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1
Milton, Cynthia E. The many meanings of poverty: Colonialism, social compacts, and assistance in eighteenth-century Ecuador. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2007.
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2
90 houses of the twenties: Cottages, bungalows, and colonials. Mineola, N.Y: Dover Publications, 2011.
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3
Tipologías arquitectónicas coloniales y republicanas: Afinidades y oposiciones : Cartagena de Indias, Turbaco y Arjona. Bogotá]: Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano, 2008.
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4
Arneil, Barbara. Foucault and Eugenics versus Domestic Colonialism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0007.
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In Chapter 7, the author steps back from the empirical accounts of domestic colonies in the previous four chapters to engage in a comparative theoretical analysis of arguments advanced within contemporary scholarship to explain the rise of the colony model to manage various populations. Specifically, the author considers how domestic colonialism stacks up in comparison to the two leading explanations in the scholarly literature for labour and farm colonies, namely, Michel Foucault’s theory of disciplinary power with respect to colonies for the mentally ill and juvenile delinquents and eugenics with respect to farm colonies for the mentally disabled. The author examines and critiques Foucault’s various formulations of ‘colonization’ in his key published works, particularly his College of France lectures where he draws important links between ‘internal’ and ‘external’ colonization. Eugenics, the author argues, does not work chronologically nor substantively as the key causal explanation, since most eugenicists eventually reject the colony in favour of sterilization. The chapter concludes that domestic colonialism explains not only the explicit use of the term ‘colony’ by its proponents, but also the centrality of agrarian labour, targeting of idle and irrational populations, and the emphasis on both the economic and ethical benefits of this model over the asylums, prisons, or sterilization.
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Colonialism and Male Domestic Service across the Asia Pacific. Bloomsbury Academic, 2018.
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6
Arneil, Barbara. ‘Western’ Colonization and Colonialism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0002.
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In Chapter 2, the author analyses colonies in Ancient Greece (apoikia and emporion) and Rome (colonia and emporium) rooted in agrarian settlement and trade, respectively. The volume then traces the central thread of agrarian labour in ‘Western’ colonization from its roots in the colonia of Ancient Rome (agrarian settlements), linked etymologically to colonnus, meaning farmer, and colere, meaning cultivation, through John Locke’s seventeenth-century settler colonialism rooted in an agrarian labour theory of property to the central role it played in domestic colonies. The second part of the chapter examines how external colonization served domestic ends in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, by sending the unemployed, criminals, and mentally ill and disabled people from European city streets to colonies overseas. Over the next century or so, these same populations would become targets for proposed domestic colonies.
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Arneil, Barbara. Domestic Colonies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.001.0001.
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Colonization is generally defined as a process by which states settle and dominate foreign lands or peoples. Thus, modern colonies are assumed to be outside Europe and the colonized non-European. This volume contends such definitions of the colony, the colonized, and colonization need to be fundamentally rethought in light of hundreds of ‘domestic colonies’ proposed and/or created by governments and civil society organizations initially within Europe in the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries and then beyond. The three categories of domestic colonies in this book are labour colonies for the idle poor, farm colonies for the mentally ill, and disabled and utopian colonies for racial, religious, and political minorities. All of these domestic colonies were justified by an ideology of domestic colonialism characterized by three principles: segregation, agrarian labour, improvement, through which, in the case of labour and farm colonies, the ‘idle’, ‘irrational’, and/or custom-bound would be transformed into ‘industrious and rational’ citizens while creating revenues for the state to maintain such populations. Utopian colonies needed segregation from society so their members could find freedom, work the land, and challenge the prevailing norms of the society around them. Defended by some of the leading progressive thinkers of the period, including Alexis de Tocqueville, Abraham Lincoln, Peter Kropotkin, Robert Owen, Tommy Douglas, and Booker T. Washington, the turn inward to colony not only provides a new lens with which to understand the scope of colonization and colonialism in modern history but a critically important way to distinguish ‘the colonial’ from ‘the imperial’ in Western political theory and practice.
