country of patented rights) is merely used as the medium with which to prioritise MNCs from developed countries which operate in developing countries.
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Dufour, Genevieve, and David Pavot. "WTO Negotiations: The Unfinished Doha Development Agenda and the Emergence of New Topics." Global Trade and Customs Journal 15, Issue 5 (May 1, 2020): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2020033.
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This article focuses on the state of progress of negotiations at the World Trade Organization. Since 2001, WTO Members have been working towards the conclusion of the Doha Development Round. While negotiations have been stagnant for a long time, the arrival of Roberto Azevêdo has brought a new impetus to the discussions and led to the adoption of the Bali Package in 2013, making it possible to close the debates on about 10% of the subjects. Unfortunately, the post-Bali discussions were less positive since, although they produced interesting results in some areas, they did not produce satisfactory results on one of the most important multilateral trade issues, namely domestic support measures for agriculture. Even more problematically, the Nairobi ministerial noted a new difficulty, namely a lack of consensus on the very content of future negotiations. In this context, the ministers met in Buenos Aires in 2017 without a clear agenda. With an American administration not very inclined to multilateralism, and a group of countries ready to block any progress that is not favourable to developing countries, this Ministerial was a dead end. However, the Buenos Aires Ministerial was marked by the creation of three informal working groups. In parallel, many Members enthusiastically joined an initiative of the International Trade Centre on the empowerment of women in trade, suggesting that a new theme may have emerged at the WTO. The Nur-Soultan Ministerial Conference in June 2020 will determine whether Members are ready for a redefinition of the Negotiating Agenda. WTO Ministerial Conference, Doha Round, Plurilateral initiatives, WTO à la carte, Negociation Agenda, Buenos Aires Ministerial Conference, Gender
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Das, Kasturi. "GATS 2000 Negotiations and India: Evolution and State of Play." Journal of World Trade 41, Issue 6 (December 1, 2007): 1185–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2007045.
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In the recent past, trade in services has emerged as one of the most contentious areas of the multilateral trade negotiations. In line with the “built-in” agenda of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), a new round of services negotiations, termed “GATS 2000”, was launched in January 2000, which were subsequently subsumed by the Doha Development Agenda in November 2001. India, from being a leading opponent of the GATS during the Uruguay Round, has now emerged as one of the forerunners of the services trade liberalization under the GATS. Given this backdrop, this article tracks the evolution of the GATS 2000 negotiations and puts forward a concise overview of the state of play, with a special reference to India.
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Smeets, Maarten. "Trade Capacity Building in the WTO: Main Achievements since Doha and Key Challenges." Journal of World Trade 47, Issue 5 (October 1, 2013): 1047–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2013035.
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This contribution reviews the WTO's achievements in the field of trade capacity building since the launch of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) in 2001, and discusses the key challenges. The DDA has clearly created a strong footing for the delivery of the WTO's trade capacity building programmes. The evidence suggests that the beneficiaries are now much better equipped to address the challenges of the Multilateral Trading System (MTS), to take active part in the negotiations, define their strategic objectives and defend their economic and trade interests. There is no room for complacency, however, as key challenges remain to be addressed. Human and institutional capacity building remain a priority for developing countries, and irrespective of the outcome of the DDA negotiations.
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Kanade, Mihir. "Chronicles of the Doha Wars: The Battle of Nairobi – Appraisal of the Tenth WTO Ministerial." Strathmore Law Journal 2, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v2i1.19.
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When Kenya’s President, Uhuru Kenyatta, opened the first ever World Trade Organisation (WTO) Ministerial Conference to be held on African soil, he knew that the Doha Development Agenda (DDA)1 ceremoniously agreed upon in 2001, and of which his country had been an ardent promoter, would be put under the guillotine. So much was made abundantly clear by Michael Froman, the United States of America Trade Representative (USTR), in an op-ed published in the Financial Times just two days prior to the Conference. Froman argued that "Doha was designed in a different era, for a different era, and much has changed since", and that "it is time for the world to free itself of the strictures of Doha’, before concluding presciently that ‘Nairobi will mark the end of an era". The Conference of 2015 closed with a Ministerial Declaration and the ‘Nairobi Package’ comprising a series of six Ministerial Decisions on agriculture, cotton and issues related to least developed countries (LDCs). WTO’s Director-General, Roberto Azevêdo, concluded with optimism that, similar to two years ago in Bali, the WTO had once again delivered ‘major, multilaterally-negotiated outcomes’ at Nairobi. All these things will be analyzed in the following lines.
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Anuradha, R. V. "Beyond Rules and Agreements: Reading the Tea Leaves." Global Trade and Customs Journal 14, Issue 7/8 (August 1, 2019): 352–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2019039.
