To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Doha Round.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Doha Round'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Doha Round.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Kutas, Géraldine. "Impact of the Doha Round on the European agricultural sector." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0015.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse examine les liens entre commerce international et politique agricole à travers la négociation multilatérale des règles commerciales. Elle propose une analyse qualitative du projet de modalités pour les trois piliers des négociations agricoles, publié en décembre 2008, et de la dernière réforme de la Politique Agricole Commune, commencée avec la Revue à Mi-Parcours de 2003 et achevée avec le Bilan de Santé de 2009, et ce en s’appuyant sur des sources primaires. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse démontrent que les failles principales de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture du Cycle de l’Uruguay ont été traitées dans le projet actuel de modalités. Ils concluent également que malgré le vaste processus de réforme de la politique agricole lancé en 2003, la marge de négociation de l’Union européenne à l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce est mince, ce qui implique que l’impact du Cycle de Doha sur la protection du secteur agricole européen est conséquent. Le chapitre 1 montre que l’Union européenne ne pourra pas maintenir les produits les plus protégés isolés de la concurrence internationale. Le chapitre 2 conclut que la dernière réforme de la politique agricole commune est à peine suffisante pour mettre en oeuvre les coupes proposées pour les mesures de soutien interne. Finalement, le chapitre 3 montre que malgré les réductions conséquentes des subventions aux exportations, leur élimination totale et définitive pourrait se révéler problématique car les restitutions à l’exportation ont tendances à être réactivées en période de crise de la productionThis dissertation examines the links between international trade and agricultural policy through the lens of multilateral trade rules negotiations. It provides a qualitative analysis, based on primary sources, of the December 2008 draft modalities for the three pillars of agricultural negotiations and the latest reform of the Common Agricultural Policy that started with the 2003 Mid-Term Review and concluded with the 2009 Health Check. The three chapters of this dissertation show that the main pitfalls of the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture are addressed in the current draft modalities. They also conclude that despite the broad reform process the European agricultural policy went through since 2003; the negotiating maneuver of the European Union at the World Trade Organization is thin, implying a significant impact of the Doha Round on the protection of the European agricultural sector. Chapter 1 shows that the European Union will not be able to maintain the most protected products isolated from international competition. Chapter 2 concludes that the agricultural reform is just sufficient to undertake the proposed cuts in domestic support. Chapter 3 shows that despite the significant reduction in the use of export subsidies, total elimination might prove difficult as export refunds tend to be reactivated in times of production crisis
2
Hailu, Martha Belete. "Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
Full textAbstract:
The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.
3
Mancini, Cláudia. "O agronegócio e as negociações comerciais internacionais: uma análise da ação coletiva do setor privado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-03122008-123146/.
Full textAbstract:
O texto discute a evolução do esforço do setor privado do agronegócio brasileiro na defesa de sua agenda de abertura de mercados externos. O foco é em especial no período entre a Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) do Acordo Geral de Tarifas e Comércio (Gatt) e na Rodada Doha (desde 2001) da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC). O objetivo é analisar de que forma o aumento da competitividade internacional desse setor, nas últimas décadas, contribuiu para o interesse dos empresários em elaborar uma agenda de demandas ofensivas. Busca-se ainda indicar como esse interesse se traduziu em ações coletivas. A ação coletiva pode ser entendida como a ação de indivíduos, ou de apenas um, interessados em obter um bem coletivo. Esse bem tem caráter primordialmente de partilhabilidade (seu uso por um indivíduo não diminui a quantidade para outros indivíduos) e de não exclusão, com todos do grupo tendo direito de usufruir dele. O caminho para se obter o bem é basicamente por meio de organizações. Entidades que representam empresas da agroindústria são aqui objetos de estudo. A análise ocorre sobre dois tipos de entidades: as de caráter geral, que representam diferentes segmentos do agronegócio, e as de caráter específico, que defendem interesses de um segmento. Devido à forte competitividade do agronegócio brasileiro, é sobre a ação de atores ofensivos que se concentra a discussão. A pesquisa indica que após a reestruturação do agronegócio no final dos anos 80 e nos anos 90, com o fim do pesado intervencionismo estatal e com a liberalização comercial do país, parte da agroindústria enfrentou o desafio de se modernizar e de abrir mercados externos. O que se assistiu foi a diversificação da pauta de exportação e o crescimento contínuo das vendas ao exterior. Tal aumento de vendas e diversificação adicionou atores ao grupo de interessados na abertura de mercados internacionais, inclusive por meio de redução de barreiras protecionistas aos produtos brasileiros. O país envolveu-se nos últimos anos em negociações internacionais com a meta de redução dessas barreiras. De uma participação incipiente e pouco organizada para a negociação da Rodada Uruguai, o setor privado caminhou em direção a um preparo técnico maior de conhecimento das barreiras enfrentadas e das soluções possíveis para eliminá-las, de forma a atuar com mais organização nas negociações dos anos 90 e das deste século, como a Rodada Doha. Este estudo aponta que essa atuação se deu por meio de ações coletivas organizadas pelas associações de segmentos da agroindústria, as quais, na percepção dos empresários, têm sido o principal canal de articulação de interesses, quando comparadas a entidades de caráter geral, como a Confederação da Agricultura e Pecuária do Brasil (CNA), órgão oficial de representação. Isso indica que grupos menores têm maior capacidade de mobilização do que grupos grandes. Mas há uma heterogeneidade dentro dessas associações de segmentos, com sócios de diferentes tamanhos, interesses e recursos. Os membros mais interessados no bem coletivo e com mais recursos formam uma massa crítica que parece ajudar a compreender a atuação desses grupos menoresThis research discusses the evolution of the efforts made by the private sector of the Brazilian agribusiness to defend its agenda of liberalization of international markets. It is especially focused on the period between the Uruguay Round (1986-1994) of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (Gatt) and on the Doha Round (since 2001) of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The aim of this research is to analyse how the increase in the international competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness in the last few decades has affected the private sector interest in elaborating an offensive agenda. In addition, it is our purpose to indicate how this interest has generated collective actions by the private sector. Collective action can be understood as the action by a group of individuals, or just one individual, who are interested in reaching a collective good. The characteristics of this collective good are primarily the jointness of supply, meaning that an individual who has access to that good will not diminish the amount available to another individual, and non-excludibility, meaning that all the individuals of the group will have access to that good. Organizations are the mainly way to reach the collective goods. Associations that represent agribusiness firms are the objects of study in this research. The analysis will be made on two types of associations: those that represent different segments of the agribusiness and those that represent one segment of the agribusiness. Due to the strong competitiveness of the Brazilian agribusiness, the discussion will be concentrated on the actions taken by the players with an agenda demanding higher trade liberalization. This study indicates that after the restructure of the agribusiness in the late 80s and in the 90s, with the end of the heavy state intervention in the sector and the trade liberalization of the country, part of the agribusiness faced the challenge of modernisation and looked for new markets abroad. The result was a diversification of the products exported and the continuous expansion of the exports. Such diversification and increase in the exports added new players to the group formed by those interested in the liberalization of international markets, including the reduction of protectionist barriers against Brazilian products. In the last few years Brazil has participated in a number of international trade negotiations with the aim to put pressure on the reduction of those barriers. From an incipient organization to participate in the Uruguay Round, the private sector headed for a higher technical understanding of the international obstacles to its products and the possible solutions to open more markets. This resulted in it being also better organized to defend its agenda in the negotiations occurred during the 90s and the beginning of this century, such as the Doha Round. One of the conclusions of this study is that the private sector movement was made by collective actions organized by those associations representative of specific segments of the agribusiness, which are seen by the private sector as the main channel to articulate their interests, when compared to associations that represent different segments of the agribusiness, such as the Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock of Brasil (CNA), the official representative of the sector. This indicates that small groups are more successful in mobilizing a collective action than large groups. However, there is an heterogeneity inside those associations that represent one specific segment, with members of different sizes, different interests and different resources. The members more interested in the collective good and with more resources to provide it form a critical mass that seems to better explain the movements of the small groups
4
Nyhodo, Bonani. "The impact of the Doha round of WTO agricultural negotiations on the South African economy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1734.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MScAgric (Agricultural Economics)--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.The Doha Round of negotiations on the liberalisation of agricultural trade inherited complications from its predecessor - the Uruguay Round (UR). It needs to be noted, as one of the fundamental differences, that agriculture sectors in the developed countries of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) get support from their governments. In contrast to the situation, in the developing countries, agriculture is taxed to generate government revenue. The subsidies that farmers receive in the developed countries affect farmers globally through world prices (world prices depression). Therefore protection and greater subsidies should be not encouraged. As such, after a long time of preferential treatment, agriculture trade was tabled as a separate issue of negotiations at the UR and resulted to the round to be prolonged. However, one of the achievements of the UR was imposing of bound tariffs on agricultural products and determining tariff equivalence for non-tariff measures. Then, the Doha Round (DR) also known as the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) which is the first round to place development and focus strongly on agricultural liberalisation as a tool for development. International trade theory supports agricultural liberalisation, as negotiated in the DDA. Therefore, the DDA, in seeking more liberalised agricultural markets, continues a theoretically sound approach, as in the UR. The effects of liberalising agricultural trade in the DDA will differ across countries, whereas some will gain, others may loose, and the same situation is true for different sectors within an economy. The focus of the DDA on agriculture, as a tool of development, links well to the fact that agriculture in the developing countries accounts for a substantial share of their gross domestic products (GDPs) and exports. This situation, therefore, calls for a closer consideration of the possible impact of agricultural liberalisation in South Africa even though agricultural share of GDP is less than 4 percent.
5
Sonmez, Haci Mehmet. "Negotiation Techniques In Turkish Foreign Policy: Wto Doha Round Negotiation Process And Its Implications For Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12612094/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes World Trade Organization Doha Round negotiation process and its implications for Turkey&rsquos relations with its neighbors. The thesis mainly focuses on two pillars of negotiating package, namely agricultural and non-agricultural products (NAMA) negotiations. Both segments of negotiations have different dimensions due to Turkey&rsquo
s regional and multilateral obligations. As a developing country, Turkey&rsquo
s position in agriculture is more in line with other developing countries
in NAMA however it defends more liberal policies because of its Customs Union with the EU. Results of Doha Round will affect not only Turkey but also Turkey&rsquo
s neighbors and these effects will be more dramatic in some of them. Chapter I is Introduction Chapter. Chapter II evaluates Doha Round in detail
Chapters III and IV examine agriculture and NAMA negotiations and their implications for Turkey. Chapter V evaluates other negotiation topics such as services, trade facilitation, environment and rules. Chapter VI analyzes Turkey&rsquo
s Customs Union with the EU and its bilateral trade arrangements. The last Chapter is the Conclusion.
