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Journal articles on the topic 'Domestic Colonialism'
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1
Arneil, Barbara. "Origins: Colonies and Statistics." Canadian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 4 (2020): 735–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842392000116x.
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AbstractIn this address, I examine the lexical, geographic, temporal and philosophical origins of two key concepts in modern political thought: colonies and statistics. Beginning with the Latin word colonia, I argue that the modern ideology of settler colonialism is anchored in the claim of “improvement” of both people and land via agrarian labour in John Locke's labour theory of property in seventeenth-century America, through which he sought to provide an ideological justification for both the assimilation and dispossession of Indigenous peoples. This same ideology of colonialism was turned inward a century later by Sir John Sinclair to justify domestic colonies on “waste” land in Scotland—specifically Caithness (the county within which my own grandparents were tenant farmers). Domestic colonialism understood as “improvement” of people (the “idle” poor and mentally ill and disabled) through engagement in agrarian labour on waste land inside explicitly named colonies within the borders of one's own country was first championed not only by Sinclair but also his famous correspondent, Jeremy Bentham, in England. Sinclair simultaneously coined the word statistics and was the first to use it in the English language. He defined it as the scientific gathering of mass survey data to shape state policies. Bentham embraced statistics as well. In both cases, statistics were developed and deployed to support their domestic colony schemes by creating a benchmark and roadmap for the improvement of people and land as well as a tool to measure the colony's capacity to achieve both over time. I conclude that settler colonialism along with the intertwined origins of domestic colonies and statistics have important implications for the study of political science in Canada, the history of colonialism as distinct from imperialism in modern political thought and the role played by intersecting colonialisms in the Canadian polity.
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Deumert, Ana. "Settler colonialism speaks." Language Ecology 2, no. 1-2 (2018): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/le.18006.deu.
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Abstract In this article I explore a particular set of contact varieties that emerged in Namibia, a former German colony. Historical evidence comes from the genre of autobiographic narratives that were written by German settler women. These texts provide – ideologically filtered – descriptions of domestic life in the colony and contain observations about everyday communication practices. In interpreting the data I draw on the idea of ‘jargon’ as developed within creolistics as well as on Chabani Manganyi’s (1970) comments on the ‘master-servant communication complex’, and Beatriz Lorente’s (2017) work on ‘scripts of servitude’. I suggest that to interpret the historical record is a complex hermeneutic endeavour: on the one hand, the examples given are likely to tell us ‘something’ about communication in the colony; on the other hand, the very description of communicative interactions is rooted in what I call a ‘script of supremacy’, which is quite unlike the ‘atonement politics’ (McIntosh 2014) of postcolonial language learning.
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Bourke, Martin. "Colonialism and Male Domestic Service across the Asia Pacific." Asian Affairs 50, no. 3 (2019): 410–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1634351.
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McCabe, Jane. "Colonialism and Male Domestic Service across the Asia Pacific." Australian Historical Studies 52, no. 1 (2021): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2021.1861686.
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Calderón-Zaks, Michael. "Domestic Colonialism: The Overlooked Significance of Robert L. Allen’s Contributions." Black Scholar 40, no. 2 (2010): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2010.11728713.
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Jones, Henry. "Property, territory, and colonialism: an international legal history of enclosure." Legal Studies 39, no. 2 (2019): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lst.2018.22.
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AbstractThis paper is concerned with how law organises and controls space. It offers a new history of enclosure in the context of early English colonialism. By drawing this connection, the paper opens up new lines of enquiry into how law organises and produces space at both the domestic and international scale.
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Vasudevan, Pavithra, and Sara Smith. "The domestic geopolitics of racial capitalism." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 7-8 (2020): 1160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420901567.