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‘The even, uneven, and complex nature of the ground in the front or on the sides or in the rear should be examined.’ In the rapidly evolving stage of world trade, India needs to redefine its role from one that reacts to events, to one that shapes the same. The challenges to this are many: India is currently facing a spate of disputes at the WTO; its status as a developing country entitled to special and differential treatment is being questioned by a few countries, and; the development agenda for WTO reform on issues ranging from services to agriculture set forth at the Doha Round in 2001, remains unfinished. Since the 11th Ministerial Conference in 2017, the format for negotiations at the WTO has also changed with the mushrooming of ‘joint ministerial grounds’- which are informal groups dedicated to discussions on E-commerce, Investment Facilitation, Domestic Regulation in Services, and micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs). India has been sceptical about engaging with such issues, the concern being that when there is unfinished business under the WTO’s Doha Agenda, Members cannot divert attention to new issues without a clear mandate. India needs to develop a clear strategy to address each of these challenges. This article discusses a few options that India could consider in reshaping its vision and role in the world of trade.
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Kerremans, Bart, and Edith Drieskens. "Tussen schok en overgang : de Europese Unie in 2001." Res Publica 44, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2002): 279–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i2-3.18440.
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Without doubt, the year 2001 will remain identified with the terrorist attacks of september 11. To some extent, this goes for the European Union as well. The events of september 11 left an important mark on the European integration process, of which the development of the European arrest warrant is an important illustration. Nevertheless, as for the European Union, the year 2001 was more than a year of anti-terrorism measures. In the second semester of2001, the Belgian government assumed the presidency ofthe European Union. 2001 was also the year in which, only weeks after street violence disruputed the European Council ofGöteborg, a protester was killed in the margin ofthe G7-G8 Summit in Genova. In 2001, the gap between the European Union and the United States got larger for a number of policy fields, including National Missile Defence and the Kyoto Protocol. Yet, in the autumn of2001, both power blocks reconciliated at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar. In Doha, a new global round of trade negotiations was launched. As in previous years, in 2001, the enlargement process was high on the European agenda. As for the latter, for the first time, ten candidate countries were mentioned by name, making their accession in 2004 a more realistic scenario. The eastern enlargement will radically change the face of the European Union. The Belgian presidency anticipated this impeding metamorphosis and stimulated the adoption of the Laeken Declaration in december 2001. The Declaration laid the foundation for the Convention on the Future of Europe which started on February 28, 2002. The Declaration of Laeken was one of the European highlights of 2001. The low point was the Irish referendum of June 7, 2001, in which a majority of the Irish population rejected the Treaty of Nice. Both events reflect the situation the European Union is faced with today, as they demonstrate the growing tension between the desires of «widening» and «deepening» the European construction. The future willreveal how the European Union went with this growing area of tension.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Doha Development Agenda (2001- ) http"
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Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.
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Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Neto, Manoel Galdino Pereira. "Controle de agenda nas negociações do TRIPS e Saúde Pública em Doha, 2001." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-01102007-145743/.
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A presente dissertação teve como objetivo explicar as razões para a \"vitória\" da coalizão liderada pelo Brasil nas negociações do TRIPs e saúde Pública da OMC, que culminaram na Declaração de Doha em 2001. Partindo da literatura de teoria dos jogos aplicada aos estudos legislativos, procurei mostrar que era possível adaptar para a OMC os resultados dessa literatura, em particular a ênfase na idéia de controle de agenda. Basicamente, a tese central do trabalho é que para o caso ora em tela são as regras institucionais que determinam os resultados das negociações, pois determinam a distribuição de poder em barganhas. Assim, acreditamos ter mostrado que é possível explicar o resultado final das negociações em TRIPs e Saúde Pública a partir da regra do consenso, juntamente com a neutralidade no controle de agenda e a distribuição da impaciência dos atores. A análise sugere uma fecunda agenda de pesquisa tanto no estudo de se estudar quaisquer jogos nãocooperativos em instituições internacionais bem como para uma formulação do poder em relações internacionais de cunho institucionalista.This dissertation aimed to explain why Brazilian leaded coalition was capable of achieve a \"victory\" in WTO negotiation on TRIPs and Public Health, which culminated in the Doha Declaration. Following game theory applied to legislative studies, we tried to show the attainableness of suiting that literature to WTO negotiation, specially the feature of agenda setting. Basically, our main thesis is that what dictate negotiation results in this case is the institutional setting, since it determine power distribution among actors. Thus, we expect have shown the possibility of explain the final result in the TRIPs and Public Health negotiation by consensus rule, neutrality of agenda setting and the distribution of states impatience. The analysis has suggested a rich research agenda in the study of any noncooperative game in international institutions as well in the formulation of an institutionalist power concept in international relations.
