Relevant bibliographies by topics / Doha Round

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Doha Round'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Doha Round"

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Subedi, Surya P. "The Road From Doha: The Issues for the Development Round of the Wto and the Future of International Trade." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 2 (April 2003): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.2.425.

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After the debacle in Seattle in December 1999, the Fourth Ministerial Conference of WTO members took place successfully under tight security in the capital city, Doha, of the small Arabian state of Qatar in November 2001. The Doha conference did not adopt any new treaty or protocoll to add to the network of WTO agreements already in place. It did, however, approve a ‘broad and balance ’ work programme in the form of two declarations—a main declaration and one on trade related intellectual property rights (TRIPS) and public health, plus a decision on implementation designed to alleviate the difficulties of developing countries in implementing the existing WTO agreements. In other words, the Doha conference agreed on the nature and scope of the next round of trade negttiations, named as the ‘Development Round’. Although some least-developed countries had argued that ‘no new round should be started until there has been full implementation of the agreements concluded in the last Round, and an evaluation of their effects done’, the Doha Conference decided to start a new round of trade negotiations. How development oriented is the agenda of the new round of trade negotiations? What is going to be negotiated during th e negotiations? Is it indeed going to be a ‘Development Round’ in more than name? The object of this article is to analyse the background to the Doha conference, to assess the nature of negotiations at the conference and to evaluate its outcome.
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Ann Elliott, Kimberly. "Does the Doha Round Matter?" Current History 108, no. 714 (January 1, 2009): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.714.39.

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Deitos, Marc Antoni. "Antidumping e a Organização Mundial do Comércio: da emergência à incerteza da regulação internacional/Anti-dumping and the World Trade Organization: from the emergency to the uncertainty of the international regulation." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (December 21, 2015): 608–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.08.p608.

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Esse artigo tem como objetivo analisar a mudança de padrão do comportamento dos Estados nas negociações dos sucessivos acordos antidumping do sistema multilateral de comércio desde Bretton Woods. Parte-se do estudo histórico do comportamento dos Estados em relação aos códigos antidumping, após o fechamento das Rodadas Kennedy, Tóquio e Uruguai, e as reformas que se seguiram nas legislações domésticas dos signatários. Demonstra-se que, historicamente, os países aproximaram as práticas internas aos acordos multilaterais. Contudo, o mandato de abertura para negociar um novo acordo antidumping em Doha inseriu um componente desestabilizador na evolução histórica da regulação multilateral das medidas antidumping. Os membros, diante das incertezas de Doha, se anteciparam ao fechamento da rodada, alterando as legislações nacionais para adaptá-las aos novos desafios do comércio internacional, em movimento contrário ao historicamente verificado. Esse comportamento tende a dificultar ainda mais o fechamento da Rodada de Doha, uma vez que os membros limitaram, antecipadamente, em suas legislações nacionais antidumping, grande parte dos temas que poderiam transigir nas negociações internacionais.Palavras-chave: antidumping; Organização Mundial do Comércio; Rodada de Doha. Abstract: This article analyses the change in the pattern of State behavior throughout the successive antidumping agreements at the multilateral trade regime since Bretton Woods. It analyses the historic pattern of State behavior related to the antidumping agreements after each round of negotiation – Kennedy, Tokyo and Uruguay Round. It suggests that, historically, the signatories have brought together national and international regulations. On the other hand, it also suggests that the Doha Round has made a change in this historic pattern of State behavior. Confronted with Doha Round uncertainties, WTO members issued new anti-dumping regulations to face the challenges imposed by the actual international economic context. This behavior difficult even more to reach a final say on the new antidumping agreement negotiated during the Doha Round. The signatories have already written down their international position, when they passed new antidumping regulations at home. This behavior constraints the natural bargain that occurs in international negotiations, since it implicates changes in brand new national legislation. Key-words: antidumping; World Trade Organization; Doha Round. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p608-627
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GRYNBERG, ROMAN. "Towards Doha-lite." World Trade Review 3, no. 3 (November 2004): 427–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745604002022.

