Academic literature on the topic 'Dolls – 19th century'

<p>One of the most interesting and at the same time difficult questions for the researcher is to study the culture of the borderland. This is especially true for studying the areas currently disconnected, but which formed a part of a single state and have a long-term history of co-existence within it. This statement is true for the territory of Belarusian Pridvinye and Latgale, which were part of a single state for more than three hundred years. The proximity of these regions, close economic and cultural relations have caused the similarity of the material and spiritual culture of both peoples, which was reflected in traditional doll of this region.</p><p>Doll, being both a child’s toy and an object having a certain ritual purpose, is an important element of the culture of the ethnos.</p><p>The purpose of this research is to identify common and different features in the spiritual culture of Belarusians and Latgalians, based on such an important object of the culture of ethnos as the doll, and reveal some information about its existence, appearance, functions on the basis of ethnographic materials of the late 19th – early 20th century.</p><p>The relevance of this work is due to lack of proper researches on the topic outlined above.</p><p>The ethnographic data collected on the territory of the Vitebsk province and concerned to the people, who inhabited it, were used as the objects for this study. The information about the material and spiritual culture of Latgalians and Belarusians and directly about dolls of this region can be found in the works of M. Sementovskii, E. Romanov and N. Nikiforovskii, E. Voltaire. However, unfortunately, in these studies very little attention was paid to the traditional doll. Most often, this cultural object has stayed out of the range of interests of researchers in the late 19th – early 20th century. However, for example, in N. Nikiforovskii’s work there is described in details people’s attitude to the children’s games with dolls and beliefs associated with these games.</p><p>The existence of several dolls both game and ritual on the territory of Belarus Pridvinye and Latgale was revealed as a result of the study. The traditional set of Belarus and Latgale toys had been formed by the end of the 19th – early 20th century. Demarcation of sacred and utilitarian areas had led to the isolation of functions of game dolls and ritual dolls. Game dolls on these territories were simple and generalized in character. Most of these dolls were made by children themselves from rags, pieces of wool, thread, ash and so on. Their main function was to entertain the child, while adults were busy. The oldest form of such type of the doll, occurring on the territory of Vitebsk province, was a doll “holova”. More sophisticated dolls, such as the “prince”, “princess”,“soldier” and others, have been also found in this area, but the data about the person, it was made by, and what games were associated with them, is practically absent. Only once they are mentioned in Nikiforovskii’s work in connection with the description of beliefs, which were widely accepted among the peasantry, that lengthy children’s games with dolls-princeses could lead to the forthcoming marriage of a family member.</p><p>Ceremonial or ritual dolls have accompanied a man during the whole calendar year. Probably, Belarusians and Latvians, as well as Russians, have used dolls in all transitional type ceremonies: Christmas and Yuletide, on Shrove Tuesday, Easter, Midsummer, for the holidays associated with the beginning and the end of grazing, planting or harvest, for christenings, weddings and funerals. The study of ethnographic materials allowed accurately to detect the presence of only one doll-scarecrow of calendar type – scarecrow Mara, which was burnt during the Midsummer holiday. On the territory of the Russian empire and directly in Belarus this doll is no longer found in any of the regions. It is difficult to say, whether the person was accompanied with the doll during such holidays as Zazhinki and Dozhinki in Vitebsk province, or they were characteristic only of the Russian territories. Also, there is no definite information about the participation of dolls in rituals associated with the birth of a child. In the works of ethnographers there is mentioned the fact, that the doll was placed in the cradle, before the child was put there in order to “warm” the cradle. However, there is no information about what was this doll like, its appearance and function.</p><p>To summarize, we can conclude, that there was an original doll in Latgale and Belarus. Unfortunately, because of the paucity of data on this issue in the ethnographic researches of the late 19th – early 20th century, it is hard to imagine the whole system of ritual and game dolls, that existed in this region. However, there can be no doubt about the fact, that the doll was not only the subject, that had accompanied a person at his birth and during childhood, but was an essential attribute of festive culture of Latgalians and Belarusians. The common features of Belarusian and Latgalian dolls were caused by several reasons. There were the long-term staying in a single state, the area of residence of two nations, that had been closely related with Western Dvina River as one of the main trade route, the similarity of the calendar and festive culture and, of course, peaceful, friendly attitude of the two ethnic groups to each other.</p><p>All these factors had led to the formation of common cultural traditions, which were reflected in the doll of this region. The attempt to study in this paper such a phenomenon as a doll of Latgale and Belarus Pridvinye has showed the necessity for further research studies of this question in its indissoluble connection with the studying of material and spiritual culture of two nations.</p>

Baby dolls have been in the toy market for more than a hundred years, since French firm Jumeau entered the toy industry in the 19th century and started producing ‘bébés’, considered the greatest phenomena of the toy market (FLEMING, 1996). The aim of this analysis is to shed some light on the multimodal properties provided by the aural, verbal and visual texts of the packages of Brazilian baby dolls through a careful look at their textual and contextual meanings, anchored on Kress & Van Leeuwen’s (2006) subsystem of modality (reality value), within the interpersonal visual metafunction. The analyses of the baby dolls’ packages point to roles suggested to young girls from very early age, varying from parenting roles they are asked to fullfill later in life as future mothers to medical abilities they are encouraged to master in order to care and nurture for their “children”.