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Efstathopoulos, Charalampos. "Middle power diplomacy in the WTO : India, South Africa and the Doha development agenda." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/51625/.
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The emergence of Southern powers constitutes a defining feature of contemporary global governance. Their rising impact has been particularly evident in the Doha round of WTO negotiations where leading developing countries have come to play an increasingly important role in the negotiating process. India and South Africa are two Southern powers that played a central role in WTO negotiations during 2001-5. Acting as representatives of the global South, the two countries determined to a considerable extent the positions of developing countries in conceding to the agenda being negotiated or blocking different stages of negotiations. They also projected, however, different strategies, interests and world-views, and ultimately achieved, with varying degrees of success, their relocation within the WTO. The experience of India and South Africa in the first four years of the Doha round constitutes a framework for understanding the conditions under which Southern powers are repositioning in the global trading system and in the international political economy. To understand the role of India and South Africa in the Doha round, this thesis will deploy a synthesis of middle power approaches as the theoretical prism for analysing the trade diplomacy of the two countries. Middle power approaches offer an ensemble of conceptual categories which allow for theorising the rise of Southern powers, delineating both the nature of their influence and their broader systemic role. The middle power roles of India and South Africa will be assessed through a detailed analysis of documents and public statements in the period under examination. It will be demonstrated that during the Doha round, both countries emerged as middle powers projecting a reformist world-view of multilateral trade negotiations. Their ability to effect change was severely conditioned by the leadership provided by the two major trading powers, the US and the EU, and their own capacity to sustain broad bases of followership in the global South.
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Weeks, Heather Ashley. "Assessing the Impacts of a Special Safeguard Mechanism for Agriculture in the Doha Development Agenda." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32037.
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The agricultural negotiations in the World Trade Organizationâ s (WTO) Doha Development Agenda (DDA) are calling for a specific Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM) for developing countries that will protect agricultural producers from import surges or price declines, and could potentially add stability to domestic markets. While most of the parameters of this SSM have been decided upon, the DDA negotiations faltered on the issue of whether or not developing nations should be allowed to exceed their pre-Doha bound tariff rates when invoking the SSM. For developing countries, tariffs on agricultural products are an important policy tool to support domestic prices and protect their smallholder producers from global market shifts. Tariffs, however, distort world prices and create global welfare losses. The purpose of this thesis is to assess the impacts of the SSM on global prices and welfare using a non-spatial, synthetic, stochastic, global, partial equilibrium model of the world soybean market. The SSM is assessed in concert with the currently proposed DDA tariff cutting formulas since the additional duties allowed under the SSM are proportional to prevailing bound tariff levels. This study asserts that the SSM actually decreases global price and welfare stability, decreasing world prices of the commodities on which an SSM is placed, though positively affects tariff revenues for those particular commodities. While the SSM may offer a short-term solution for developing countries, its long-term outlook as a price stabilization tool is a not credible argument.Master of Science
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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.
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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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Obenbergerová, Linda. "Rozvojové země v mnohostranném obchodním systému: perspektivy Katarského kola." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75635.
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In connection with the process of globalization, the importance of international trade increases not only as means of gaining welfare but as a way to solve problems. The World Trade Organization (WTO) claimed this approach in 2001 through a new trade negotiation round, the Doha Development Agenda (DDA). Within DDA the WTO pledged to improve the conditions of participation of the developing countries in the multilateral trading system. Not after nine years of negotiation the round is heading to its conclusion and questions concerning the fulfilment of the development aspect are emerging. The presented thesis aims to evaluate the success of the integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system and how the WTO contributes to it.
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Kone, Siaka. "Catégorisation et évaluation de divers scénarios de conclusion du volet agricole du cycle de Doha pour les filières coton en Afrique de l'ouest et du centre." Thesis, Montpellier, SupAgro, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NSAM0015/document.