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In this paper, we analyze the racialized burden of toxicity in the US as a case study of what we call “domestic geopolitics.” Drawing on the case studies of Badin, North Carolina, and Flint, Michigan, we argue that maintaining life in conditions of racialized toxicity is not only a matter of survival, but also a geopolitical praxis. We propose the term domestic geopolitics to describe a reconceived feminist geopolitics integrating an analysis of Black geographies as a domestic form of colonialism, with an expanded understanding of domesticity as political work. We develop the domestic geopolitics framework based on the dual meaning of domestic: the inward facing geopolitics of racialization and the resistance embodied in domestic labors of maintaining life, home, and community. Drawing on Black feminist scholars, we describe three categories of social reproductive labor in conditions of racialized toxicity: the labor of keeping wake, the labor of tactical expertise, and the labor of revolutionary mothering. We argue that Black survival struggles exemplify a domestic geopolitics of everyday warfare against racial capitalism’s onslaught.
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Myers, Garth Andrew. "Sticks and stones: colonialism and Zanzibari housing." Africa 67, no. 2 (1997): 252–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161444.
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AbstractIt has become commonplace for scholars to speak of cities, especially colonial cities, as texts in which power relations are embedded. This article presents the findings of six years' research, including archival research, interviewing and fieldwork on the planning and development of Zanzibar. I concentrate on house-building and domestic environments in the city's historic African neighbourhoods, known as Ngʼambo, or the ‘Other Side’. Struggles for cultural hegemony are evident in struggles over Zanzibar's built environment during the twentieth century. The focus is on how the legal language defining house types and establishing building codes, developed under colonialism, became a tactical instrument of the powerful in asserting spatial dominance. Yet the enforcement of the building code often showed the limits of colonial and local elite attempts at hegemony, especially at the end of the colonial era. Throughout the century, the words for African traditional housing and neighbourhood types in Zanzibar have betrayed the disdain with which the powerful have viewed them. There is, however, an order and plan to the ‘unplanned building’ which still dominates the city.
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Hernández Garavito, Carla, and Carlos Osores Mendives. "Colonialism and Domestic Life: Identities and Foodways in Huarochirí During the Inka Empire." International Journal of Historical Archaeology 23, no. 4 (2019): 832–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10761-018-0490-1.
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Guerrero, M. A. Jaimes. "“Patriarchal Colonialism” and Indigenism: Implications for Native Feminist Spirituality and Native Womanism." Hypatia 18, no. 2 (2003): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2003.tb00801.x.
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This essay begins with a Native American women's perspective on Early Feminism which came about as a result of Euroamerican patriarchy in U. S. society. It is followed by the myth of “tribalism,” regarding the language and laws of V. S. coh’ nialism imposed upon Native American peoples and their respective cultures. This colonialism is well documented in Federal Indian law and public policy by the U. S. government, which includes the state as well as federal level. The paper proceeds to compare and contrast these Native American women's experiences with pre-patriarchal and pre-colonialist times, in what can be conceptualized as “indigenous kinship” in traditional communalism; today, these Native American societies are called “tribal nations” in contrast to the Supreme Court Marshall Decision (The Cherokee Cases, 1831–1882) which labeled them “domestic dependent nations.” This history up to the present state of affairs as it affects Native American women is contextualized as “patriarchal colonialism” and biocolonialism in genome research of indigenous peoples, since these marginalized women have had to contend with both hegemonies resulting in a sexualized and racialized mindset. The conclusion makes a statement on Native American women and Indigensim, both in theory and practice, which includes a native Feminist Spirituality in a transnational movement in these globalizing times. The term Indigensim is conceptualized in a postcolonialist context, as well as a perspective on Ecofeminism to challenge what can be called a “trickle down patriarchy” that marks male dominance in tribal politics. A final statement calls for “Native Womanism” in the context of sacred kinship traditions that gave women respect and authority in matrilineal descendency and matrifocal decision making for traditional gender egalitarianism.
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Godiwala, Dimple. "?The performativity of the dramatic text?: domestic colonialism and Caryl Churchill?s Cloud Nine." Studies in Theatre and Performance 24, no. 1 (2004): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/stap.24.1.5/0.
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Burger, Bibi. "Apartheid Colonialism, Gendered Crime, and the Domestic Gothic in Mary Watson’s The Cutting Room." Current Writing: Text and Reception in Southern Africa 32, no. 1 (2020): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1013929x.2020.1743024.