The article presents the life and educational activities of Blessed Marcelina Darowska, the cofounder of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and her views on upbringing of young women. Mother Marcelina’s perception of education of girls in the 19th century seemed modern and beyond her time. In her opinion, there was a need of putting a stop to producing “parlour dolls” and provide young women with practical education. For the betterment of the country, she set up schools in Jazłowiec, Jarosław, Niżniów and Nowy Sącz. The girls attending the schools were brought up according to the system developed by Marcelina Darowska, based on religious and patriotic values. The Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed VirginMary continues the work commenced by its founder; over time Mother Marcelina’s message remains valid and serves the subsequent generations of young Polish girls.

Abstract Voice is a powerful tool of agency - for humans and non-humans alike. In this article, we go through the long history of talking heads and statues to publicly displayed robots and fortune-tellers, as well as consumer-oriented products such as the late 19th century talking dolls of Thomas Edison. We also analyse the attempts at making speaking machines commercially successful on various occasions. In the end, we investigate how speech producing devices such as the actual digital assistants that operate our current technological systems fit into this historical context. Our focus is on the gender aspects of the artificial, posthuman voice. On the basis of our study, we conclude that the female voice and other feminine characteristics as well as the figures of exoticized and racialized ‘Others’ have been applied to draw attention away from the uncanniness and other negative effects of these artificial humans and the machinic speech they produce. Technical problems associated with the commercialization of technologically produced speech have been considerable, but cultural issues have played an equally important role.

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 62, issue 4 (2014).
 In a wealth of votive gifts, the wax ones undoubtedly deserve special attention. They were common as early as in the Middle Ages, and they were used until the 20th century. There was a variety of such votive offerings, starting with candles, through lumps of wax, and ending with full-scale wax figures that started being used as a votive gesture at the break of the 13th and 14th centuries in the north of Europe. In the 15th and 16th centuries this custom became popular among the wealthy German, Austrian and Italian noblemen. Making wax votive figures took a lot of skill so they were made by specially qualified artists (in Italy wax figures called Boti were produced by sculptors called Cerajuoli or Fallimagini). Religious orders collaborated with the artists-artisans, undertaking to supply wax, whereas the artisans prepared wooden frames, natural hair, glass eyes, paints, textiles and brocade. In the following centuries, the production of wax figures developed ever more dynamically, especially in the north of Europe, with less skilled wax modellers, artisans and gingerbread makers often being their producers. The latter ones mainly made smaller wax figures, cast or squeezed from two-part concave models (this type of items in their form and type reminded of figures made of gingerbread).
 Wax votive figures (especially of children aged three to 12) funded in the area of Upper and Lower Franconia (the Bamberg and Würzburg dioceses) from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century are a separate and rather unusual phenomenon. Popularity of this votive offering became stable about 1880, in the years 1900–1910 it reached its climax; and in the 1950s it came to an end. Franconian offerings were always constructed in a similar way: they had wax faces and hands (more rarely feet), and the other members were made of wood, metal and some other padding materials. Dolls were a dominating model for the production of these votes, and that is why, like dolls, they had wigs made of natural hair on their heads, glass eyes and open mouths. A very important role was played by clothing, in which figures were willingly dressed; they were children’s natural, real clothes (girls were often dressed in the First Communion dresses); moreover, the effigies had complete clothing, which means they had genuine underwear, tights, leather shoes. The figures were supplied with rosaries and bouquets held in their hands, and on the heads of girls there were garlands. The figures were put in cabinets and glass cases, sometimes with wallpaper on the back wall, and they had a longer text on the front glass with the name of the child, or possibly of its parents, and the time when the figure was offered.
 Despite the many features making the Franconian offering deposits different from votive figures from other regions, all these items are joined by a timeless and universal idea, in which—to quote H. Belting—“an artificial body has assumed the religious representation of a living body…”

The semantics of the doll in painting is not sufficiently investigated in art history and culture studies. The doll is never an accidental or unimportant component of a painting; it reveals deep psychological and symbolic undertones, complicates and concretizes the content of the painting. Each art style deals with this topic in its own way. The aim of the article is to analyse the interpretation of the image of the doll in various styles of painting of the second half of the XIX century – beginning of the XX century: in realistic painting, in symbolism, impressionism, and modernism. The research methods are the analysis of literature, the descriptive method, the hermeneutic method, and the comparative analysis method. The article may be useful for researchers in art and cultural studies, and can be used at school and university courses in the History of Art and Culture.