6
Vacchi, Alessandra <1995>. "The EU in International Trade Negotiations: Assessing the Role of the Single Voice through an Analysis of the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16050.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis focuses on the role of the single voice of the EU during two international trade negotiations: the Uruguay Round and the Doha Round. The assumption of EU policymakers and a first wave of EU scholars was that speaking with a single voice at the international level leads the EU to be effective. A second wave of scholars challenged this assumption. The aim of the thesis is to assess the actual role of the single voice using two different cases, through an analysis with institutional and external variables (the former referring to the internal EU rules and the latter to the external context of the negotiation). The combinations of these variables determine the role of the single voice in international trade negotiations. During the Uruguay Round the EU wanted to maintain the status quo. The analysis showed that the single voice was strong, and it led to a favorable outcome for the EU. The EU negotiator was constrained by rigid institutional rules, and the external variables strengthened the single voice. Instead, during the Doha Round the EU pushed for reform. The single voice was cohesive, but the external variables had a negative impact on the negotiation. This led to a weakening of the single voice. The research concluded that the degree of effectiveness of the single voice, and its role, depends on the combination of institutional and external variables, but it is not possible to claim that the single voice leads to effectiveness in absolute terms.
7
Junior, José Luiz Pimenta. "Coalizões Internacionais e o G-20: aspectos da liderança brasileira na rodada Doha de desenvolvimento da OMC." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-17072013-143742/.
Full textAbstract:
Desde a criação da OMC em 1995, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento intensificaram a busca por uma ação coordenada mais efetiva e, principalmente durante a Rodada Doha, passaram a influenciar o processo de tomada de decisão por meio da criação de coalizões internacionais. A atuação paradigmática do Brasil no processo de formação e atuação do G20 fez com que o país se tornasse um eminente player nas negociações agrícolas da Rodada de Desenvolvimento de Doha e entrasse de maneira definitiva no alto nível decisório da Organização. Dessa forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é explorar o debate relacionado à atuação das coalizões internacionais, bem como identificar os elementos que constituem a liderança política nesse modo de ação coletiva, sobretudo no que se relaciona ao caso da atuação do Brasil no G20 durante as negociações da Rodada Doha da OMC.Since the creation of the WTO in 1995, developed and developing countries intensified the demand for a more effective and coordinated action, especially during the Doha Round, and began to influence the decision making process through the creation of international coalitions. The paradigmatic role of Brazil in the formation and performance of the G20 has rendered the country a prominent position in the agricultural negotiations of the Doha Development Round. Thus, the objective of this paper is to explore the debate related to the performance of international coalitions, and to identify the elements that constitute the political leadership in this mode of collective action, especially with regard to the case of Brazil\'s role in G20 during negotiations of the WTO Doha Round.
8
Lamprecht, Jens. "Bargaining power in multilateral trade negotiations : Canada and Japan in the Uruguay Round and Doha development agenda." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/903/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis analyses the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power in the multilateral trade negotiations of the Uruguay Round and Doha Development Agenda (DDA). It deals with two related research questions. The central question of this research is: to what extent and why did Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power decrease from the Uruguay Round to the DDA? This question is related to the following auxiliary research question: what are the conditioning factors of Canada’s and Japan’s bargaining power during the Uruguay Round and DDA, and to what extent have these factors changed from one round to the other? While the thesis includes a general overview of their negotiation profiles, it analyzes specific, detailed case studies of the profiles of these countries in anti-dumping and market access/NAMA negotiations in both rounds. The hypothesis of this research is that Japan and Canada have lost bargaining power from the Uruguay Round to the DDA because of changes in the following conditioning factors: economic power; activity in country coalitions and groups; interests groups and decision-making structures on the domestic level; ideational power; and foreign policy objectives. In addition, the importance of the position of the preferences a country in the spectrum of the overall membership of multilateral trade negotiations is examined. The thesis finds that this hypothesis is partially confirmed. Canada and Japan have mainly lost bargaining power owing to a relative decrease in their economic power, a lower profile in central negotiation groups as well as coalitions, and due to domestic politics. Ideational power and especially foreign policy objectives can be considered less relevant. The thesis also finds that especially Japan’s bargaining power in anti-dumping negotiations was affected by a change of the position of its preferences within the spectrum of the overall membership of the negotiations.
9
Poletti, Arlo <1977>. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/1/Arlo_Poletti_tesi.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
10
Poletti, Arlo <1977>. "The changing politics of preference formation in international trade negotiations: the European Union in the Doha Round." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2009. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/1640/.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to provide an explanation for variations of “politics” of preference formation in international trade negotiations. Building on the ‘policy determines politics’ argument, I hypothesize the existence of a causal relationship between issue-characteristics and their variations with politics dynamics and their variations. More specifically, this study seeks to integrate into a single analytical framework two dimensions along which variations in the “politics of preference formation” can be organized: configurations of power relationships among the relevant actors in the structures within which they interact as well as the logic and the motivations of the actors involved in the policy making process. To do so, I first construct a four-cell typology of ‘politics of preference formation’ and, then, I proceed by specifying that the type of state-society configurations as well as the type of actors’ motivations in the “politics of preference formation” depend, respectively, on the degree to which a policy issue is perceived as politically salient and on the extent to which the distributional implications of such an issue can be calculated by the relevant stakeholders in the policy making process. The empirical yardstick against which the validity of the theoretical argument proposed is tested is drawn from evidence concerning the European Union’s negotiating strategy in four negotiating areas in the context of the so-called WTO’s Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations: agriculture, competition, environment and technical assistance and capacity building.
11
Júnior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "O Brasil e as negociações no sistema GATT/OMC: uma análise da Rodada Uruguai e da Rodada Doha." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-14032013-121719/.
Full textAbstract:
A presente Tese de Doutorado tem como objetivo analisar o comportamento do Brasil nas negociações comerciais multilaterais no sistema GATT/OMC, mediante o estudo do processo decisório doméstico que estruturou a atuação do país nas negociações agrícolas na Rodada Uruguai (1986-1994) e, na Rodada Doha (2001 2008), com foco no entendimento do processo de formulação das posições apresentadas, no Grupo de Cairns e, no G-20, respectivamente. A partir desses dois estudos de caso e da análise comparada do processo decisório, incorporando parte da literatura de Análise de Política Externa, pretendemos analisar, em dois momentos, no mesmo tema, a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas. O trabalho procura suprir certa lacuna da literatura sobre coalizões no sistema GATT/OMC, pois, a maior parte dos estudos tem dificuldade em incluir aspectos que se localizam, no interior dos sistemas decisórios nacionais, enquanto variáveis relevantes que ajudam a entender o comportamento dos países em coalizões.The objective of this thesis is to analyze Brazilian behavior in multilateral trade negotiations in the GATT/WTO system, through the study of the domestic decision making process that structured the country positions in the agricultural negotiations during the Uruguay Round (1986 1994) and the Doha Round (2001 2008). Our focus is to understand the domestic decision making process that structured the positions presented by Brazil in the Cairns Group and in the G-20, respectively. From these two case studies, the comparative analysis of the decision making process and incorporating the Foreign Policy Analysis literature, we intend to analyze at two different moments on the same issue, the openness of the Brazilian Foreign Policy to domestic pressure. The work seeks to fill the gap in the literature on coalitions in the GATT/WTO since most studies do not include aspects related to the national decision making process as important variables useful to understand countries behavior in coalitions.
12
Simon, Silvana Aline Soares. "Diplomacia econômica brasileira : as negociações agrícolas da Rodada Doha (2003-2008)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/67241.
Full textAbstract:
Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as alterações ocorridas no perfil da diplomacia econômica brasileira, atividade que era, tradicionalmente, de competência do Estado, desempenhada pelo Ministério de Relações Exteriores (MRE). Com as mudanças ocorridas nas estruturas políticas domésticas, a partir da redemocratização e da abertura econômica, no entanto, verificou-se a emergência de novos atores, estatais e não estatais, que passaram a participar desse processo. Essa remodelação ocasionou a ruptura do isolamento burocrático do MRE e de sua responsabilidade quase exclusiva pela formulação dos posicionamentos internacionais do Brasil. Para atender ao objetivo deste estudo, escolheu-se como objeto de análise o processo doméstico de elaboração dos posicionamentos brasileiros para as negociações agrícolas da Rodada Doha, no período entre 2003 e 2008, em que ocorreu uma expressiva interlocução entre atores representantes do Governo e da sociedade civil, no âmbito do Grupo Técnico Informal. Desse modo, este estudo busca identificar os diferentes atores que participaram desse processo, seus interesses específicos, em que medida eles foram incorporados na atuação internacional do Brasil e, por fim, o papel do MRE diante da emergência desses novos atores. O foco desta pesquisa é a análise do nível doméstico da diplomacia econômica e a compreensão de como ocorre a formulação desse processo. O nível internacional também será considerado, com a finalidade de explicarem-se os constrangimentos internacionais que influenciam nas decisões finais dos formuladores da diplomacia. Para tanto, serão utilizados, como ferramentas para a análise, os modelos teóricos que enfatizam a interação entre os níveis doméstico e internacional.This research aims to analyze the changes in the profile of Brazilian economic diplomacy. Traditionally, diplomacy was an activity of competence of the State, predominantly performed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MRE). However, with the changes in the national political structures, from democratization and economic liberalization, there has been the emergence of new actors, state and non-state actors, who came to participate in this process. This characterized the rupture of MRE’s bureaucratic insulation and its almost exclusive responsibility on the formulation of the Brazil's international placements. To reach the objective of this study, the object of analysis chosen was be the domestic process of preparation of Brazilian’s placements for agricultural negotiations of the Doha Round, in the period between 2003 and 2008, in which there was a significant dialogue between representatives of the government actors and civil society within the Informal Technical Group. Thus, this study seeks to identify the different actors who participated in this process, their specific interests, to what extent they have been incorporated into international operations in Brazil and, finally, the role of MRE before the emergence of these new actors. The focus of this research will be the domestic level of analysis, since the main goal is to understand how the process formulation of economic diplomacy occurs. However, the international level will also be taken into consideration, in order to explain the international constraints that influence the final decisions of the framers of diplomacy. For this purpose, theoretical models that emphasize the interaction between the domestic and international levels will be used as analysis tools.
13
Lindström, Pia. "Change of Power in the WTO – Reality or Illusion? : A study of developing countries' bargaining power in the GATT/WTO negotiations from the Tokyo round to the Doha round." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-56092.