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Arneil, Barbara. "Domestic Colonies in Canada: Rethinking the Definition of Colony." Canadian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 3 (2018): 497–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423917001469.
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AbstractWhat is a colony? In this article, I reconsider the meaning of colony in light of the existence of domestic colonies in Canada around the turn of the twentieth century. The two case studies examined are farm colonies for the mentally disabled and ill in Ontario and British Columbia and utopian colonies for Doukhobors in Saskatchewan. I show how both kinds of colonies are characterized by the same three principles found in Lockean settler colonialism: segregation, agrarian labour on uncultivated soil and improvement/cultivation of people and land. Defining “colony” in this way is theoretically interesting as it is different from the definition found in most dictionaries and post-colonial scholarship. There is also an inherent contradiction within domestic colonies as they both support state power over indigenous peoples, Doukhobors and the mentally ill and disabled but also challenge the principles of domination, individualism, private property and sovereignty upon which the Canadian settler state was founded.
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Ahmed, Kawser. "Defining 'Indigenous' in Bangladesh: International Law in Domestic Context." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744169.
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AbstractBangladesh is one of the 11 states which abstained in voting on the United Nations (UN) Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The reason as stated by the representative of Bangladesh at UN is that the term 'indigenous peoples' has not been clearly defined or identified in the aforementioned Declaration. In fact, the government of Bangladesh has been persistently denying many of the marginal communities' claim to recognition as indigenous peoples. The article argues that the state of non-dominance is one of the determining criteria of the definitions of indigenous peoples in international law. Drawing on the discourses of subaltern historiography and internal colonialism, this article further argues that the said marginal communities of Bangladesh indeed meet all the criteria including non-dominance inasmuch as they are entitled to recognition and legal protection as indigenous peoples. Case studies on historical profiles of three marginal communities of Bangladesh are provided as factual evidence in support of the above proposition.
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Praphan, Kittiphong. "Re-Creation of Tribals: Debt, Bonded Slavery and Bonded Prostitution in Mahasweta Devi’s Imaginary Maps." MANUSYA 21, no. 1 (2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-02101001.
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Bonded labor or bonded slavery and bonded prostitution in India is a legacy left by British colonialism. Under this system, a person has to fall into servitude to whomever he or she has loaned money from with no means of repaying that debt. Mahasweta Devi has raised this social phenomenon in her writing, demonstrating that tribal people are those who have been victimized by this system. This study explores the issue of bonded slavery and bonded prostitution by analyzing two stories from Devi’s Imaginary Maps. This literary work depicts the plight of tribal communities as a result of the exploitation of their natural and human resources by colonizers and domestic capitalists. Those exploiters have alienated themselves from nature, considering themselves not to be part of nature but people who can use nature to increase their wealth. The depletion of nature leads to the victimization of the tribal communities. Through the lens of Postcolonial Ecocriticism, Imaginary Maps condemns the colonizers and domestic capitalists for destroying the tribes’ forests which serve as a motherly provider for their communities. This destruction forces communities to change their way of life. Money becomes a necessity and causes many tribal members to borrow money from moneylenders. Unable to repay the debt, they become bonded laborers and bonded prostitutes and are seriously exploited and abused. Imaginary Maps serves as a channel through which the tribal voice is heard, depicting the relationship between colonialism, neocolonialism, domestic capitalists, ecology and the tribal communities. From being free subjects, both nature and the tribes are re-created as bonded slaves.
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Mestyan, Adam. "Domestic Sovereignty,A‘yanDevelopmentalism, and Global Microhistory in Modern Egypt." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (2018): 415–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000105.
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AbstractThrough a new type of global microhistory, this article explores the remaking of the political system in Egypt before colonialism. I argue that developmentalism and the origins of Arabic monarchism were closely related in 1860s Egypt. Drawing on hitherto unknown archival evidence, I show that groups of Egyptian local notables (a‘yan) sought to cooperate with the Ottoman governor Ismail (r. 1863–1879) in order to gain capital and steam machines, and to participate in the administration. Ismail, on his side, secured a new order of succession from the Ottoman sultan.A‘yandevelopmentalism was discursively presented in petitions, poems, and treatises acknowledging the new order and naturalizing the governor as an Egyptian ruler. Consultation instead of constitutionalism was the concept to express the new relationship. The collaboration was codified in the Consultative Chamber of Representatives, often interpreted as the first parliament in the Middle East. As a consequence of the sultanic order and the Chamber, Egypt's position within the Ottoman Empire became similar to a pseudo-federal relationship. I conclude by contrasting different ways of pseudo-federalization in the global 1860s, employing a regional, unbalanced comparison with the United Principalities and Habsburg Hungary.