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The works of Winters and Martins (W&M) and Mattoo and Subramanian (M&S) are two serious and innovative papers that begin to analyse not only what the WTO means for small states but now, just as significantly, what the numerical preponderance of small states might mean for the WTO. This latter issue is especially significant as members grapple with increasingly complex web of interests that need to be accommodated in order to arrive at a consensus in the Doha round. While neither papers represents the position of the World Bank and IMF, what they both have in common is that they approach the current round from the possibility that some WTO members, the smallest, poorest and most trade preference dependent – for example, Mauritius, Fiji, Guyana and Jamaica – may only benefit from Doha round trade liberalisation in geological time! The research, while not representing official Bretton Woods views, constitutes a dramatic shift in thinking inside the beltway from that which existed at the end of the Uruguay round when the dominant position was that ‘all members would benefit’.
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Deardorff, Alan V., and Robert M. Stern. "Alternatives to the Doha Round." Journal of Policy Modeling 31, no. 4 (July 2009): 526–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpolmod.2009.05.014.

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Koopmann, Georg. "Doha Round—Squaring the Triangles." Intereconomics 41, no. 3 (May 2006): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-006-0182-7.

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Yang, Yongzheng. "Africa in the Doha Round." IMF Policy Discussion Papers 2005, no. 008 (November 2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451975796.003.

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Gootiiz, Batshur. "Services in Doha: What’s on the Table?" Journal of World Trade 43, Issue 5 (October 1, 2009): 1013–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2009039.

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Services trade reform matters, but what is Doha doing about it? It has been hard to judge because of the opaqueness of services policies and the opaqueness of the request-offer negotiating process. This paper attempts to assess what is on the table. It presents the results of the first survey of applied trade policies in the major services sectors of fifty-six industrial and developing countries. These policies are then compared with these countries’ Uruguay Round (UR) commitments in services and the best offers that they have made in the current Doha negotiations. The paper finds that at this stage, Doha promises greater security of access to markets but not any additional liberalization. Uruguay Round commitments are on average 2.3 times more restrictive than current policies. The best offers submitted so far as part of the Doha negotiations improve on Uruguay Round commitments by about 13% but remain on average 1.9 times more restrictive than actual policies. The World Trade Organization’s (WTO’s) Hong Kong Ministerial had set out ambitious goals for services, but the analysis here shows that much remains to be done to achieve them.
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Messerlin, Patrick. "Agricultural Liberalization in the Doha Round." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850049. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1136.

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Agriculture is an urgent and vital problem for developing countries, and even more so for the poorest countries that are often dependent on a very small set of commodities, many of which are highly subsidized and protected in the OECD countries. The Uruguay Round brought agriculture into the WTO legal framework, but did not lower the effective level of OECD farm protection after 1995 and granted many exceptions to WTO rules that reinforced agricultural protection. While there are a number of diverging forces that are potential sources of change in the levels and patterns of agricultural protection, the recent farm policies adopted by the U.S. and EU reflect an absence of significant domestic reform and appear to be going in the wrong direction. The analysis of agricultural liberalization reveals very large potential gains for both developed and developing countries that will come especially from own-country liberalization as well as from inter-country trade, significant benefits that may be realized by the poorest developing countries, and limited benefits from existing preferential agricultural arrangements. An ideal program for agricultural liberalization in the Doha Round would involve substantial reductions in the high tariffs that exist in both developed and developing countries using the Swiss formula approach and limiting exceptions and special and differential treatment, elimination of agricultural export subsidies, and making meaningful reductions in domestic supports. The negotiations should not get hung up on issues of food security and the effects of higher prices for low-income consumers, and a special safeguard for agriculture is not recommended. It is imperative that agricultural liberalization should be combined with appropriate domestic policies and actions and international assistance, if needed, to help finance emergency food inventories and aid to disadvantaged groups. Patrick A. Messerlin is Professor of Economics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (Sciences Po) and director of the Groupe d'Economie Mondiale de Sciences Po (GEM) which is an independent research center seeking to improve the performance of French and European public policies in a global world. In 2002-2005, he was co-chairman with Dr Ernesto Zedillo, Former President of Mexico, Director of the Yale Center for the Study on Globalization, of the Task Force on Trade in the UN Millenium Development Goals Project, which produced a Report on Trade for Development released in May 2005. In 2001-2002, he was special advisor to Mike Moore, WTO Director General. He has published a dozen books and a hundred papers on trade theory and policy. His most recent book is Measuring the Costs of Protection in Europe: European Commercial Policy in the 2000s, Institute for International Economics (Washington) 2001.
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Howse, Robert. "WTO Governance and the Doha Round." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850064. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1151.