Full textAbstract:
The agenda of the multilateral trade negotiations has since the beginning of the creation of GATT in 1947, traditionally been dominated by the industrialised countries' interests. The last decade has, however, shown signs of a possible change in the power relations between developed and developing countries, in favour of the developing countries. The aim of this study is to document and analyse whether the developing countries have managed to increase their bargaining power in the GATT/WTO negotiations, and if this is the case, how this change can be explained. By providing a broad overview of the evolvement of developing countries' bargaining power in the Tokyo round, Uruguay round and the ongoing Doha round, it can be shown that over time, developing countries have strengthened their bargaining power, resulting in their interests being better reflected on the agenda of the multilateral trade negotiations. Possible explanatory factors for this change can in particular be found in developing countries having increased their ability to build sustainable coalitions, and in having enhanced their market shares in world trade. Yet, developing countries' ability to influence the actual substance and practical implementation of their bargained agreements is deficient.The thesis has also been published in the form of a book (May 2010).Published by: VDM Verlag. ISBN: 978-3639248234.
14
Lukavská, Darina. "Mezníky vývoje WTO." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77387.
Full textAbstract:
The main goal of this thesis is to describe crucial moments in the development of the WTO organization by focusing on key ministerial conferences and negotiations among influential members of this organization. The main goal is therefore to evaluate results and impacts of these ministerial conferences, to describe newly applied rules of international trade in selected trade areas and changes in the negotiation power among members of newly formed informal groups within the organization structures. The thesis is divided into four chapters, each of which describes a milestone which had a significant importance in the development of the WTO organization. The first chapter, called "The Uruguay round", is mainly focusing on the key initiators and players of the whole round of negotiations, on the results and impacts on further WTO development. The second chapter, called "The third ministerial conference in Seattle", is looking for the causes of the negotiations' failure and first strong disagreements among members which were notable since then. The third chapter , called "The fourth ministerial conference in Doha", is describing the process of the Doha negotiations by focusing on the crucial players, informal groups and on issues of the highest importance to most of the WTO members, i.e. trade in agricultural and nonagricultural products. The fourth chapter, called "The July package 2008", is analyzing the content of the proposed package. Even though the WTO members were able to reach conformity in some trade areas several crucial issues have remained unsolved which led to a collapse of the July negotiations and to a non-closure of the whole Doha round.
15
Vašková, Michaela. "Mezníky ve vývoji současného kola mnohostranných liberalizačních jednání." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-204970.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis deals with the current round of WTO negotiations. The aim of thesis is to identify the most important milestones of Doha Round development. Particular chapters are devoted to identified milestones, which are the most important ministerial conferences. The thesis describes the process and the outcomes of these conferences and the potential impact of outputs on international trade.
16
Diverio, Tamara Silvana Menuzzi. "Negociações agrícolas internacionais na rodada Doha : interesses e influência dos atores domésticos na formação da posição brasileira." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/40235.
Full textAbstract:
Este estudo buscou compreender como se dá a participação dos atores domésticos na formulação da posição brasileira nas negociações agrícolas, da Rodada de Doha da OMC. A partir da análise de documentos oficiais e de entrevistas realizadas com representantes dos principais atores domésticos brasileiros, foi possível mapear a rede de articulações, interesses e posições que se forma em torno das negociações agrícolas internacionais. Além disso, buscouse compreender a atenção dispensada as demandas desses atores, bem como avaliar os critérios utilizados para incorporá-las na agenda negociadora do país. As reflexões sobre o assunto foram amparadas na Teoria dos Jogos de Dois Níveis, de Putnam (2010), na qual o autor parte do pressuposto de que toda negociação internacional envolve uma dimensão doméstica. Para elaboração deste estudo, partiu-se da hipótese de que existe no plano doméstico a formação de coalizões que se articulam e estabelecem limites para o negociador do país atuar no contexto internacional com os demais negociadores. Os resultados encontrados evidenciaram uma rede de articulação de atores domésticos, inclusive dentro do próprio governo, com interesses heterogêneos e visões diferenciadas da agricultura brasileira. Foram percebidos, assim, dois modelos em disputa que representam públicos e visões diferenciadas. Com o aumento do interesse por política internacional, em virtude, principalmente, do aumento da internacionalização da economia brasileira, muitos atores saíram em defesa de seus interesses, o que acentuou as divergências de posições nas discussões das negociações agrícolas. A atuação do MRE/Itamaraty, no processo das negociações da Rodada de Doha, foi voltada para a promoção de convergências. Este ministério buscou conciliar questões domésticas e internacionais, no entanto, não deixou de ter o domínio sobre a decisão final sobre as negociações agrícolas internacionais. Por fim, o estudo confirmou a hipótese de que há, no plano interno, a formação de coalizões que agem formal e informalmente, articulando-se para a defesa de seus interesses, moldando, assim, a posição nacional nas discussões agrícolas da Rodada de Doha.This study aimed at understanding how is established the participation of the domestic actors in the formularization of the Brazilian position in the agricultural negotiations, of the Doha Round of the OMC. From the analysis of official documents and interviews carried out with representatives of the main Brazilian domestic actors, it was possible to trace the net of articulations, interests and positions around the international agricultural negotiations. Moreover, it was tried to understand the attention given to the demands of these actors, as well as evaluating the criteria used to incorporate them in the negotiating agenda of the country. The reflections on the subject were supported in the Theory of the Games of Two Levels, by Putnam (2010), in which the author states that every international negotiation involves a domestic dimension. For the elaboration of this study, it was taken into account the hypothesis that in the domestic plan there is the formation of coalitions that articulate and establish limits for the negotiator of the country to act in the international context with the other negotiators. The results found, evidenced a net of articulation of domestic actors, also inside the government itself, with heterogeneous interests and differentiated views of Brazilian agriculture. It was, then, perceived two models in dispute that represent public and differentiated views. With the increase of the interest for international politics, due, mainly, to the increase of the internationalization of the Brazilian economy, many actors came to the defense of their interests, what accented the divergences of position in the arguments of agricultural negotiations. The performance of the MRE/Itamaraty, in the process of the negotiations of the Doha Round, was directed to the promotion of convergences. This ministry aimed to conciliate domestic and international issues; however, it continued having the domain on the final decision on the international agricultural negotiations. Finally, the study confirmed the hypothesis that there is, in the internal plan, the formation of coalitions that act formally and informally, articulating for the defense of their interests, molding, thus, the national position in the agricultural arguments of the Doha Round.
17
Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.
Full text
18
Phakathi, S’busiso. "The impact of agricultural subsidies on the policy of agricultural exports in South Africa within the context of WTO jurisprudence." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5123.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Legum - LLMThe aim of the research is to establish how trade distorting agricultural subsidies have impacted South Africa’s agricultural exports. The research will explore trade distorting subsidies and how South Africa’s trade liberalisation approach relative to its trading partners have impacted South Africa’s trade output, as well as suggesting effective policy recommendations for South Africa’s agricultural trade going forward.
19
Djemilou, Mohamed. "The impact of the Bali agreement on the Doha round stalemate with particular reference to the interests of developing and least developed countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5122.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe problem that this Research Paper is aiming to examine is whether the Bali Agreement has successfully impacted on the consensus pitfalls and the Doha Round stalemate as shown in the background to the study.
National Bursary and Grants Agency (ANBG)
20
Rodrigues, Vieira Vinícius Guilherme. "Players in the fields : national identity and the politics of domestic preferences of Brazil and India in the Doha Development Round (2001-2008)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0157e2e9-68bd-4e2a-9f62-9fe10a8576b4.
Full textAbstract:
I argue that a country’s preferences in an international trade negotiation ultimately reflect the domestic distribution of power across economic sectors not only in the field of the market, but also in the field of society. Fields correspond to arenas of power. Whereas in the market societal actors have economic capital (EC), their position in society determines their identity capital (IC). The more a sector is associated to the dominant conception of national identity, the higher is its IC. Both types of capital impact a sector’s political power (PP). IC manifests itself in the phase of ratification either instrumentally, when in dispute in the political field, or structurally, if embedded in state institutions. Hence, when IC is instrumentalised, only if the coalition in government espouses a social paradigm to which a sector is mostly associated it will be able to convert its level of IC into PP. As ratification shadows negotiation, constraints in this latter phase tend to be false positives in explaining the formation of the national interest. The hypothesis on the role of IC in shaping the weight of sectors’ preferences in trade negotiations is tested along with a process of theory-building through a multi-method structured-focused comparison. For the comparison, two countries were chosen as their societies are diverse in terms of identity, yet each represents a variety of the effects of IC. Brazil and India have identity-based social cleavages that are expressed in structural and instrumental terms respectively. They are key players in the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) multilateral system of trade, having participated of the Doha Development Round of trade liberalisation. Brazil expressed interest for liberalisation as the mostly racially-diverse sectors had offensive demands. In turn, protectionist demands prevailed in India, as defensive sectors are associated to the dominant secularist paradigm of national identity.
21
Wei, Liming [Verfasser], Christian [Gutachter] Tietje, and Karsten [Gutachter] Nowrot. "Reasons for reforms to the WTO agreement on the implementation of article VI of GATT 1994 in the Doha Round negotiations : is there any way out of the Doha impasse? / Liming Wei ; Gutachter: Christian Tietje, Karsten Nowrot." Halle (Saale) : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Sachsen-Anhalt, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1232726486/34.
Full text
22
Rizzotto, Alessandra Biavati. "Rodada Doha e a possível redução de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias : uma estimativa dos benefícios para o Brasil por meio do modelo de equilíbrio geral computável." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2018. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/7004.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-04-20T12:11:51Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Alessandra Biavati Rizzotto_.pdf: 607786 bytes, checksum: 247982c50aac28576169ac58e8aeb265 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-20T12:11:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alessandra Biavati Rizzotto_.pdf: 607786 bytes, checksum: 247982c50aac28576169ac58e8aeb265 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28
CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) entrou em funcionamento no dia 1º de janeiro de 1995, com a finalidade de administrar o sistema multilateral do comércio. A Rodada Doha foi a primeira rodada de negociações da OMC, que iniciou em 2001 e se estende até os dias atuais. Inúmeros impasses no contexto multilateral afloraram das mesas de negociação na OMC, principalmente na área agrícola, de especial interesse para o Brasil. Sendo assim, o objetivo da dissertação é simular reduções de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias, no âmbito multilateral, e verificar quais seriam os benefícios para o Brasil, com ênfase sobre o setor primário. Para tanto, foi estimado um modelo de equilíbrio geral computável, por meio do software GTAP, e quatro cenários que incorporaram reduções de barreiras tarifárias e não tarifárias foram realizados. Os resultados mostram que, especificamente para o Brasil, nos cenários em que só são incorporadas reduções de tarifas, o setor primário e de agroindústria seriam os mais beneficiados. Já a redução multilateral das BNTs favoreceria, especialmente, os setores industriais, de maior conteúdo tecnológico. Quando simulados ambos, reduções de BNT combinados com reduções tarifárias, todos os setores aumentariam as exportações, principalmente a pecuária, agroindústria e manufaturas de alta intensidade tecnológica. Em relação ao bem-estar, os cenários que incorporam redução de BNTs ou reduções combinadas de BNTs e tarifas são os mais benéficos para todas as regiões incluídas no estudo, com ganhos mundiais que podem alcançar mais de US$ 1 trilhão.