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Cruickshank, Ruth. "Re-reading Simone de Beauvoir's Les Belles Images: The Global Politics of (Not) Eating." Nottingham French Studies 53, no. 1 (2014): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2014.0074.
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The many meals and food metaphors of Simone de Beauvoir's Les Belles Images have hitherto (and only incidentally) been discussed as implicitly critical representations of various forms of 1960s bourgeois bad faith including unquestioning consumption, swallowing of media myths and flight from responsibility. However, this article shows how the novel can be re-read through images of (not) eating as a strikingly prescient reflection of how today's global marketplace is predicated on exploitative cycles of consumption. Demonstrating the untapped interpretive potential of eating, food is shown to link advertising, conflict in self-Other relations and domestic political wrangling with French co-implication in the slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism. Considering how the unanswered questions revolving around (not) eating which punctuate Les Belles Images intersect with Lacan's figuring of lack and the return of the repressed, this re-reading of the text shows how food-related trauma at once fuels the novel and, enduringly, the inequities of global food supply.
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Pariser, Robyn. "Masculinity and Organized Resistance in Domestic Service in Colonial Dar es Salaam, 1919–1961." International Labor and Working-Class History 88 (2015): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547915000198.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the relationship between masculinity and domestic service by exploring how servants resisted the changing culture and realities of their work in colonial Dar es Salaam, the capital of British colonial Tanganyika. Domestic servants formed nearly half the working class in the city, and ninety-seven percent of servants were African men. Considered during the early decades of colonialism to be a well-paid, skilled, and respectable occupation, domestic service transformed in the 1940s and 1950s, due to the World War II economic crisis, soaring urban population, and introduction of new labor regulations. The primary threats to servants’ masculinity during the latter half of the colonial era were the growing limitations the occupation placed on men's abilities to achieve the financial and social capital required to achieve senior status and respect within their families and the African community. In response to rising exploitation and declining wages, servants formed Tanganyika's first African labor union.
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Haskins, Victoria. "Domesticating Colonizers: Domesticity, Indigenous Domestic Labor, and the Modern Settler Colonial Nation." American Historical Review 124, no. 4 (2019): 1290–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz647.
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Abstract The placement of Indigenous girls and young women in white homes to work as servants was a key strategy of official policy and practice in both the United States and Australia. Between the 1880s and the Second World War, under the outing programs in the U.S. and various apprenticeship and indenturing schemes in Australia, the state regulated and constructed relations between Indigenous and white women in the home. Such state intervention not only helped to define domesticity in a modern world, but was integral to the formation of the modern settler colonial nation in its claims to civilizing authority in the United States and Australia. In the context of settler colonialism, domesticity was not hegemonic in this period, but rather was precarious and uncertain. By prescribing and demanding from employers demonstrations of domesticity, the state was engaged in perfecting white women as well as Indigenous women, the latter as the colonized, to be domesticated, and the former as the colonizer, to domesticate.
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Mai, Nicola. "The cultural construction of Italy in Albania and vice versa: migration dynamics, strategies of resistance and politics of mutual self-definition across colonialism and post-colonialism." Modern Italy 8, no. 1 (2003): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1353294032000074098.