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Arneil, Barbara. The Turn Inward. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0010.
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The concluding chapter shows how domestic colonies deepen and complicate our understanding of colonization and colonialism. The analysis in the preceding chapters provides three new theoretical contributions to colonial and postcolonial scholarship. First, the colonial and imperial are fundamentally distinct historically in Western political theory and practice. Second, domestic and external colonies are not so much a binary as common nodes within transnational colonial networks, constituted materially and conceptually through the transit of people and ideas across borders. Third, these networks were justified by intersecting colonialisms—domestic colonialism intersects with both other ideologies (racism, paternalism, socialism, anarchism, republicanism, and liberalism) to create specific kinds of colonies and other kinds of colonialisms (settler and radical) to create contradictory colonial spaces. Thus, ‘the colonial’ is larger, more complicated, and more contradictory than is currently understood, and can only be understood if we include domestic colonies within our understanding of colonialism and colonization.
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Sandler, Willeke. Empire in the Heimat. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697907.001.0001.
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With the end of the First World War, Germany became a “postcolonial” power. The Treaty of Versailles in 1919 transformed Germany’s overseas colonies in Africa and the Pacific into League of Nations Mandates, administered by other powers. Yet a number of Germans rejected this “postcolonial” status, arguing instead that Germany was simply an interrupted colonial power and would soon reclaim these territories. With the Nazi seizure of power in 1933, irredentism seemed once again on the agenda, and these colonialist advocates actively and loudly promoted their colonial cause in the Third Reich. Examining the domestic activities of these colonialist lobbying organizations, Empire in the Heimat demonstrates the continued place of overseas colonialism in shaping German national identity after the end of formal empire. In the Third Reich, the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft and the Reichskolonialbund framed Germans as having a particular aptitude for colonialism and the overseas territories as a German Heimat. As such, they sought to give overseas colonialism renewed meaning for both the present and the future of Nazi Germany. They brought this message to the German public through countless publications, exhibitions, rallies, lectures, photographs, and posters. Their public activities were met with a mix of occasional support, ambivalence, or even outright opposition from some Nazi officials, who privileged the Nazi regime’s European territorial goals over colonialists’ overseas goals. Colonialists’ ability to navigate this obstruction and intervention reveals both the limitations and the spaces available in the public sphere under Nazism for such “special interest” discourses.
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The Many Meanings of Poverty: Colonialism, Social Compacts, and Assistance in Eighteenth-Century Ecuador. Stanford University Press, 2007.
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11
Arneil, Barbara. Farm Colonies for the Mentally Ill and Disabled in Europe and America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0005.
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In Chapter 5, the volume turns to the second category of domestic colonies, namely, farm colonies for the ‘irrational’ (the mentally ill, disabled, and those with epilepsy), focusing on the first farm colonies in Europe and then America through archival records and secondary literature but also the justifications advanced in their defence by domestic colonialists including Walter Fernald, Charles Bernstein, and Henry Goddard. The chapter shows how these defenders of the farm colony repeatedly deployed the same arguments used by external colonialists to justify farm colonies, namely, both the economic benefits of colonization (working the land creates revenues to offset the cost to the state of maintaining such populations) and ethical benefits (segregation and farm labour had therapeutic value). Finally, while most historians view farm colonies as the product of eugenics, I argue that domestic colonialism provides a better explanation. Indeed, domestic colonies were viewed as institutions that served eugenicist ends but also were alternatives to both eugenics and the constraints of asylums. Thus, as sterilization was introduced, colonialists in America such as Bernstein rejected it, and argued for the colony as an alternative solution.
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Arneil, Barbara. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0001.