The World Trade Organization (WTO) officially commenced on January 1, 1995, for the purpose of administering the multilateral trading system. Doha Round was the first round of WTO negotiations, which began in 2001 and extends to the present day. Numerous impasses in the multilateral context have emerged from the negotiating tables in the WTO, especially in the agricultural area, of special interest to Brazil. Thus, the objective of the dissertation is to simulate reductions in tariff and non-tariff barriers at the multilateral level, and to verify the benefits to Brazil, with emphasis on the primary sector. For that, a computable general equilibrium model was estimated using the GTAP software, and four scenarios that incorporated reductions of tariff and non-tariff barriers were performed. The results show that, specifically for Brazil, in the scenarios in which only tariff reductions are incorporated, the primary and agroindustry sectors would be the most benefited. The multilateral reduction of BNTs would favor, especially, the industrial sectors, with greater technological content. When both, BNT reductions combined with tariff reductions were simulated, all sectors would increase exports, especially livestock, agro-industry, and high-tech manufactures. Concerning well-being, scenarios incorporating reductions in BNTs or combined reductions in BNTs and tariffs are the most beneficial for all regions included in the study, with global gains that can reach over $ 1 trillion.
23
Junior, Haroldo Ramanzini. "Processo decisório de política externa e coalizões internacionais: as posições do Brasil na OMC." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02032010-174055/.
Full textAbstract:
O objetivo desta dissertação consiste em analisar a atuação da coalizão G-20, no âmbito da Rodada Doha, da OMC, tendo como foco principal o entendimento das posições brasileiras na coalizão. Procuramos compreender a receptividade da política externa brasileira às pressões domésticas, no caso da atuação do país, no G-20, bem como a influência dos atores domésticos, governamentais e não governamentais, no processo de formulação e de implementação da estratégia brasileira na coalizão. Argumentaremos que a forma como o Brasil atua, no G-20, relaciona-se, tanto com o processo interno de construção da posição negociadora do país, quanto com os limites que a própria lógica das negociações estabelece. A unidade de decisão que estrutura a posição brasileira é uma variável importante para o entendimento da postura do país e para manutenção da coalizão.The objective of this text is to analyze the performance of the G-20 at Doha Round in the WTO, having as main focus the brazilian position in the coalition. We will try to comprehend the receptiveness of the brazilian foreign policy to the domestic pressures considering the countries positions in the coalition. We argue that the brazilian positions, in the G-20, are related to the domestic decision making structure, as well as to the limits of the negotiations logic. The decision unit that structures the country position is an important variable to understand brazilian positions and the maintenance of the coalition.
24
Balúnová, Slávka. "Perspektívy Katarského kola: postoje veľkých ázijských ekonomík." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199787.
Full textAbstract:
India, China and Indonesia are among the six largest and fastest growing economies in the world (BRIICS). Rich countries are still reluctant to accept the fact that developing countries are becoming stronger and that the balance of economic power is shifting. The international community therefore seeks to find the way how to deal with this situation and the answer is to involve developing countries in the international trade. The main objective of the WTO is to involve developing countries in world trade and to create better conditions for them. Therefore, in 2001, the Doha Development Agenda has commenced and its aim is to achieve the goals of the WTO. The main objective of this paper is to evaluate the success of the Doha round and its prospects with the focus on the attitudes and interests of the major Asian economies, namely China, India and Indonesia.
25
Mouhot, Eric. "De l'adaptation dynamique du concept de juridiction : étude rapportée à une organisation internationale atypique, l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAA028.
Full textAbstract:
Une telle étude n'aurait pas été possible immédiatement après la conclusion de l'Accord de Marrakech, suite aux premières analyses. Des analyses qu'il convenait de prendre en compte avec du recul, la richesse du substrat est à souligner. Le choix de l'organisation, quant à lui, est dicté par un constat: l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce qui est aussi en phase de mutation participe du réaménagement, de l'ordre économique mondial. Pour que cette participation de l'OMC contribue à l'équilibre global du système, il est nécessaire de proposer des pistes de travail aux représentants des Etats, aux négociateurs, aux différents groupes parties prenantes à ce processus évolutif. Proposer des pistes de réformes auto centrées exclusivement sur l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce reviendrait, par le biais d'un schéma réducteur à l'excès, à ne pas tenir compte de la dimension de la sphère internationale. Le plan et le déroulement de la thèse ont été dictés par cet incontournable cahier des charges. Incontournable tout comme le constat qui a servi d'armature à la première partie, le modèle juridictionnel est accessible mais non atteint par l'OMC. Deux de ces éléments, l'existence d'un différend et l'application du droit ne posent pas de problèmes lorsqu'ils sont soumis à la matrice de règlement des différends de l'OMC. Mais le caractère obligatoire des recommandations pose le problème de la compatibilité avec les critères formel et organique du modèle juridictionnel. . L'atypisme de l'OMC est illustré par le dédoublement fonctionnel auquel se livre le Conseil Général-Organe de Règlement des Différends. La juridictionnalisation du traitement des différends commerciaux peut s'envisager via la configuration de nouveaux schémas coopératifs, y compris avec des ramifications hors du centre William Rappard. La conclusion de lathèse, tout en synthétisant les causes de la non validation du qualificatif juridictionnel pour l'OMC, rend compte de virages prospectifs qui pourraient permettre l'émergence d'une juridiction commerciale internationale entre EtatsSuch a study would not have been possible straight after the conclusion of the Agreement of Marrakesh, further to the first analyses. Analyses which it was advisable to take into account with hindsight, the wealth of the substratum should be noticed. As for the choice of the organization, it is dictated by a report stating that the World Trade Organization which is also in the pro cess of being transferred participates in the reorganization of the world economic order. In order for this participation of the WTO ( .. ) to contribute to the global balance of the system, it is necessary to propose working tracks to the representatives of the States, to the negotiators, to the various groups involved in this progressive process. Proposing means of reforms centred only on WTO, excessive reduction and not taking into account the dimension of the international sphere. The plan and the progress of the thesis were dictated by these unavoidable specifications. As inevitable as the report which was used as a basis of the first part, the jurisdictional model is accessible but not reached by the WTO ( .. ). Two out of these elements, the existence of a dispute and the application of law do not pose problems when they are subjected to the matrix of dispute settlement of the WTO ( .. ). But the compulsory character of the recommendations poses the problem of the compatibility with the formaI and organiccriteria of the jurisdictional model. The atypism of the WTO ( .. ) is illustrated by the functional splitting in which the General-Organ Council of Dispute settlement is engaged. The 'jurisdictionnalisation" of the treatment of the trade disagreements can be envisaged via the configuration of new cooperative plans, including ramifications outside the William Rappard Center. The conclusion of the thesis, while synthesizing the causes of the invalidation of the jurisdictional qualifier for the WTO ( .. ), justifies means of prospection allowing the emergence of an international commercial jurisdiction between States
26
Gerlach, Carina. "The EU, the WTO and trade in services : power and negotiation in the international political economy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10873.
Full textAbstract:
For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.
27
Bhatanacharoen, Pojanath. "Assessing the influence of small EU member states on WTO global trade negotiations on agricultural policy in the Doha Round : a comparative analysis of Denmark and Ireland through a multi-level game perspective." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500902.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis assesses the implications of multilateralism on state behaviour and the ability to shape the negotiation outcomes. More specifically, this thesis examines the small European Union (EU) states' strategy, motivation and influence on the agricultural trade negotiations. Small states face greater challenge as the European Council decides trade issues by Qualified Majority Voting which generally favours bigger member states with heavier voting weight. In the current Doha Round negotiations of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) (2000 - 2006), the increasing pressures from within the EU and WTO continue to challenge the viability of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). In particular, the United States and the CAIRNS group countries criticised heavily the EU's protectionist approach to CAP.
28
Reis, Magnus dos. "Ensaios acerca dos impactos da abertura multilateral sobre os fluxos de comércio e bem-estar dos países." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/172472.
Full textAbstract:
Utilizando o modelo gravitacional, estimado através da Pseudo Máxima Verossimilhança de Poisson com a inclusão de efeitos fixos, esta tese de doutorado fornece evidências de que a OMC teve um profundo impacto sobre o comércio internacional. Entretanto, esse impacto ocorreu de forma assimétrica entre os setores, países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros. Considerando as importações agregadas, os países em desenvolvimento foram os mais favorecidos pela atuação da OMC, porém com dados desagregados de produtos primários, têxteis e industrializados, os países desenvolvidos foram os que mais se beneficiaram do aumento do comércio mundial promovido pela OMC. Muito embora as nações desenvolvidas também tiveram seus fluxos de comércio ampliados pela OMC nos setores têxtil e industrial, o maior crescimento ocorreu no setor primário. Além disso, esses países não discriminaram os não membros da instituição. Diferentemente, a abertura comercial dos países em desenvolvimento foi discriminatória e o crescimento do comércio foi observado apenas em produtos primários e industriais, mas em menor magnitude que as nações desenvolvidas. Alternativamente, utilizando o Modelo de Equilíbrio Geral Computável do GTAP, foram avaliados os impactos de uma hipotética conclusão da Rodada de Doha sobre os países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento, membros e não membros da OMC. Os resultados sugerem que, ao incorporar a redução de barreiras não tarifárias nas reformas, além das tarifas de importação e subsídios à exportação, os ganhos, em termos de PIB e bem-estar, ampliam-se para os seus membros, sugerindo que seus efeitos são claramente dominantes em relação às tarifas de importação e aos subsídios à exportação. Considerando o cenário de maior liberalização comercial, os países desenvolvidos teriam um crescimento de bem-estar de aproximadamente US$ 572 bilhões, enquanto os em desenvolvimento aumentariam US$ 441 bilhões. O custo de não ser membro da OMC, em termos de bem-estar, pode chegar até US$ 34 bilhões.Using the gravitational model, estimated through the Pseudo Maximum Likelihood of Poisson with the inclusion of fixed effects, this doctoral thesis provides evidence that the WTO had a profound impact on international trade. However, this impact occurred asymmetrically between the developed and developing countries, members and non-members. Considering aggregate imports, developing countries were the ones most benefited by the WTO, but with disaggregated data on primary, textile and industrialized products, developed countries benefited most from the increase in world trade promoted by the WTO. Although developed nations also had their trade flows expanded by the WTO in the textile and industrial sectors, the largest growth occurred in the primary sector. In addition, these countries did not discriminate against non-members of the institution. In contrast, trade liberalization in developing countries was discriminatory and trade growth was observed only in primary and industrial products, but to a lesser extent than developed nations. Also, using the GTAP General Computable Equilibrium Model, the impacts of a hypothetical conclusion of the Doha Round on the developed and developing countries, members and non-members of the WTO, were evaluated. The results suggest that, by incorporating the reduction of non-tariff barriers in the reforms, in addition to import tariffs and export subsidies, gains in terms of GDP and welfare increase for its members, suggesting that its effects Are clearly dominant in relation to import tariffs and export subsidies. Considering the scenario of increased trade liberalization, developed countries would have a welfare growth of approximately US$ 572 billion while developing countries would increase US$ 441 billion. The cost of not being a member of the WTO in terms of welfare can reach up to US$ 34 billion.