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SummaryThis article analyses the shifting ways in which Italy has been strategically represented in Albania during the different key passages of the latter's relatively recent history as a sovereign independent state. As a parallel narrative, the article also examines the way Albania has been equally strategically represented in Italy before and during the two periods in which Italy has been militarily involved in Albania, and the way this has been consistent with an attempt to elaborate and sustain a politically strategic definition of Italian identity and culture. The history of the asymmetrical relationship between Albania and Italy is deeply embedded in the social, cultural and political environments that are on the two shores of the Adriatic Sea. The cultural construction of Albania in Italy and vice versa of Italy in Albania should be linked to seemingly independent instances of domestic reforms. The dynamics of projective identification or dis-identification stemming from these instances should be seen as intertwined within two parallel processes of mutual definition encompassing both the colonial and the postcolonial relations between and within the two countries.
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Kingston, Jeff. "Contextualizing the Centennial of Japanese Colonial Rule in Korea." Asian Studies, no. 3 (December 1, 2011): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2011.15.3.71-94.
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This article examines the 2010 commemoration of the centennial of Japanese colonialism in Korea. Prime Minister Kan Naoto’s apology generated controversy, exposing the longstanding domestic divide within Japan over the imperial past. The politicization of history, apologies and acts of contrition impedes reconciliation between Japan and its Asian neighbours. Apologies and acts of contrition may not be sufficient to advance reconciliation, but remain essential elements of that process. Japan’s legalistic position based on the 1965 Basic Treaty may protect it from further compensation claims, but also precludes the grand gestures that are essential to reconciliation.
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Dick, Caroline. "Recognizing Aboriginal Title: The Mabo Case and Indigenous Resistance to English-Settler Colonialism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 3 (2007): 769–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070850.
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Recognizing Aboriginal Title: The Mabo Case and Indigenous Resistance to English-Settler Colonialism, Peter H. Russell, Toronto, Buffalo and London: University of Toronto Press, 2005, pp. xii, 470.Peter Russell's insightful book on Aboriginal land rights in Australia weaves together two tales, that of Indigenous crusader Eddie Koiki Mabo and the slow and arduous struggle of Torres Strait Islanders and mainland Aborigines to have their native land rights recognized by Australian governments in the hope of forging a new, post-colonial relationship. Along the way, Russell places these stories in the context of the push and pull of international events and movements that affected Australia's domestic politics and assesses the political progress of Indigenous peoples in Canada, the United States and New Zealand.
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PUCHALSKI, PIOTR. "THE POLISH MISSION TO LIBERIA, 1934–1938: CONSTRUCTING POLAND'S COLONIAL IDENTITY." Historical Journal 60, no. 4 (2017): 1071–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000534.
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abstractThe Polish mission to Liberia (1934–8) was a series of diplomatic, commercial, and scientific initiatives carried out by Poland's Maritime and Colonial League and Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Contextualizing the mission in terms of contemporary attempts to construct Poland's colonial identity, this article argues that Poland's colonial lobby imagined their presence in Liberia as a unique form of colonialism, distinct from its Western counterparts. Many participants in the mission considered Poland to have a special moral mandate in Africa by virtue of its own experience as a recently occupied nation. The grandiose visions of Liberia as a Polish colony and unfulfilled economic promises, however, contributed to the ultimate termination of the mission in 1938. The Poles’ concept of colonialism obscured their plausible objectives in Liberia and distracted them from executing their economic plan. The construction of a Polish colonial identity was a perfect means of rallying patriots around the flag and creating domestic support for Poland's maritime projects, but a colonial ideology was a double-edged sword in foreign affairs.
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Nozaki, Yoshiko, and Mark Selden. "Historical Memory, International Conflict, and Japanese Textbook Controversies in Three Epochs." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 1, no. 1 (2009): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2009.010108.
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Japan's right-wing nationalists have launched three major attacks on school textbooks over the second half of the twentieth century. Centered on the treatment of colonialism and war, the attacks surfaced in 1955, the late 1970s, and the mid-1990s. This article examines three moments in light of Japanese domestic as well as regional and global political contexts to gain insight into the persistent problem of the Pacific War in historical memory and its refraction in textbook treatments. There are striking similarities as well as critical di erences in the ways the attacks on textbooks recurred and in the conditions of political instability.
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Abu-Odeh, Lama. "On Law and the Transition to Market: The Case of Egypt." International Journal of Legal Information 37, no. 1 (2009): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500003449.