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Chapter 1 defines the volume’s key terms: domestic colonization as the process of segregating idle, irrational, and/or custom-bound groups of citizens by states and civil society organizations into strictly bounded parcels of ‘empty’ rural land within their own nation state in order to engage them in agrarian labour and ‘improve’ both the land and themselves and domestic colonialism as the ideology that justifies this process, based on its economic (offsets costs) and ethical (improves people) benefits. The author examines and differentiates her own research from previous literatures on ‘internal colonialism’ and argues that her analysis challenges postcolonial scholarship in four important ways: colonization needs to be understood as a domestic as well as foreign policy; people were colonized based on class, disability, and religious belief as well as race; domestic colonialism was defended by socialists and anarchists as well as liberal thinkers; and colonialism and imperialism were quite distinct ideologies historically even if they are often difficult to distinguish in contemporary postcolonial scholarship—put simply—the former was rooted in agrarian labour and the latter in domination. This chapter concludes with a summary of the remaining chapters.
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Arneil, Barbara. Labour Colonies in Europe. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0003.
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In Chapter 3, the author begins with labour colonies for the ‘idle poor’ in Europe (Holland, France, Britain, and Germany). In each case the volume analyses the colonies themselves and the population targeted but also the colonialism used to justify their existence. To this end, the writings of Jan van den Bosch of Holland, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Gustave de Beaumont of France; William Booth and Beatrice Webb of Britain; and Max Weber and Max Sering of Germany are examined as they weave together, in each case, domestic colonialism with various other schools of thought (Protestant Christianity, republicanism, paternalism, liberalism, socialism, and nationalism, respectively) to justify particular kinds of colonies for specific kinds of populations in each country.
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Forster, Michael N. Political Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199588367.003.0010.
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Although Herder is not usually known as a political philosopher, he in fact developed what is perhaps the most important political philosophy of his age. In domestic politics he was a liberal, a democrat, and an egalitarian; in international politics the champion of a distinctive pluralistic form of cosmopolitanism that sharply rejected imperialism, colonialism, slavery, and all other forms of exploitation of one people by another. Spanning both domains, while he enthusiastically shared the substantive goals of supporters of human rights he also developed a subtle critique of the concept itself, replacing it with his own concept of humanity. His political philosophy is theoretically minimalist and is all the stronger for being so.
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Davies, Carole Boyce. Women, Labor, and the Transnational. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038020.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on Caribbean domestic labor. It argues that the economics of slavery and colonialism that accompanied the rise of European modernity, created the conditions for contemporary American economic globalization, which serve as the larger backdrop for Caribbean women's labor in migration. The sexual division of labor in feminist political economy assumes the control of women's time and work as normal. Additionally, a segmented pattern of labor based on gender and class creates assumptions about the value and availability of certain women's work. In particular, the labor of women of color is assigned lower value, while it is multiply extracted and linked, therefore precisely, to that long history of imperialist exploitation that began in enslavement to plantation economies.
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Childs, Matt D., and Manuel Barcia. Cuba. Edited by Mark M. Smith and Robert L. Paquette. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199227990.013.0005.
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This article reviews scholarship on the history and historiography of slavery in Cuba. In the sixteenth-century, Africans crossed the Atlantic and accompanied Diego Velésquez and other Spanish conquistadors in the first expeditions sent to subjugate Cuba. Africans served in post-conquest Cuba as enslaved assistants to powerful military and political officials or as domestic servants. During the nineteenth-century heyday of plantation slavery, Cuban social and political life centred on the master-slave relation. Foreign capital and foreign political pressure — British abolitionism and United States annexationism, for example — began to shape Cuban slavery beyond the contours of Spanish colonialism alone. The transatlantic slave trade lasted longer to Cuba than to any other New World slave society with final abolition coming only in 1867.
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Stallings, L. H. “Make Ya Holler You’ve Had Enough”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039591.003.0004.