29
Jončaitė, Rita. "Pasaulio prekybos organizacija ir jos įtaka besivystančių šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportui." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2008. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2007~D_20080128_111234-97743.
Full textAbstract:
Tyrimo problema – makroekonominiu požiūriu besivystančių šalių atsilikimas daugelyje sričių. Kaip šias šalis integruoti į pasaulinę prekybos sistemą? Tyrimo objektas – besivystan��ių šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportas ir jo skatinimo politika. Tyrimo tikslas – išanalizuoti Pasaulio Prekybos Organizacijos įtaką besivystančių šalių žemės ūkio produktų ir maisto produktų eksportui. Tyrimo uždaviniai: 1) išnagrinėti žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksporto politikos teorinius aspektus, įvertinant klasikines užsienio prekybos formas; 2) apžvelgti Pasaulio prekybos organizacijos funkcijas, principus, struktūrą, raidos ypatumus; 3) įvertinti PPO derybų raundų žemės ūkio politikos klausimais naudą besivystančioms šalims; 4) išnagrinėti ES politikos įtaką Nikaragvos ir Moldovos šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportui; 5) išanalizuoti besivystančių šalių, Nikaragvos ir Moldovos, žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportą. Tyrimų metodika. Tiriant PPO įtaką besivystančių šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportui ir jo skatinimo politikai atskirais metais, prognozuojant šių šalių vystymosi perspektyvas bei formuluojant darbo išvadas buvo remiamasi loginiu, mokslinės literatūros analizės, aprašomuoju, lyginimo, duomenų analizės, istoriniu, laiko eilučių analizės, grafinio duomenų vaizdavimo metodais.The problem of the analysis – developing countries in terms of macroeconomic indicators are lagging behind many areas. How to integrate them into the world trade system? The object of the analysis - the export of the agricultural and food products of the developing countries The aim of the analysis - WTO's influence on the agricultural and food products of the developing countries The tasks: 1) to analyse theoretical aspects of agricultural and food products policy, evaluating the forms of foreign classical trade; 2) to review WTO's functions, background, structure and key issues of its development; 3) to evaluate the benefits of WTO negotiations on the agricultural policy issues for developing countries; 4) to analyse the influence of the EU on the export of agricultural and food products from Nicaragua and Moldova; 5) to analyse the export of agricultural and food products from developing countries cases of Nicaragua and Moldova. The methods for the analysis. While investigating the influence of WTO to the export of agricultural and food products of developing countries, making assumptions for the future and formulating the outcomes of the work the logical, literature scientific analysis, descriptive, comparative, data analysis, historical, time series analysis and presentation of graphical data methods were used.
30
Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural Trade:Prospects for Liberalization After Uruguay and Doha Rounds." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/103.
Full textAbstract:
AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Tsenolo Leche, for the Master of Science degree in Agribusiness Economics, presented on October 29, 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: AGRICULTURAL TRADE: PROSPECTS FOR LIBERALIZATION AFTER URUGUAY AND DOHA ROUNDS MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Wanki Moon Chapter 1 outlines the goal of the project by evaluating the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by analyzing the progress and setbacks of the Uruguay and Doha Rounds. The international trade framework is analyzed with consideration of standard trade theory, agricultural protectionism, agricultural trade liberalization efforts and assessment of the prospects for liberalizing agricultural trade in the future. Chapter 2 deals with two issues of standard trade theory: economic rationales for trade and efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II. Evidence suggests free trade is a stimulus for growth and development. Empirical evidence suggests liberalization of trade increases economic growth, decreases poverty, increases productivity and increases technology transfer. Global efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods after World War II are summarized. Efforts to liberalize trade in industrial goods started in 1947 with the formation of the General Agreement of Tariff and Trade (GATT), a multilateral body. Subsequently, the chapter briefly discusses the GATT's accomplishments through its various rounds of multilateral trade talks. It also looks into other channels that the international community pursued to liberalize trade such as regional trade liberalization, one-way trade to developing countries and unilateral trade liberalization. Chapter 3 examines the history of agricultural protectionism in general and in developed countries. Furthermore, it explains theories behind agricultural protectionism. It identifies instruments countries used to protect their agricultural sector before the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture (URAA) and in the post-Uruguay period. Chapter 4 examines efforts to liberalize agricultural trade beginning with the Uruguay Round, and including the GATT multilateral trade talks that brought agriculture under the discipline. It examines the commitments and limitations of the round in agriculture trade liberalization under three pillars of trade namely market access, export competition and domestic support. Subsequently, ongoing Doha Development Agenda Rounds are analyzed. Further, it examines the July 2004 framework and proposals from member countries for advancing agricultural trade liberalization. Chapter 5 measures the influence of the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and the U.S.'s Farm Bills on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations and their influence on the agricultural policies of both the European Union and the U.S. The impact of multifunctionality of agriculture on multilateral agricultural trade liberalization negotiations is discussed. Finally, the chapter focuses on the various perspectives by examining the roles of developing countries in the evolution of the Doha Development Agenda. Chapter 6 assesses the prospects for agricultural trade liberalization by examining agricultural trade following World War II, the WTO's Uruguay and Doha Rounds and the impact of four members of the WTO on international trade. Chapter 7 concludes that agricultural trade liberalization after the Uruguay and Doha Rounds is not likely to be as free as industrial trade liberalization because of some unique characteristics of agriculture. Based on both the Uruguay and Doha Rounds, the main goal seems to be reduction of trade-distorting domestic supports, improvement of market access and phasing out and eventual elimination of export subsidies.
31
Runick, Alah Fru. "Agricultural trade under the multilateral trade system in sub-Saharan Africa: a South African perspective with lessons from Brazil." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9444_1367481569.
Full text
32
Leche, Tsenolo. "Agricultural trade : prospects for liberalization after Uruguay and Doha rounds /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1968025151&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
33
Dlimi, Dounya. "L’Agriculture des Pays en Développement face à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce." Paris 5, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA05D003.
Full textAbstract:
La libéralisation des échanges agricoles induite par la mondialisation a un impact mitigé sur l’économie des pays en développement du fait de leur hétérogénéité. Par conséquent, les négociations agricoles au sein de l’OMC soulèvent plusieurs enjeux importants. Le principal intérêt des pays en développement dans leur intégration au système commercial multilatéral est alors la mise en place d’un marché agricole moins soumis à distorsion. Telle est la vocation de l’Accord sur l’Agriculture issu de l’Uruguay Round. Mais cet Accord constitue –t-il un cadre juridique adéquat pour résoudre les problèmes de développement des pays du Sud ? L’instauration d’un Traitement Spécial et Différencié a permis d’introduire le principe juridique d’une gradation des droits et obligations en fonction du niveau de développement des pays. C’est dans ce sens que les négociations de Doha lancées en 2001 ont promu le Programme pour le Développement. Or, l’Accord agricole, tout en visant la libéralisation du commerce agricole mondial, a permis de légaliser les politiques protectionnistes utilisées par les pays développés. De ce fait, les négociations multilatérales stagnent depuis plusieurs années, et se trouvent dans une impasse. Elles devaient être initialement bouclées en 2005, mais leurs échéances ont été maintes fois repoussées. Le dossier agricole constituant leur principale pierre d’achoppement. Par conséquent, la difficulté à laquelle est confrontée l’OMC consiste à concilier deux objectifs qui paraissent antagoniques : la libéralisation du commerce mondial et le développement économique des pays du Sud. La difficulté de la tâche est alors proportionnelle à la divergence des positions des différents acteurs dans les négociations commerciales multilatérales sous l’égide de l’OMC. C’est en tout cas dans ce cadre institutionnel que devrait aboutir la réforme du commerce des produits agricolesGlobalization has induced the liberalization of agricultural trading. Such liberalization has a mitigated impact on the economy of developing countries given the diversity of their level of development. Consequently, the agricultural negotiations taking place within the WTO raise a number of important issues. The main advantage sought by developing countries in entering the multilateral trade system lies within the creation of a fairer and less distorted farming market. The Agriculture Agreement produced by the Uruguay Round aims precisely towards this goal. But does this agreement provide the adequate legal frame for tackling the issue of development in emerging countries? The drafting of the Special and Differential Treatment Provisions created the path for the introduction of a legal principle consisting in granting a country rights and obligations in proportion with its level of development. The Doha negotiations launched in 2001 promoted this idea through the Doha Development Agenda. But the Agriculture Agreement, while aiming at the liberalization of world agricultural trade, favored the legalization of protectionism policies used by developed countries. As a result, multilateral negotiations are hardly evolving and are caught in a deadlock situation. They should initially have come into end in 2005, but their deadline have been postponed many times. Indeed, the agricultural issue constitutes their stumbling block. As a consequence, the WTO faces the difficulty to conciliate two aims that seem antagonistic: the liberalization of world trade and the economical development of developing countries. The different actors participating, under the aegis of the WTO, in the multilateral trade negotiation have divergent thinking. The more different their position are, the harder the task of the WTO is. It is however within this institutional frame that the reform in farming product trade should take place
34
White, Laura Johanna. "Executive leadership in international organisation : a case study of WTO Directors-General (1995-2013)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/executive-leadership-in-international-organisationa-case-study-of-wto-directorsgeneral-19952013(d7b0d74b-580c-4b01-80c4-37fcae82e2a0).html.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis explores the nature of executive leadership in international organisation. Executive leadership is often praised or blamed for outcomes in international agencies, and yet, the disciplinary literature fails to incorporate the executive head into institutional analyses of politics, power, and change over time. The thesis aims to address this lacuna and the role of executive leadership by analysing if and how it matters in international politics. The thesis draws on a composite literature from other areas of political research to establish what is known. A review of the literature and prevailing approaches to leadership studies reveals that an overwhelming majority of scholarship relies on exclusively structural or agential accounts of leadership. This somewhat determinist literature has distorted the limited knowledge on the nature of executive leadership in international organisation. Approaches that focus on agency-based explanations argue that executive heads matter greatly. Approaches that utilise structure to interpret executive leadership find that it matters little, if at all. Rejecting these narrow frameworks, the thesis uses a dialectical approach, supported by critical realism, to analyse four cases of executive leadership in the World Trade Organization to address the research questions and lacuna. The case studies draw on over 70 years of multilateral trade governance to reveal a set of core and subsidiary findings about politics, power, executive leadership, and change over time. The thesis argues that executive leadership matters, but that how it matters is contingent on the executive head and the circumstances of their term. By incorporating the executive head into the disciplinary literature, the thesis argues politics, power, and change over time can be more accurately understood.