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On the eve of independence from European colonialism, Egypt, like most other developing countries, undertook the project of de-linking itself from colonial economy through initiating domestic industrialization. The economic project known as Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) was designed to liberate Egypt from raw commodity production, agricultural and mineral, servicing its previous colonial master Great Britain. The engine of development would be an expanding public sector with nationalization and socialism as leitmotif. In re-orienting the economy towards industrial production, it was hoped that the terms of trade with the international economy for Egypt would significantly improve, leading thereby to an improvement in the living standards of its population.
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Gaimster, David. "The Hanseatic Cultural Signature: Exploring Globalization on the Micro-Scale in Late Medieval Northern Europe." European Journal of Archaeology 17, no. 1 (2014): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957113y.0000000044.
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The Hansa formed the principal agent of trade and cultural exchange in northern Europe and the Baltic during the late medieval to early modern periods. Hanseatic urban settlements in northern Europe shared many things in common. Their cultural ‘signature’ was articulated physically through a shared vocabulary of built heritage and domestic goods, from step-gabled brick architecture to clothing, diet, and domestic utensils. The redevelopment of towns on the Baltic littoral over the past 20+ years offers an archaeological opportunity to investigate key attributes of late medieval society on the micro-scale. Such attributes include the development of mercantile capitalism, colonialism, and proto-globalization. For instance, distributions of artefacts now point to the Hansa as an agent of the Reformation movement in northern and western Europe. Where they were once almost exclusively regarded as material evidence for long-distance commercial activity, domestic artefacts, such as table and heating ceramics, are now subject to scrutiny as media for social, cultural, ethnic, and confessional relationships, and combine to create a distinctive Hanseatic material signature. Ceramic case studies illustrate how the archaeology of the Hansa now intersects with the wider historical debate about Europeanisation and proto-globalization arising from the development of long-distance maritime trade from the thirteenth century onwards.
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Joshua, Segun, and Faith Olanrewaju. "The AU’s Progress and Achievements in the Realm of Peace and Security." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 4 (2017): 454–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417731639.
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When Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was formed, the problem confronting Africa continent then was colonialism. It is therefore not a surprise that its major preoccupation was how to liberate countries within the continent that were still under the grip of colonialism. However, the surge of conflicts in various African countries shortly after independence, manifesting in form of ethnicity, religious, struggle for political power among others, coupled with OAU policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of member states, combined to turn African continent to the bedlam of the world. The failure of OAU led to the formation of the African Unity (AU) to correct some of these ills. This article examines AU’s achievements in the realm of peace and security using secondary sources of data gathering. Since AU came on board, how far has it fared in promoting peace and security in the continent? Findings reveal that although AU has achieved much in the realm of peace and security in Africa, yet it lacks the needed human resources and institutional capacity to conduct effective peace operations and peace-making initiatives. The study therefore suggested among others the need to strengthen AU’s institutional capacity and more personnel should be donated by members countries
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Jayawickrama, Sharanya. "Metonymic Figures: Cultural Representations of Foreign Domestic Helpers and Discourses of Diversity in Hong Kong." Cultural Diversity in China 3, no. 1 (2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cdc-2017-0006.
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Abstract Foreign Domestic Helpers account for nearly half of Hong Kong’s total ethnic minority population and are therefore integral to any discussion of diversity in the postcolonial, global Chinese city. In Asia, discourses of diversity have evolved from the juncture of complex historical, political, and cultural factors including colonialism, postcoloniality, traditional and precolonial customs and values, religious and spiritual beliefs, as well as Western-derived liberal-democratic discourses of rights and citizenship. “Diversity” has been identified as one of the core values and attributes of the territory by the Hong Kong Government yet it is not a concept that is carefully interrogated and delineated. This essay examines discourses of diversity via analysis of a varied set of cultural representations of Foreign Domestic Helpers, including a television programme and advertisements, a work of short literary fiction, online erotic fiction, social media, as well as an example of multi-media artwork. Taken together, these representative forms provide insight into the cultural imaginary that shapes private and public discourse and perception. Using an approach informed by both cognitive linguistics and postcolonial studies, the essay focuses on metonymic techniques, for example, doubling and substitution to argue that representations of Foreign Domestic Helpers reveal the anxieties, fears, and desires of the dominant culture. The essay shows that the Foreign Domestic Helper becomes a critical figure around whom linked questions of ethnicity, gender, sexuality, and class in the majority ethnic Chinese population of Hong Kong circulate.