Henrik Ibsen’s drama A Doll’s House portrays the late 19th century Norway where protagonist Nora and her eventual manifestation of Feminism are almost all the time at the centre of critical attention. But Mrs. Kristina Linde is also a character of magnanimous stature with her enthusiastic sense of belonging and heart-felt services to family and society. In this manner, the human-centric role provides Linde with satisfaction that amounts to happiness, taking her ways ahead of emancipation in a world where women’s emancipation from sufferings is still an unresolved issue. Notably, Linde’s human-centric role gains authenticity as a true means of women’s emancipation by reflecting higher knowledge which is essential for any human affair to be true and real. Thus, this paper aims at exploring how Mrs. Kristina Linde in A Doll’s House by Henrik Ibsen, being in her family and society and playing vital roles accordingly, derives happiness proving the truth that all women can be human-centric in family and society, and can have happiness going far ahead of emancipation changing the global scenario of women’s misery. The methodology of thematic analysis was followed in this research. The research may contribute in propounding human-centric family and social life as the proper means of women’s emancipation.

Henrik Ibsen is deemed to be one of the major Norwegian playwrights of the late 19th century whose famous play A Doll’s House manifests a wide variety of social and individual concerns, some of which transcend times and ages and thus become all-time contemporary. This paper mainly focuses on one such concern of an individual- Nora Helmar’s quest of self-identity- which gets unfolded through many other interrelated social issues that altogether result in her complete transformation. This study identifies how Nora who we notice at the beginning of the play as a naïve and submissive woman, changes herself into an outspoken, autonomous and unyielding human being towards the end of the play. It also attempts to highlight Nora’s numerous struggles against the patriarchal hegemony of the society and outlines how these struggles contribute to developing in her a sense of progressive self-awakening which eventually shapes her self-identity as an independent woman, the ultimate destination of her journey of self-discovery. This study finally explores the underlying forces both from within and outside the family working as catalysts behind making Nora a metamorphosed one.

The Hoffmann’s layer of intertext in the neo-romantic stories of Aleksandr Chayanov is manifested systematically in the form of «Hoffmann’s complex», which was formed at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries and it is a part of «Hoffman text of Russian literature». Aleksandr Chayanov’s stories are his own modernist text, which includes not only features of Ernst Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann’s poetics, but also the totality of the subsequent of Hoffmann’s tradition, which was refracted in the works of Russian writers of the late 19th – early 20th century. One of the important aspects of the article is the analysis of individual elements of «Hoffmann complex», which are reflected in Aleksandr Chayanov’s stories (romantic irony and grotesque, psychologism, the problem of violent influence on the personality of another, the problem of echanisation of life and human, symbol images of the mask, doll, automaton, puppet and double, the symbol image of the mirror). Aleksandr Chayanov’s work becomes the final stage in the functioning of «Hoffmann’s complex « in the Fin de siècle and it is characterised by a conscious «play» with Ernst Theodor Amadeus Hoffmann’s style, images and plots, which allows us to talk about stylisation as one of the artistic techniques in Aleksandr Chayanov’s stories.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

Existing accounts of the music profession argue that between 1750 and 1850 musicians acquired a new identity as professional ‘artists’ and experienced a concomitant rise in their social and cultural status. In the absence of sustained investigation, it has often been implied that these changes affected male and female musicians in similar ways. As this thesis contends, this was by no means the case. Arguments in support of female musical professionalism, artistry, and their function in public life were made in this period. Based on the gender-specific nature of the female voice, they were an important defence of women’s public engagement that has been overlooked by gender historians, something which this thesis sets out to correct. However, the public role and professionalism of female musicians were in opposition to the prevailing valorisation of female domesticity and privacy. Furthermore, the notion of women as creative artists was highly unstable in an era which tended to label artistry, ‘genius’ and creativity as male attributes. For these reasons, the idea of female musicians as professional artists was always in tension with contemporary conceptions of gender, making women’s experience of the ‘rise of the artist’ much more contested and uncertain compared to that of men. Those advocating the female singer as professional artist were a minority in the British musical world. Their views co-existed alongside very different and much more prevalent approaches to the female singer which had little to do with the idea of the professional artist. Through examining debates about female singers in printed sources, particularly newspapers and periodicals, alongside case studies based on the surviving documents of specific singers, this thesis builds a picture of increasing diversity in the experiences and representations of female musicians in this period and underlines the controlling influence of gender in shaping responses to them.

This chapter deals with an important period in the history of the Carnival especially as it relates to the participation of women. During the 19th century and into the 20th two 'ole mas' female characters played important roles in the festivities.These characters, now called 'traditional', have largely disappeared from Carnival Tuesday but still play prominent roles in J'ouvay Monday and they are also remembered in the various theatricals that take place during the Carnival period.The role of gender inearlier periods of history and the development of what are now called 'traditional' characters playing the 'mas' will be explored.