35
LEAL, ARCAS Rafael. "Theory and practice of EC external trade law and policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/13171.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 11 March 2008Examining board: Prof. Bruno De Witte, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Prof. Francesca Martines, Faculty of Economics, University of Pisa ; Prof. Petros C. Mavroidis, Columbia Law School, NY and University of Neuchâtel ; Prof. Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann, European University Institute
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Both the European Community (EC) and its Member States agree that it is in their best interest to coordinate their action vis-à-vis the rest of the world in international trade agreements. Theory and Practice of EC External Trade Law and Policy looks at the intricacies of the institutional framework of EC trade law, and with special emphasis on services trade, examines the law and practice of EC external trade relations from a policy, economic, legal and an overarching European constitutional perspective. The objective of the author’s analysis is not only to find ways to nurture and preserve the unitary character of EC external trade relations in areas of shared competence between EU Member States and EU institutions, but also to understand the management of the EC’s external trade relations. The book begins with an analysis of the evolution of the EC common commercial policy, through which the author examines the checks and balances at the micro, meso and macro levels. The author then proceeds to analyse the problems faced by the EU in its external relations and the legal complexity of mixed agreements. This unique legal phenomenon is tackled from an intra-EC perspective as well as from an extra-EU perspective taking into account various implications for third parties. The major EU institutions are examined: the Commission as the negotiator of international trade agreements, the role of the EU Council and the European Parliament in concluding and ratifying of agreements and the European Court of Justice in relation to judicial enforcement. The EU’s decision-making process in the trade arena and its relation with national institutions are examined. The book concludes with an analysis of the EC’s contribution to the Doha Round in the area of services trade.
36
Ngom, Abdoulaye. "L'OMC et l'accès des pays en développement au marché agricole de l'Union Européenne : entre traitement spécial et différencié et statut particulier de l'agriculture." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017REN1G003.
Full textAbstract:
L’adoption par l’OMC de mesures de TSD utiles pour promouvoir l’agriculture des PED par le commerce agricole a favorisé l’accès des PED au marché rémunérateur de l’UE par des schémas multiples qui ne sont pas encore répartis équitablement entre les PED. Les préférences tarifaires de l’UE accordées aux PED figurent parmi les plus importants instruments de développement commercial utilisés par les pays développés. Cependant, l’effectivité des mesures de TSD reste relative à cause des limites inhérentes à leur contenu influencé par le statut particulier de l’agriculture à l’OMC. L’UE continue de bénéficier d’arrangements spéciaux et pratique un protectionnisme agricole très complexe et très décrié sur le plan externe. Les politiques commerciales, agricoles, sociales, environnementales et sécuritaires en vigueur dans le marché agricole européen neutralisent les efforts consentis par les PED, plus particulièrement les PMA et les pays ACP, pour exploiter les préférences. L’avenir de l’accès des PED au marché agricole de l’UE est actuellement lié à l’aboutissement incertain des négociations du Cycle Doha sur le TSD et l’agriculture. Les Conférences ministérielles de Bali (décembre 2013) et de Nairobi (décembre 2015) ont permis de mettre sur pied des accords partiels et a minima qui semblent maintenir le déséquilibre subtil entre un TSD peu contraignant et un statut particulier de l’agriculture toujours résistant à l’OMC, sans apporter une solution définitive au statu quo de l’accès des PED aux marchés agricoles des pays développés. Les enjeux et les perspectives de l’accès des PED au marché agricole de l’UE dépendent de la direction que prendront les travaux en cours pour répondre aux questions de développement et de libéralisation agricole dans le cadre d’un vrai cycle de développementThe adoption by the WTO of special and differential treatment (SDT) measures that are useful for promoting the agriculture of developing countries through agricultural trade has favored the access of developing countries to the remunerative market of the EU through multiple schemes that are not yet evenly distributed between developing countries. EU tariff preferences for developing countries (DCs) are among the most important trade development instruments used by developed countries. However, the effectiveness of SDT measures remains relative because of the limitations inherent in their content influenced by the special status of agriculture in the WTO. The EU continues to benefit from special arrangements and practices agricultural protectionism that is very complex and highly criticized externally. The commercial, agricultural, social, environmental and security policies in force in the European agricultural market neutralize the efforts made by developing countries, in particular least developed countries (LDCs) and ACP countries, to exploit preferences.The future access of developing countries to the agricultural market of the EU is currently linked to the uncertain outcome of the Doha Round negotiations on SDT and agriculture. The Ministerial Conferences in Bali (December 2013) and Nairobi (December 2015) have led to the establishment of partial and minimum agreements that seem to maintain the subtle imbalance between a non-constraining SDT and a particular status of agriculture that is still resistant to The WTO without providing a definitive solution to the status quo of DCs access to agricultural markets in developed countries. The challenges and prospects of developing countries' access to the EU agricultural market depend on the direction of work in progress to address agricultural development and liberalization issues within a real development cycle
37
Bařina, Jakub. "Studie doby potřebné pro rozhled a rozhodnutí při dání přednosti v jízdě." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Ústav soudního inženýrství, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-233161.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with detection and analysis of a time needed for getting an all-round view before entering other vehicle's corridor during different conditions and speed. In the theoretical part a brief research is made concerning the subject of causes of accidents, aspects of human perception and driver's outlook. The analytical part derives from video recordings of on-road trials. The results was processed and the obtained data evaluated in order to find out the time needed for getting an all-round and making a decision while situated in the intersection. Above that, the data served as a determination of safety during intersection passing and quality of estimates of speed and distance of incoming vehicles. The conclusion of the analytical part is dedicated to participants mutual comparison and analysis of particular situations that occurred during the trials.
38
Rahmanto, Rio Budi. "Developing country coalitions in the doha round : the liberal trade and development nexus." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155916.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the nature and role of negotiating coalitions in pursuing development-oriented agendas during the WTO Doha Round. The thesis examines: (1) the Group of 20 (G-20) and Group of 33 (G-33) in agriculture negotiations; (2) the Core Group and Group of 90 (G-90) in the new 'Singapore' issues; and (3) the Coalitions on TRIPS and Public Health (CTPH), African Group (AG) and Coalition of Developing Countries (CDC) in TRIPS and public health negotiations. This thesis suggests that the core arguments of the above coalitions reflected a particular frame of reference linked to their agendas and that the coalitions assumed certain types of leadership that evolved over time. An instrumental frame prescribed material incentives-based arguments, which relates to the non-discrimination and reciprocity norms under the liberal trade principle, while a normative frame advocated normative values-based arguments, which relates to the flexibilities, special and differential treatment, and sustainable development norms under the developmental principle. The thesis finds that the G-20 used mixed instrumental-normative frames and exhibited a formidable strategic-based leadership that developed innovative solutions to create mutual gains. The G-33 used a normative frame and exerted a knowledge-based leadership that used reasoned arguments as a moral justification and later evolved to a strategic-based leadership. The Core Group/G-90 used a predominantly instrumental frame and demonstrated a structural-based leadership using collective coercive power and later adapted to strategic-based leadership. The CTPH used a predominantly normative frame that exhibited a knowledge-based leadership in negotiating for the Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health (DTPH). The AG and CDC used a similar normative frame as the CTPH, but could not develop into a strategic-based leadership in negotiating TRIPS flexibilities rules. This thesis also examines the coalitions' role in the rule-development process. Many negotiating coalitions attempted to influence the mode of trade negotiation by incorporating socio-humanitarian or socio-economic objectives; thus expanding the traditional trade negotiations that used reciprocal concessions and primarily concentrated on liberal trade objectives. The thesis finds that the G-20 was successful in maintaining an agenda to discipline trade distortions, but had to exchange concessions on specific agriculture rules and provide concessions on manufacturing. The G-33 succeeded in inserting special trade provisions for food security purposes in the agriculture modalities, but had to exchange concessions with agriculture exporters by accepting more stringent rules on flexibilities. The CTPH ensured a developmental-friendly interpretation of TRIPS flexibilities, but the AG and CDC had to accept the demand by the major powers for stringent rules on TRIPS flexibilities. The Core Group and G-90 were effective in opposing the inclusion of three new 'Singapore' issues in negotiations and succeeded in developing trade facilitation modalities and rules reflecting a balance between liberal trade and developmental objectives. The evidence suggests that coalitions of developing economies were relatively successful in re-emphasising developmental objectives during agenda-setting and modalities-setting processes. However, most of the developing economy negotiating coalitions were drawn into traditional bargaining through the exchange of concessions and consequently had to downgrade their original development-oriented objectives during the rule-making and near deal-making processes.