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WTO jurisprudence and governance will not be explicit subjects of discussion or negotiation at the Hong Kong Ministerial Meeting, with the partial exception of dispute settlement review. Nonetheless, governance questions are at the heart of debates about the WTO’s legitimacy and deserve serious consideration. With this mind, a checklist and a series of questions are provided that are deemed to be relevant to the immediate future of the WTO and the ultimate fate of the Doha Round negotiations. Several issues are raised, as follows. The architecture of the WTO as represented in the “Single Undertaking” requires all WTO Members to adhere to the WTO Agreement even when doing so may not always be in a country’s interest. Decision-making in the WTO is based on consensus, and there may be a need for the design of more effective procedures and for better representation of the different views of Members. The accountability of the WTO as an institution may be at issue insofar as it relates to the roles of different members and the relationships with civil society. There is a clear need for technical assistance, policy development, and policy surveillance to make the WTO a more open, transparent, efficient, equitable, and socially responsible institution. Robert Howse is Alene and Allan F. Smith Professor of Law at the University of Michigan Law School. His research and teaching interests are focused on international economic law (trade, investment and finance) and legal and political philosophy (theorizing law and governance beyond the state, and especially the thought of Alexandre Kojeve and Leo Strauss). His recent books include The Regulation of International Trade, Third Edition, co-authored with Michael J. Trebilcock, to be released this month in the US; The Federal Vision, co-edited with Kalypso Nicolaidis (2001); and Alexandre Kojeve Outline of a Phenomenology of Right (2000), co-translator with Bryan Frost and principal author of the interpretative commentary. Howse has also authored or co-authored opinion essays in general interest publications such as The Financial Times, Foreign Affairs, Policy Review, and Legal Affairs. He is series editor of the Oxford Commentaries on WTO Law and serves on the editorial advisory board of the European Journal of International Law. He has also been a reporter on WTO law for the American Law Institute. For part of the fall 2005 semester, Howse has been a visiting instructor at the University of Paris I (Pantheon-Sorbonne).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Doha Round"

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Kutas, Géraldine. "Impact of the Doha Round on the European agricultural sector." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0015.