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This chapter looks at Chester Himes' and Hal Bennett's fictional representations of BDSM (bondage, domination, sadism, and masochism) and sex work in order to theorize other articulations of masculinity in the domestic sphere. Funk proposes a blend of parody, irony, communal intimacy, and temporal violence to critique masculine privilege and eroticize male submission that would embrace unpatriarchal traditions of family. The chapter demonstrates how black public spheres too reliant on nostalgia and respectability can be reinvented using cultural legacies of transaesthetics. Eliminating gender hierarchies and sexual colonialism in black communities hinges on black men and women accepting systems of knowledge that would teach them that forgoing masculine privilege and rethinking the feminine is not only morally and ethically right, but also that there is pleasure in it if everyone involved is willing to submit to funk's emphasis on The One.
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Pearsall, Sarah M. S. Women, Power, and Families in Early Modern North America. Edited by Ellen Hartigan-O'Connor and Lisa G. Materson. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190222628.013.1.
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The early modern period, spanning 1500 to 1800, was a vital one for what became the United States, and families were critical to the colonies that underpinned it. Households determined lines of belonging and governance; they gave status and formed a central source of power for both women and men. They also functioned symbolically: creating metaphors for authority (father-king) as well as actual sources of authority. Colonialism, or the imposition of foreign governing regimes, also shaped families and intimacies. The regulation of domestic life was a central feature of colonial power, even as individual families, both settler and indigenous, breached rules that authorities sought to impose. This chapter considers the importance of lineage and households, as well as the effects of war, epidemics, and slavery. It traces a range of households, Native American, African, and Euro-American, to argue for the central importance of families in shaping colonial North America.
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Butt, Simon, and Tim Lindsey. Substantive Criminal Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199677740.003.0010.
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The sources of Indonesian criminal law are numerous. The backbone of substantive criminal law is the Criminal Code (KUHP), which was first applied in Indonesia during Dutch colonialism in 1918 and endorsed in 1946, after Independence. Today, most of this Code remains intact but for a handful of additions and deletions. Criminal law reform has proceeded largely through enactment of ‘special criminal laws’ governing particular offences. The government has, for many years, recognized that the Code is out-of-date, and replacements have been drafted and debated but none agreed upon. The most recent draft, which this chapter discusses, retains or adds controversial offences, including defamation, prostitution, homosexuality, and blasphemy. Meanwhile, Aceh province has had authority to impose its own criminal laws, based on Islamic law, since 2006. These are, by modern standards, archaic and appear to breach a range of human rights, both domestic and international.
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Arneil, Barbara. Utopian Colonies. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198803423.003.0008.
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This chapter examines utopian colonies, beginning with an analysis of how they differ from labour and farm colonies. It could be argued that these colonies differ from the others because they are voluntary, that is, members created colonies by and for themselves based on religious, racial, and/or political commitments. But these minorities were not entirely ‘free’ or ‘voluntary’, since their choices were limited by persecution and discrimination. The key difference with the utopian colony is their radical politics. While rooted in the same principles of domestic colonialism (segregation, agrarian labour, and improvement), the first principle, segregation, was chosen by the colony’s members in order to protect and preserve their collective way of life from what was perceived to be the immorality of the larger society that surrounded it. The case studies examined in this chapter are Doukhobor colonies in Canada and Robert Owen’s utopian socialist colonies in Britain and America.
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Fischer, Conan. Remaking Europe after the First World War. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.10.
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Victorious Allied governments legitimized wartime sacrifice with promises of domestic prosperity and a peaceful international order. An American-sponsored League of Nations would mediate relations between liberal-democratic nation states. However, although parliamentary government was consolidated across north-western Europe, the peace fell short, failing to accommodate Bolshevik Russia or reach a legitimate settlement with a new and fragile German democracy. Paris deemed the settlement inadequate; the US Congress refused to ratify the German treaty and remained outwith the League; China and Japan were estranged by blatant European racialism and colonialism. All of Europe struggled to restore economic life and eastern Europe experienced famine. Rather than parliamentary democracy, militarist and oligarchic regimes eventually took power across this region, where societies remained largely pre-industrial and ethnically unstable. In Italy, a new authoritarian, militaristic mass movement, fascism, took power, providing an early model of sorts for Hitler’s National Socialists. However, the League of Nations survived and, generations later, liberal democracy has consolidated across Europe.