39
Chen, Chian-Huey, and 陳千惠. "The Study on the Farm Supports in EU & USA and Their Disputes During WTO Doha Round." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/44131481946499275796.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
96
The GATT (the predecessor of WTO) Uruguay round appeared to be heading towards failure when USA and EU confronted the crisis of breaking out a trade war. The entire negotiation had been stalled for more than 7 years，mainly because of the diametrically opposed positions of key Contracting Parties (especially the USA and the EU). The WTO Doha round was launched in 2001, but it was suspended because gaps between the member countries on agricultural issues have remained too wide in July 2006. Doha negotiations were resumed in February 2007. Different forms of Farmers supports, respectively in the US or the EU, however, need to be evaluated like the effects of their application or practice and the former commitments to see some progress in the Doha trade talks and the prospects of the free trade policies. Document analysis has been used through this thesis methodic progress as well as cross statistics figures analysis help us to look closer to the different countries policies The content of this paper is as per the followed: Introducing paragraph, a discussion on the agricultural protection and farm supports, exploring agricultural policies and trade policies in EU and USA, analysis of the farm supports and agricultural trade in EU and USA after the UR commitments and the creation of WTO, observing the farm subsidies issues and crisis in the Doha negotiations, examining the prospects of agricultural recent policy adjustments in EU and USA and the free trade policies target, and a last conclusion paragraph Due to the complexity and greater intention of developing countries to participate in the Doha negotiations, it becomes more difficult again to reach an agreement than during the Uruguay round while US and EU farmers and the development of agricultural trade has remained the major sticking points in Doha round, and the disputes created are not only limited to EU and USA but also include the developing countries economies relying in a large proportion to agricultural exports .Furthermore, we may pay attention to the emerging of new issues─such as biofuel and global food crisis increasing the tension on agricultural products and tensions on their availabilities with BRIC ( Brazil, Russia, Inidia, China ) countires growing demands and offers. Therefore, the prospects of Doha round will depend on the political will of the officials from member countries to conclude the negotiations and also their wisdom to solve the new issues.
40
Chou, Wei-Hsiu, and 周威秀. "From Legal Aspects to Formulate a Workable Geographical Indication Protection System In Light of WTO Doha Round Negotiations." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/64222809181920375752.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立交通大學
管理學院碩士在職專班科技法律組
97
The globalization of economy has meant protecting intellectual property rights becomes important not only on a national and local basis but also on an international basis. This is evident from the negotiation and ultimately inclusion of the TRIPS Agreement, or Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, into the World Trade Organization. In the TRIPS Agreement, one protection to a local intellectual property on an international level is the protection of geographical indications, and such protection may be found in Articles 22 through 24 of the TRIPS Agreement. Geographical indications are place names, or in some countries also words associated with a place, used to identify products with particular characteristics because they come from specific places. Currently, under Articles 22-24 of the TRIPS Agreement, a two-tier system is set up to protect geographical indications of wines and spirits with an increased level of protection and geographical indications of other goods with a lower level of protection. Two issues have developed as a result of Articles 22-24: (1) whether to extend the increased protections under Article 23 currently granted to wines and spirits to all products; and (2) how to establish a global registry for geographical indications. These two issues have caused heated debates during the Doha Round Negotiations of the World Trade Organization, resulting in deadlocks among many WTO Members. This paper examines the legal aspects on geographical indications protection in order to formulate a workable geographical indication protection system in light of WTO Doha Round Negotiations.
41
Peng, Tingjun. "A study of imperfect competition of the Asian dairy markets : the impacts of DOHA round agricultural negotiations and further trade liberalization /." 2006. http://www.library.wisc.edu/databases/connect/dissertations.html.
Full text
42
Chou, Shou-Shin, and 周淑幸. "Impacts of non-agriculture market access negotiations in the WTO Doha round on the fisheries sector in Taiwan:an application of the fisheries sector eqilibrium model." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/37181222678630735545.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
應用經濟研究所
94
World Trade Organization (WTO) has launched the Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiation since the fourth Doha Ministerial Meeting on November 9, 2001. Through several negotiations and the fifth Cancun Minister Meeting, the Doha Work Programme (July Package) was finally adopted in August 2004. The framework of the new round of negotiation was established in the sixth Hong Kong Minister Meeting, which is held on December 13-18, 2005. The new round of Non-Agriculture Market Access (NAMA) aims to reduce tariff by formula. The Declaration of the sixth Hong Kong Minister Meeting states to use the Swiss formula, and reveals its consensus to develop toward multi-coefficients to allow developing countries to enjoy special treatment, such as states in the paragraph 8 of the Doha Work Programme Annex B. In addition, the Declaration has also required the negotiation modalities be completed before April 2006, and the draft schedules will be submitted no later than July 2006. In May 2006, the WTO secretary has calculated the tariff reduction magnitude of the developed members with Swiss formula’s coefficient 2 to 15 and with coefficient 15 to 40 of the developing member. Under the pressure of trade liberalization from other members in WTO, it is expected that Taiwan will be forced to accept the status of the developed members with lower coefficient of Swiss formul. If tariff is reduced by setting the coefficient of Swiss formula to 2, the average import tariff of seafood products in Taiwan will drop to 1.85% from 23.88% in 2004, with 92% reduction rate which may show a severe impact on fishery industry of Taiwan. This study tries to review the latest progress of the negotiation under WTO NAMA and utilizes the fisheries sector partial equilibrium model, which was established by Sun, Chang, and Chiang (1999) and updated and revised by Wu (2005) and Sun (2006), to specify six scenarios to simulate the impact of new-round tariff reduction on domestic fishery. This study finds that if the tariff is reduced by setting the coefficient of Swiss formula to 2, and the upper limit of import is assume to be no more than 1.5 times of the current imports to represent the lack of marketing channel and the limitation of the market capacity in the short-term, the import will increase only 17.81% in 2010 compared with respect to the baselin with 1.45% reduction of the total output (about 17,779 tons) of the whole fishery sector and of 8.96% reduction of the total value added (about NT$5.117 billion). As for the three major fisheries, the output of distant water fishery will decrease 1.16% (around 7,787 tons) with the output value experience 2.76% reduction; the output of coastal and offshore fishery will experience 2.88% reduction (about 6,636 tons) with 6.71% reduction on output value; the output of aquaculture will reduce by 1.03% (about 3,356 tons) with 6.35% reduction on output value. Hence, the government in Taiwan should try to claim the opportunity of special treatment, such as asking for longer implementation period for new members to lower the pressure on the fisheries sector. If we release the upper limit of imports stepwise and increase the supply response elastivities of labor and land as specified in scenario 5, the impact of the total output of the fisheries sector will be more sever than the baseline with 5.83%, and 13.33% reduction on total output value. Therefore, this thesis further concludes that the government should plan to adjust the industry structure in advance, since the domestic output of milkfish, snappers, other offshore fishes, other shrimps, white-leg shrimps, oysters, giant freshwater prawn, crabs, and groupers are influenced significantly by the Doha Development Round of trade liberalization. In addition, eel, giant freshwater prawn and many coastal/offshore fish species which may jeopardize the ground water resourse and biomass conservation of the coastal/offshore would also need to be adjusted in advance as well. Keywords: World Trade Organization, Doha Development Round, Non-Agriculture Market Access (NAMA), Doha Work Programme (July Package), Fishery Sector Partial Equilibrium Model, Swiss Formula
43
Jánská, Lucie. "Efektivita rozhodovacího procesu ve WTO - Uruguayské a Katarské kolo." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372899.
Full textAbstract:
The study examines multilateral negotiation in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and later in the World Trade Organization. It analyses the effectiveness of the decision-making process on the liberalization of trade in agricultural products in the Uruguay and Doha rounds of negotiations. Agriculture seems to be the most problematic and the most controversial issue on the agenda during the both rounds of negotiations. The aim of the study is to analyse the negotiation processes in selected cases and compare them to identify factors explaining the difference in the effectiveness of the decision-making process between Uruguay and Doha round. The study also attempts to clarify why it is so complicated to conclude the Doha round after more than fifteen years of negotiations. Therefore, six factors with presumed influence on the effectiveness of the decision-making process are defined in the theoretical part of the study: number of actors, leadership, inclusiveness of negotiation, agenda complexity, coalitions and strategies of actors. The degree of influence of these factors is then tested in the practical part of the study. The study assumes that the efficiency of the decision-making process is increased by the reduced number of active actors in the negotiation, the willingness of the actors...
44
Pan, Ya-Ling, and 潘雅玲. "Revisiting the Analysis of Impact of Tariff Reduction in the Non-Agriculture Market Access Negotiations in the WTO Doha Round on the Fisheries Sector in Taiwan." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/58272480573256920283.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
應用經濟研究所
97
According to the 2005 World Trade Organization (WTO) Hong Kong Ministerial Declaration, NAMA negotiations will reduce tariff by using the non-single coefficient of Swiss formula. Based on the Swiss formula with coefficient 8 for developed members and the status of new members, the deadline for Taiwan to reduce tariff will be extended for two years. As Doha round negotiations will be implemented in January of 2011 with a 5-year implementation period, this suggests that the completion of final tariff reduction will be scheduled in December of 2017. This study utilizes mathematical programming techniques by applying the most current dataset in 2007 to the fisheries sector equilibrium model of Sun et al (1999) and at the same time considering both future population growth and economic growth rate of 2% to simulate the impact of tariff reduction on the fishing industry. We find that the import quantity of fishery sector in 2017 will increase by 36.96% of the 2017 predicted baseline. In addition to tariff reduction formula, we make further adjustments the supply elasticity of factors to conduct sensitivity analysis by simultaneously considering the impact of the low price of imported fish products as direct substitute for domestic products. The import quantity of fishery sector will increase by 91.51% in 2017, while the total production and the value of fisheries sector will decrease by 6.64% (which is about 96,967 MT) and 14.23% (which is about NT$22,723,647 million), respectively, of the predicted value of the corresponding baseline. Within the Taiwan’s fishery sector, aquaculture will bear the heaviest burden of the loss in output. Because the production of all three major fishery sectors will fall, the total production and the employment of fishery sectors will be reduced by 6.64% (which is about 96,967 MT) and 21.19%, respectively. According to the fisheries statistical yearbook in 2007, 342,915 were employed in the all fishery sectors. This means that as many as 122,112 people will be unemployed. The aquaculture sector will suffer the biggest loss in employment of 23.27%. Among the forty-three fishery products, farmed shrimp, shellfish, and fishes will suffer most of the loss in output reduction. The production cost of giant shrimp, small abalones, eel, oyster, and other aquaculture products exceed their output value, and the low price imported fish products will replace them in the market. Competition from imports will make it difficult for the producers to survive. It is anticipated that 10% of the above-noted fish farmers will have to withdraw from the industry. They will need government to assistance to find alternative employment.