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Whiteside, Heather. "Foreign in a domestic sense: Puerto Rico’s debt crisis and paradoxes in critical urban studies." Urban Studies 56, no. 1 (2018): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098018768483.
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The 2017 Puerto Rican debt crisis is as instructive as it is sad, reflective of the familiar pressures of late modern capitalism (namely neoliberalisation, financialisation, crisis, and austerity) as well as its own unique dynamics percolating through four hundred years of colonialism and a century of legal subjugation to Washington, DC. Neither one-off explanations of fiscal crisis nor casual conflation with other cases suffice to adequately account for this, or any other, public sector debt crises. Puerto Rico is both foreign and domestic, it is neither state nor municipality but its bonds are treated as such, it reflects larger trends and is circumscribed by its own unique history, subtle economic explanations are matched by bald, large-P politics. Analytical conundrums such as these are confounding and lead to perennial, potentially circular and irresolvable, debate in the critical urban studies literature. This paper explores whether the possibility of using the philosophical notion of paradox – a situation where sound reasoning leads to incomplete, unsatisfying, or unexpected results or consequences – and Zeno’s famous paradoxes in particular, can serve as allegorical heuristics capable of provoking new theories, expectations, or assumptions in urban studies.
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Urban, Andrew. "Review: Colonialism and Male Domestic Service across the Asia Pacific, by Julia Martínez, Claire Lowrie, Frances Steel and Victoria Haskins." Pacific Historical Review 89, no. 1 (2020): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2020.89.1.134.
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Nicolaides, Angelo. "Examining the Role of France in the Colonial Inheritance of Chad up to 1997." Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (2017): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817710055.
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Independence of the continent in general from the grip of colonialism, except for Spanish Sahara which is not yet independent. These wars set the course for external military interventions, which, by and large, escalated the conflict in many cases and prevented a speedy conclusion to hostilities in the countries in question. This article investigates the relationship between domestic and external forces in Chad and suggests why military intervention occurred. African governments’ failure to unify the nations and their dependence on external aid to keep themselves in power led to repeated foreign involvement, particularly where the foreign powers were posturing so as to emphasise their strength in the global arena. Data was drawn from primary sources encompassing, inter alia, writings and speeches of political leaders, and numerous secondary sources on African affairs.
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Roy, Dibyadyuti. "Illicit Motherhood: Recrafting Postcolonial Feminist Resistance in Edna O’Brien’s The Love Object and Jhumpa Lahiri’s Hell-Heaven." Humanities 8, no. 1 (2019): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8010029.
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Cultural constructions of passive motherhood, especially within domestic spaces, gained currency in India and Ireland due to their shared colonial history, as well as the influence of anti-colonial masculinist nationalism on the social imaginary of these two nations. However, beginning from the latter half of the nineteenth century, postcolonial literary voices have not only challenged the traditional gendering of public and private spaces but also interrogated docile constructions of womanhood, particularly essentialized representations of maternity. Domestic spaces have been critical narrative motifs in these postcolonial texts through simultaneously embodying patriarchal domination but also as sites where feminist resistance can be actualized by “transgress(ing) traditional views of … the home, as a static immobile place of oppression”. This paper, through a comparative analysis of maternal characters in Edna O’Brien’s The Love Object and Jhumpa Lahiri’s Hell-Heaven, argues that socially disapproved/illicit relationships in these two representative postcolonial Irish and Indian narratives function as matricentric feminist tactics that subvert limiting notions of both domestic spaces and gendered liminal postcolonial subjectivities. I highlight that within the context of male-centered colonial and nationalist literature, the trope of maternity configures the domestic-space as the “rightful place” for the existence of the feminine entity. Thus, when postcolonial feminist fiction reverses this tradition through constructing the “home and the female-body” as sites of possible resistance, it is a counter against dual oppression: both colonialism and patriarchy. My intervention further underscores the need for sustained conversations between the literary output of India and Ireland, within Postcolonial Literary Studies, with a particular acknowledgement for space and gender as pivotal categories in the “cultural analysis of empire”.