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Cette thèse examine les liens entre commerce international et politique agricole à travers la négociation multilatérale des règles commerciales. Elle propose une analyse qualitative du projet de modalités pour les trois piliers des négociations agricoles, publié en décembre 2008, et de la dernière réforme de la Politique Agricole Commune, commencée avec la Revue à Mi-Parcours de 2003 et achevée avec le Bilan de Santé de 2009, et ce en s’appuyant sur des sources primaires. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse démontrent que les failles principales de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture du Cycle de l’Uruguay ont été traitées dans le projet actuel de modalités. Ils concluent également que malgré le vaste processus de réforme de la politique agricole lancé en 2003, la marge de négociation de l’Union européenne à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce est mince, ce qui implique que l’impact du Cycle de Doha sur la protection du secteur agricole européen est conséquent. Le chapitre 1 montre que l’Union européenne ne pourra pas maintenir les produits les plus protégés isolés de la concurrence internationale. Le chapitre 2 conclut que la dernière réforme de la politique agricole commune est à peine suffisante pour mettre en oeuvre les coupes proposées pour les mesures de soutien interne. Finalement, le chapitre 3 montre que malgré les réductions conséquentes des subventions aux exportations, leur élimination totale et définitive pourrait se révéler problématique car les restitutions à l’exportation ont tendances à être réactivées en période de crise de la production
This dissertation examines the links between international trade and agricultural policy through the lens of multilateral trade rules negotiations. It provides a qualitative analysis, based on primary sources, of the December 2008 draft modalities for the three pillars of agricultural negotiations and the latest reform of the Common Agricultural Policy that started with the 2003 Mid-Term Review and concluded with the 2009 Health Check. The three chapters of this dissertation show that the main pitfalls of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture are addressed in the current draft modalities. They also conclude that despite the broad reform process the European agricultural policy went through since 2003; the negotiating maneuver of the European Union at the World Trade Organization is thin, implying a significant impact of the Doha Round on the protection of the European agricultural sector. Chapter 1 shows that the European Union will not be able to maintain the most protected products isolated from international competition. Chapter 2 concludes that the agricultural reform is just sufficient to undertake the proposed cuts in domestic support. Chapter 3 shows that despite the significant reduction in the use of export subsidies, total elimination might prove difficult as export refunds tend to be reactivated in times of production crisis
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Hailu, Martha Belete. "Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.
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Mancini, Cláudia. "O agronegócio e as negociações comerciais internacionais: uma análise da ação coletiva do setor privado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-03122008-123146/.

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O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menores
This research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups
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Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.

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Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
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Sonmez, Haci Mehmet. "Negotiation Techniques In Turkish Foreign Policy: Wto Doha Round Negotiation Process And Its Implications For Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12612094/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes World Trade Organization Doha Round negotiation process and its implications for Turkey&rsquo
s relations with its neighbors. The thesis mainly focuses on two pillars of negotiating package, namely agricultural and non-agricultural products (NAMA) negotiations. Both segments of negotiations have different dimensions due to Turkey&rsquo
s regional and multilateral obligations. As a developing country, Turkey&rsquo
s position in agriculture is more in line with other developing countries
in NAMA however it defends more liberal policies because of its Customs Union with the EU. Results of Doha Round will affect not only Turkey but also Turkey&rsquo
s neighbors and these effects will be more dramatic in some of them. Chapter I is Introduction Chapter. Chapter II evaluates Doha Round in detail
Chapters III and IV examine agriculture and NAMA negotiations and their implications for Turkey. Chapter V evaluates other negotiation topics such as services, trade facilitation, environment and rules. Chapter VI analyzes Turkey&rsquo
s Customs Union with the EU and its bilateral trade arrangements. The last Chapter is the Conclusion.
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Vacchi, Alessandra <1995&gt. "The EU in International Trade Negotiations: Assessing the Role of the Single Voice through an Analysis of the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16050.

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The thesis focuses on the role of the single voice of the EU during two international trade negotiations: the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round. The assumption of EU policymakers and a first wave of EU scholars was that speaking with a single voice at the international level leads the EU to be effective. A second wave of scholars challenged this assumption. The aim of the thesis is to assess the actual role of the single voice using two different cases, through an analysis with institutional and external variables (the former referring to the internal EU rules and the latter to the external context of the negotiation). The combinations of these variables determine the role of the single voice in international trade negotiations. During the Uruguay Round the EU wanted to maintain the status quo. The analysis showed that the single voice was strong, and it led to a favorable outcome for the EU. The EU negotiator was constrained by rigid institutional rules, and the external variables strengthened the single voice. Instead, during the Doha Round the EU pushed for reform. The single voice was cohesive, but the external variables had a negative impact on the negotiation. This led to a weakening of the single voice. The research concluded that the degree of effectiveness of the single voice, and its role, depends on the combination of institutional and external variables, but it is not possible to claim that the single voice leads to effectiveness in absolute terms.
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Junior, José Luiz Pimenta. "Coalizões Internacionais e o G-20: aspectos da liderança brasileira na rodada Doha de desenvolvimento da OMC." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-17072013-143742/.