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Planners, Inc Home. Southern Country Home Plans: 300 Plans Historic Colonials to Contemporary Coastals. Hanley Wood, 2002.
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Shingle Style: 155 Home Plans from Classic Colonials to Breezy Bungalows. Home Planners, 2001.
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24
Colonials: Design Ideas for Renovating, Remodeling, and Building New (Updating Classic America). Taunton, 2006.
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Schoenherr, Matthew. Colonials: Design Ideas for Renovating, Remodeling, and Building New (Updating Classic America). Taunton, 2003.
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Timothy, Roberta Krysten Lynn. Resistance education: African/Black women shelter workers' perspectives. 2007.
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27
Barder, Alexander D. Global Race War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535622.001.0001.
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Global Race War: International Politics and Racial Hierarchy explores the historical connections between race and violence from the nineteenth to the early twenty-first centuries. Barder shows how beginning with the Haitian Revolution and nineteenth century settler colonialism the development of the very idea of global order was based on racial hierarchy. The intensification of racial violence happened when the global racial hierarchy appeared to be in crisis. By the first half of the twentieth century, ideas about race war come to fuse themselves with state genocidal projects to eliminate internal and external enemy races. Global processes of racialization did not end with the Second World War and with the discrediting of scientific racism, the decolonization of the global South and the expansion of the state-system to newly independent states; rather it continued in different forms as the racialization of cultural or civilizational attributes that then resulted in further racial violence. From fears about the “Yellow Peril,” the “Clash of Civilization,” or, more recently, the “Great Replacement,” the global imaginary is constituted by ideas about racial difference. Examining global politics in terms of race and racial violence reveals a different spatial topology across domestic and global politics. Global histories of racial hierarchy and violence have important implications for understanding the continued salience of race within Western polities. The book revisits two centuries of international history to show the important consequences of a global racial imaginary that continues to reverberate across time and space.
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Migration, Domestic Work and Affect: A Decolonial Approach on Value and the Feminization of Labour. Routledge, 2010.
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Tinker-Salas, Miguel. Venezuela. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780199783298.001.0001.
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Among the top ten oil exporters in the world and a founding member of OPEC, Venezuela currently supplies 11 percent of U.S. crude oil imports. But when the country elected the fiery populist politician Hugo Chavez in 1998, tensions rose with this key trading partner and relations have been strained ever since. In this concise, accessible introduction, Miguel Tinker-Salas--a native of Venezuela who has written extensively about the country--takes a broadly chronological approach to the history of Venezuela, but keeps oil and its effects on the country’s politics, economy, culture, and international relations a central focus. After an introductory section that discusses the legacy of Spanish colonialism, Tinker-Salas explores the “The Era of the Gusher,” a period which began with the discovery of oil in the early 1910s, encompassed the mid-century development and nationalization of the industry, and ended with a change of government in 1989 in response to widespread protests. Tinker-Salas also provides a detailed discussion of Hugo Chavez--his rise to power, his domestic, political and economic policies, and his high-profile forays into international relations. Arranged in helpful question-and-answer format that allows readers to search topics of particular interest, the book covers such questions as: Who is Simón Bolívar and why is he called the George Washington of Latin America? How did the discovery of oil change Venezuela’s relationship to the U.S.? What forces were behind the coups of 1992? Does Chavez really want to be president for life? How does Venezuela interact with China, Russia, and Iran? And much more. Convenient, engaging, and written by a leading expert on the country, Venezuela: What Everyone Needs to Know offers a lively look at an increasingly important player on the world stage.