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À l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC), le Cycle de Doha pour le Développement, lancé en 2001, achoppe sur le volet agricole, en particulier sur le dossier coton. La thèse vise à analyser, catégoriser et évaluer les impacts des positions dans les négociations en cours du Cycle de Doha pour le Développement, émanant des États membres de l'OMC, des organisations non gouvernementales, des universitaires et des institutions internationales. L'originalité de l'évaluation réalisée est accentuée par la prise en compte d'un scénario alternatif qui tient davantage compte du traitement spécial différencié en faveur des pays en développement. Face au scénario de statu quo de l'Accord de l'Uruguay Round, les scénarios actuellement proposés sont ceux du projet de modalités révisé de Falconer de décembre 2008 sans disposition particulière pour le coton, du projet de modalités révisé de Falconer de décembre 2008 avec des dispositions particulières pour le coton (position « C4 »), et des propositions respectives de l'Union Européenne et des États-Unis. Le scénario alternatif que nous proposons intègre l'amélioration de l'accès du coton des pays africains au marché chinois et le renforcement du soutien domestique dans les pays cotonniers d'Afrique de l'Ouest et du Centre. Mais l'originalité de ce scénario additionnel procède de l'affectation des économies réalisées par les pays développés, dans la réduction de leurs soutiens domestiques, pour constituer un fonds de solidarité internationale de soutien à la filière coton des pays en développement. Par souci de comparaison, le scénario de libéralisation totale des échanges est également pris en compte, même s'il relève du domaine purement théorique. Nous avons utilisé le modèle ATPSM (Agricultural Trade Policy Simulation Model) pour mesurer les impacts des sept scénarios en termes de production et d'échanges internationaux. Notre évaluation intègre aussi la mesure de l'équité, en nous appuyant sur l'approche de Stiglitz et Charlton. Nos résultats montrent que le scénario alternatif augmente le prix aux producteurs de coton de 10,8%, mieux que les propositions du C4 (9,0%) et des USA (6,1%). Le scénario alternatif augmente le prix mondial (8,1%) et le volume des exportations de coton (2,3%), certes à un degré moindre que la proposition du C4 mais davantage que celle des États-Unis. Au regard du critère d'équité, le scénario alternatif est aussi favorable que les autres scénarios et mieux que le statu quo de l'Uruguay Round. Le scénario alternatif présente les éléments favorables à un compromis pour conclure le Cycle de Doha, avec des effets bénéfiques pour les pays en développement et l'introduction d'un mécanisme nouveau de solidarité internationaleAgriculture, especially cotton, causes contention in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha Development Agenda (DDA) since 2001. This study analyses and provides quantitative estimates of the likely economics impacts of various scenarios. We propose an alternative scenario further based on the principle of special and differential treatment provided to developing countries. We consider seven key scenarios in this study: (1) the Uruguay Round agreements, (2) Falconer' negotiation draft, revised in December 2008 but without special measures for cotton, (3) Similar Falconer's draft but including special measures for cotton as proposed by the C4 Group, (4) the European Union position, (5) the United States position, (6) our alternative scenario of agreements and (7) the total liberalization even if ambitious in scope. Our alternative scenario lies on the improvement of the access of African cotton into the Chinese market and on the strengthening of domestic support to cotton production in West and Central Africa. This scenario is original by considering the set up of a new fund for international solidarity through the subsidy savings implemented by developed countries. We use the Agricultural trade Policy Simulation Model (ATPSM) to evaluate the economic effect and the Stiglitz and Charlton theory of equity for equity assessment. The results showed that our alternative scenario increases the world cotton price by 8.1%, the producer price by 10.8% which is higher than the Falconer' negotiation draft with special measures for cotton (9.0%) and the United States position (6.1%). With regard to the equity criteria, our alternative scenario is as attractive as the other scenarios in comparison with the Uruguay Round agreements scenario. The alternative scenario can help to conclude the WTO-Doha Development Agenda. This scenario takes into account some key elements of a compromise between major actors of WTO, and provides provisions for and international fund to help the west and central Africa cotton sectors
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Djemilou, Mohamed. "The impact of the Bali agreement on the Doha round stalemate with particular reference to the interests of developing and least developed countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5122.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study.
National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)
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Rejtharová, Denisa. "Aktuální politické otázky mezinárodního obchodu v souvislosti s problematikou rozvoje v Subsaharské Africe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-3896.
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The thesis deals with processes that are under way on the international political scene focused on bringing about change in international trade rules. The aim is to analyze to what extent are taken into account interests and development needs of sub-Saharan Africa. Examination of links between international trade on one hand, and development and poverty alleviation on the other hand, has emerged as one of the top issues of development studies. They consider a more substantial integration of sub-Saharan Africa countries into flows of international trade as one of the forms of efficient support to the African development efforts. Actually, two key trade negotiations are taking place -- the Doha Development Agenda under the auspices of the World Trade Organisation, and the Economic Partnership Agreements negotiations between the European Union and the ACP countries. The negotiations have proven to be politically sensible and up to now have failed in reaching an agreement. The present thesis seeks, therefore, to explore the reasons for the failure.
Books on the topic "Doha Development Agenda (2001- ) http"
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Workshop on Management Development Programme on Doha Development Agenda (2003 Singapore). Workshop on Management Development Programme on Doha Development Agenda. Colombo: Colombo Plan-Private Sector Development Programme, 2004.
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Anderson, Kym. Agricultural trade reform and the Doha development agenda. [Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2005.
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