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Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC.
Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.
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Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.

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The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
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Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/1/Arlo_Poletti_tesi.pdf.

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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
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Poletti, Arlo <1977&gt. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.

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This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
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Books on the topic "Doha Round"

1

David, Bailey, and Roberts Ivan, eds. Agriculture in the Doha Round. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 2004.

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1949-, Schott Jeffrey J., and Wong Woan Foong, eds. Figuring out the Doha Round. Washington, DC: Peterson Institute for International Economics, 2010.

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Verbiest, Jean-Pierre A. The Doha Round: A development perspective. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2002.

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Arndt, Channing. The Doha trade round and Mozambique. [Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2005.

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World Trade Organization. Ministerial Conference, ed. The Doha Round texts and related documents. Geneva: World Trade Organization (WTO), 2009.

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Das, Dilip K. The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017.

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World Trade Organization. Ministerial Conference. The Doha Round texts and related documents. Geneva: World Trade Organization (WTO), 2009.

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Hammouda, Hakim Ben. Doha Round entre promesses, désillusions et résignations. Addis Ababa]: Centre africain de politiques commerciale, 2005.

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American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research., ed. The Doha round and financial services negotiations. Washington, D.C: AEI Press, 2003.

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Organization, World Trade, and Institute for Global Dialogue, eds. WTO new round of negotiations: The Doha Ministerial Conference and Post Doha Agenda. Harare: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Doha Round"

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Michalopoulos, Constantine. "The Doha Round Negotiations." In Emerging Powers in the WTO, 206–23. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137297082_9.

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Leal-Arcas, Rafael. "The Doha Round and Services Trade." In International Trade Relations of the European Union, 143–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14076-1_8.

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Maswood, S. Javed. "The Doha Round and Pharmaceutical Trade." In The South in International Economic Regimes, 104–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230626270_5.

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Maswood, S. Javed. "The Doha Round and Agricultural Liberalization." In The South in International Economic Regimes, 117–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230626270_6.

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Das, Dilip K. "Setback in Cancún: Salvaging the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 54–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_3.

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Das, Dilip K. "The Doha Round and the Developing Economies." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 87–114. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_4.

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Das, Dilip K. "Trade in Services and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 115–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_5.

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Das, Dilip K. "Trade in Agriculture and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 143–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_6.

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Das, Dilip K. "Intellectual Property Rights and the Doha Round." In The Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, 174–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502017_7.

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Gaisford, James D., and William A. Kerr. "The Doha Round: A New Agreement on Agriculture?" In Ukraine’s WTO Accession: Challenge for Domestic Economic Reforms, 197–212. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7908-2709-5_18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Doha Round"

1

Piekutowska, Agnieszka. "THE GROUNDS OF PROTECTIONISM IN INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN THE 21st CENTURY IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTILATERAL TRADE NEGOTIATIONS." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2021.0020.

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As the importance of tariffs diminishes, to avoid underestimation, analysis of the dynamics of protectionism implies the use of more complex data. Hence, this research explores the Global Trade Alert database, which covers a wide range of measures used by countries within trade policy. Once the dynamics of protectionism in trade is presented, the analysis of its grounds might be undertaken to answer the question: what are the reasons for high levels of protectionist tendencies in the 21 st century? Is this a post-crisis repercussion only? Or is the failure of multilateral negotiations under the auspices of the WTO which, in turn, makes space for increased levels of protectionism? While many analyses highlight the indisputable impact of the crisis on the growing protectionist tendencies in the 21 st century, it has been over ten years since the crisis, which requires a search for alternate or additional premises. The hypothesis was therefore adopted that the failure of multilateral negotiations within the Doha Round may make space for increased protectionism in the 21 st century. Taking into consideration all of the negative consequences of protectionism, the analysis of its causes has a justification. Successful treatment requires a diagnosis of the sources of the problem; only once these are identified can an appropriate action be undertaken. The main conclusion from the research is that because of the diversification within the WTO, the multilateral liberalization agenda has been limited. Hence, “next generation” issues are addressed elsewhere, like within regional trade agreements, which, as a result, became very popular after 2001. However, RTAs should not be perceived as an alternative to liberalization under the auspices of the WTO, as they are not free from protectionist tendencies.
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Reports on the topic "Doha Round"