45
Wu, Miao-Fang, and 吳苗芳. "A Study of the Impact of Tariff Reduction in Doha Development Round on the Fisheries Sector in Taiwan: An Application of the Fisheries Sector Equilibrium Model." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/07810555688974086508.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣海洋大學
應用經濟研究所
93
World Trade Organization (WTO) had begun a new round multilateral trade negotiation since the fourth Ministerial Meeting in Capital Doha of Qatar on November 9, 2001. The content of the Doha negotiations is extensive and it’s equirement regarding the single undertaking condition is difficult to be accepted by all members. Since the fifth Cancun Ministerial Meeting failed to reach consensus, every topic was procrastinated for a long time. Since the Doha Work Programme (July Package) was adapted in August 2004, the new round multilateral negotiation is able to launch again. According to July Package, seafood product is classified as non-agriculture market access (NAMA) negotiations aim to reduce the peak of the tariffs by a non-linear Swiss formula or Girard formula. Following the strategy of “industry first” in NAMA negotiations, Taiwan may choose to vote for Swiss formula which will help to improve the export of domestic industry by eliminate the import tariffs. However, the import tariffs of seafood products will decline dramatically and the domestic fishery sector may suffer a lot. Based on there are eight years negotiation process for WTO Uruguay Round form 1986 to 1994, the new round negotiation is probably will be implemented in 2010 and a final tariff reduction schedule may be ended in 2014. If the parameter is set to 8 under the Swiss formul, such as proposed by US during the negotiation, the highest seafood tariff, which is about 50%, will dropped to 6.9%. By taking into account both the growth of population and income in 2010 and 2014, this study utilizes the most current dataset in 2004 to update the fisheries sector partial equilibrium model, which was established by Sun, Chang, and Chiang (1999), to evaluate the impact of tariff reduction under various parameters setting of Swiss formula with two different scenario in 2010 and 2014. The study finds that the total production of fishery sector in 2014 baseline will increase by 3.73% than what’s in the base year of 2004. If the export quantity will not be influenced and the parameter in Swiss formula is set to 8, the import quantity in 2014 will increase by 29.30% than the baseline in 2014 , the total production and the add-value of fishery sector will be reduced by 1.12% (which is about 17,121 MT) and 6.35% (which is about NT$4,258 million), respectively. The total production of coastal/offshore and aquaculture fishery will decrease by 3.37% (which is about 8,424 MT) and 2.34% (which is about 8,703 MT), respectively. Within the forty fishery products, crab, white shrimp, giant shrimp, grass shrimp, and other fish will bear the biggest loss in output and will be replaced easily by import products.
46
Chiang, Yee-Chun, and 姜宜均. "The Rise of China and the Transformation of International Institutional Rules: the Cases of Anti-dumping Rules and Special Safeguard Mechanism during the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96110654418435584000.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
99
Since the Chinese economic reform started in 1978, China’s economic power has attracted the world’s attention because of its rapid development. A lot of literatures have argued that is China proving to be a status quo power or a revisionist power, when she faces the current international order which reflected the interests of the United States? This thesis compared two cases, which are “Anti-dumping Rules” and “Special Safeguard Mechanism” during the Doha Round of the World Trade Organization, to analyze: (a) the intention and capability of the behavior of China in the WTO; (b) the impact of economic and trade interests on China’s intention in the negotiations; (c) the impact of the negotiation power on the result of changing the regime. This thesis borrowed the concept of the Power Transition Theory and the framework of the negotiation literatures to define China’s economic and trade interests according to the domestic economic structure and international rules on economic and trade, and to define the negotiation power of the coalition according to its relative economic and trade power compared with the rival coalition. Based on the concept and framework, this thesis proposed two hypotheses, which are: (a) the bigger the economic and trade interests of China are, China will be more active attempting to change the rules; (b) the bigger the negotiation power of China’s coalition has, the result of changing the rules is more obvious. After observing and comparing the two cases, this thesis found out that, (a) anti-dumping measures have little impact on export trade of China, otherwise China is one of the principal users of anti-dumping measures, therefore, China has little incentive to substantially modify the Anti-dumping Agreement. FANs as the main advocate of the negotiation on anti-dumping rules, has influential negotiation power though, the negotiation on anti-dumping rules has made little progress because of fierce opposition from the United States; (b) SSM is a useful remedy for China that could reduce the damage causing by import surges, hence China has enough incentive to opposite the proposal of the United States. In the meanwhile the negotiation power of the rival coalition is weaker, the current trend of the negotiation on SSM consequently is towards to the proposal of China’s coalition. Two hypotheses were both proved.
47
Fru, Runick Alah. "Agricultural trade under the multilateral trade system in Sub-saharan Africa: a South African perspective with lessons from Brazil." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3485.
Full text
48
Belanger-Gulick, Jasmine. "Explaining the Paradox: Canada???s Position in the Agricultural Trade Negotiations of the Uruguay and Doha Rounds." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7871.
Full textAbstract:
The Canadian government has been holding an inconsistent position in the agricultural trade negotiations of both the Uruguay and Doha rounds. It has been advocating for freer agricultural trade while defending its supply management system, a protectionist policy that governs dairy, poultry and eggs in the country. The thesis attempts to answer the question: What domestic factors explain the inconsistent position, advocating for both liberalization and protectionism, that Canada has been advocating in the Uruguay and Doha rounds of negotiations on agriculture since 1985? The thesis starts with the assumption that the Canadian government has had a preference for free trade and market-based economic policies since the 1980s. The question is therefore less about explaining Canada???s dual position, but rather about explaining why Canada continues to defend supply management, a system that appears to be in contradiction with its policy preferences. The thesis explores two arguments. First, it analyses the lobbying power of the farmers??? organizations from the supply-managed sectors and from the export-dependent sectors. Second, the thesis evaluates the impact of the concentration of supply-managed farms in Quebec and Ontario. It looks at the effect of support by these two provincial governments, at electoral motivations behind the maintenance of supply management as well as at Quebec separatism and nationalism. Finally, the thesis presents the importance of corporatism in the continued governmental support to supply management.
49
Mogomotsi, Goemeone Emmanuel Judah. "Exclusive greenroom meetings of the WTO: an examination of the equality principle in the decision-making process of the multilateral trading system." Thesis, 2013. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1427_1380713184.
Full text
50
BASILI, Silvia. "Gli attuali scenari del commercio internazionale dei prodotti agroalimentari, tra vecchie e nuove questioni di sicurezza alimentare: una riflessone comparatistica ta UE, USA e CINA." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11393/251081.
Full textAbstract:
Il commercio dei prodotti agroalimentari ha assunto oggi una dimensione globale, che pone una serie di questioni su cui è necessario riflettere.
Una di queste riguarda la sicurezza alimentare intesa nell'accezione di food safety, ossia come il diritto di ogni individuo a consumare cibo sano e sicuro.
La sicurezza alimentare implica l'assenza di elementi estranei che sono riconducibili ai residui dei trattamenti antiparassitari, veterinari, contaminanti ambientali o ancora l'assenza di adulterazioni nel processo di produzione, che possono comportare un rischio per la salute dei consumatori.
La tesi analizza le principali dinamiche internazionali relative all'attuale commercio dei prodotti agroalimentari, focalizzando l'attenzione sulla questione della sicurezza alimentare, che da un lato deve garantire senza compromessi la tutela di tutti i consumatori, e dall'altro però, le misure adottate non devono costituire inutili ostacoli commerciali per le imprese alimentari esportatrici.
L'analisi inizia dagli accordi nati nell'ambito della WTO, con la firma del Trattato di Marrakech nel 1994, con lo scopo di favorire gli scambi commerciali internazionali attraverso una maggiore armonizzazione delle differenti normative di riferimento.
Per quanto riguarda specificamente la sicurezza alimentare si fa riferimento all'Accordo SPS sulle misure sanitarie e fitosanitarie e al Codex Alimentarius, che hanno lo scopo di creare un sistema di norme internazionali valido all'interno dei paesi membri della WTO per tutelare la salute dei consumatori e garantire pratiche eque nel commercio degli alimenti.
Dal contesto multilaterale della WTO si procede ad analizzare il ruolo degli accordi bilaterali o regionali, nati in seguito alla crisi del multilateralismo, iniziata con il round di Doha nel 2001e dovuta principalmente all'eterogeneità delle posizioni dei Paesi membri.
In particolare nell'ambito degli accordi bilaterali si fa riferimento al partenariato transatlantico sul commercio e gli investimenti (TTIP) recentemente negoziato tra UE e USA, e fermo per ora a tale fase.
Si tratta di un accordo di libero scambio volto ad abbattere molte barriere commerciali esistenti tra le due sponde dell'Atlantico, con particolare riferimento a quelle non tariffarie consistenti in divergenze normative che ostacolano le esportazioni, tra cui vanno sicuramente ricomprese le misure sanitarie e fitosanitarie, che si sono rivelate le questioni maggiormente dibattute nel corso delle trattative del TTIP, offrendo lo spunto per analizzare in chiave comparatistica le due diverse tradizioni giuridiche di food safety, delineate attraverso la tematica degli OGM, dove emerge la distanza dell'approccio giuridico tra le due potenze transatlantiche.
L'uso delle moderne tecniche di ingegneria genetica in campo alimentare è stato uno dei temi particolarmente discussi nell'ambito delle negoziazioni; gli OGM erano già stati oggetto di una controversia tra Europa e USA nell'ambito della WTO.
In ogni caso il TTIP, nonostante il suo fallimento, segna comunque la volontà delle due potenze di trovare una base normativa comune.
L'ultima parte della tesi riguarda invece l'evoluzione della sicurezza alimentare in Cina, che grazie alla rapida crescita economica degli ultimi anni, si attesta ad essere una delle potenze protagoniste degli scambi commerciali mondiali, completando in tal modo il quadro internazionale di riferimento.
L'introduzione nel 2009 della prima legge sulla sicurezza alimentare, poi modifica nel 2015, rappresenta un primo avvicinamento ai sistemi normativi occidentali.
L'analisi delle diverse normative di food safety nel contesto europeo, statunitense e cinese mostra come la globalizzazione economica abbia determinato anche una globalizzazione giuridica o meglio un progressivo allineamento dei diversi sistemi normativi.
La necessità di facilitare gli scambi commerciali per competere a livello mondiale ha favorito l'avvicinamento dei vari ordinamenti giuridici. Pertanto si assiste a una sorta di "contaminazione legislativa" estranea alla politica commerciale comune della WTO, ferma da tempo ad una fase di completa stagnazione.
In particolare per quanto riguarda il settore alimentare si auspica che il progressivo avvicinamento dei sistemi normativi sul tema della sicurezza alimentare possa favorire la nascita di una food law unitaria a livello globale, che sappia rispondere alle esigenze economiche - commerciali della libera circolazione dei prodotti, e contemporaneamente garantire la tutela di tutti i consumatori, assicurando un elevato livello di qualità e sicurezza.