1

Amiti, Mary, and John Romalis. Will the Doha Round Lead to Preference Erosion? Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12971.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. Assessing the potential cost of a failed Doha Round. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896292499_06.

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Bagwell, Kyle, and Robert Staiger. Can the Doha Round be a Development Round? Setting a Place at the Table. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17650.

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Howse, Robert, and Petrus B. van Bork. Options for Liberalising Trade in Environmental Goods in the Doha Round. Geneva, Switzerland: International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.7215/nr_ip_20060703.

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Rosito, Tatiana, and Robert Z. Lawrence. A New Compensation Mechanism for Preference Erosion in the Doha Round. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011040.

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In this paper we explore a proposal to backload the phase-in of MFN tariff reductions in sensitive sectors and use the revenues generated to provide compensation for preference erosion. We argue that the approach would be both equitable and effective.
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Defraigne, Pierre. CANCUN: A Milestone on the Way to the DOHA ROUND Conclusion. Inter-American Development Bank, August 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006642.

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This presentation was commissioned by the Trade and Integration Network of the Regional Policy Dialogue for the V Hemispheric Meeting celebrated on August 14th and 15th, 2003. WHY THE DOHA DEVELOPMENT AGENDA? Strengthening the multilateral trading system versus unilateralism framing the RTA¿s Supporting the dynamics of trade liberalization and rules- setting (world growth and effective domestic policies) DDA part of a global agenda (Monterrey - Joburg - MDR¿s) towards coherence between: North South convergence sustainability
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Schott, Jeffrey J. Completing the Doha Round: What Needs to Be Done and Who Needs to Do It. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011042.

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Reviving and completing the Doha Round will pose significant challenges for all the major trading nations in the WTO. This paper examines the causes of the ongoing negotiating impasse, and what needs to be done to restart the WTO talks by late 2006.
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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. More or less ambition? Modeling the Development Impact of U.S.–EU Agricultural Proposals in the Doha Round. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/researchbrief02.

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Research Institute (IFPRI), International Food Policy. The Doha Round: Virtuous circle or infinite loop? In Agriculture, development, and the global trading system: 2000– 2015. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/9780896292499_02.

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Hertel, Thomas, Roman Keeney, Maros Ivanic, and Alan Winters. Distributional Effects of WTO Agricultural Reforms in Rich and Poor Countries. GTAP Working Paper, September 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp33.

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Rich countries’ agricultural trade policies are the battleground on which the future of the WTO’s troubled Doha Round will be determined. Subject to widespread criticism, they nonetheless appear to be almost immune to serious reform, and one of their most common defenses is that they protect poor farmers. Our findings reject this claim. The analysis conducted here uses detailed data on farm incomes to show that major commodity programs are highly regressive in the USA, and that the only serious losses under trade reform are among large, wealthy, farmers in a few heavily protected subsectors. In contrast, analysis using household data from fifteen developing countries indicates that reforming rich countries’ agricultural trade policies would lift large numbers of developing country farm households out of poverty. In the majority of cases these gains are not outweighed by the poverty-increasing effects of higher food prices among other households. Agricultural reforms that appear feasible, even under an ambitious Doha Round, achieve only a fraction of the benefits for developing countries that full liberalization promises, but protects US large farms from most of the rigors of adjustment. Finally, the analysis conducted here indicates that maximal trade-led poverty reductions occur when developing countries participate more fully in agricultural trade liberalization.
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