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Solichin, Moh Badrus. "Ketika Alam dan Perempuan Lembah Baliem Diperkosa oleh Antroposentrisme Kapitalis:Kajian Ekofeminisme dalam Novel Tanah Tabu." SEMIOTIKA: Jurnal Ilmu Sastra dan Linguistik 19, no. 1 (2018): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/semiotika.v19i1.7049.
Full textAbstract:
This research was conducted to investigate capitalistic anthropocentrism to nature and woman in Tanah Tabu. Here, Freeport is an actor of capitalistic anthropocentrism while Baliem Valley and female character in Tanah Tabu are representatives of exploited objects.
By analysis, the theory of ecofeminism by Vandana Shiva is used here to answer the questions of the research. Therefore, the implication is to study act of capitalistic anthropocentrism of Freeport examined based on the purpose of western colonialism (United Stated of America) that came to Papua by developing mining industry. In the process, the mining industry run by capitalist faced the problem being tried to solve by using modern science and spirit of developing civilization as an effort to cover their act. In this case, ecofeminism shows role of women in struggling their exploited home (nature). This fact appears from relationship between women’s domestic life and nature that cannot be vanished.
The discussion results in this study is firstly, the character of capitalistic anthropocentrism by Freeport is known from their motives in developing civilization by modern science, modernism toward conservatism, and colonialism. Secondly, ecofeminism puts female character Tanah Tabu in dualism of role; as a victim and a fighter against capitalistic anthropocentrism. Lastly, the reason why the female character is presented here is because ecofeminism views nature is as a woman who is pregnant and delivers life.
Keywords: capitalistic anthropocentrism, ecofeminism, nature, woman, Baliem Valley (Papua).
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Ramadhan, Jelang. "EGYPTIAN POLICY BASED ON INSIGHTS OF HISTORY OF MUSLIM MOVEMENT AND SALAFI MOVEMENT." DIA Jurnal Ilmiah Administrasi Publik 18, no. 2 (2020): 132–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/dia.v18i2.4352.
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The aftermath of the Arab Spring was leaving a great turnover for many countries as the regime changed, so does Egypt. As one of the most influential countries both in the Middle East and North Africa, Egypt's domestic politics is quite dynamics since immemorial time, from numerous kingdoms, West colonialism until republic under the authoritarian regime in this modern days. For once, the dynamics of politics itself comes from the grass-root level whichever reached the top such as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun or Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movements which caught people’s attention, not only in Egypt but the entire world. Both basically have religious intentions as it is considered Islamic movements except for their differences in political experience, religious interpretation and manners overpower contestation. Although Egypt currently is controlled by a military coup regime that tends to perpetuate the power, the Brotherhood and Salafi Movements which likewise spread to many countries still lurking and it might be consolidating the power to turn back the democracy to Egyptian who suffer from authoritarian style regime ever since the establishment of the nation after independence from British colonialism. This paper is aimed to describe the policy of the Islamic movement in Egypt which is based on religious intention and the interaction with politics and democratic goal from the nature of establishment, during the Arab Spring and the prospect for Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi Movements as the unrest recently occured.
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Cinnamon, John M. "American Presbyterian Missionaries, Enslavement, and Anti-Slavery in Nineteenth-Century Gabon." Social Sciences and Missions 26, no. 1 (2013): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02601003.
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When American Presbyterian and Congregationalist missionaries arrived in the Gabon Estuary in the 1840s, they entered a world marked by vibrant commerce; violence and inequality; widespread slavery and slave-trading; British, French, and U.S. Anti-Slavery Patrols; and incipient French colonialism. This article draws on the published accounts by two U.S. missionaries, John Leighton Wilson, who served in Gabon from 1842 to 1851, and Robert Hamill Nassau, who worked on Corisco Island, the Gabon Estuary and Ogowe River, and the southern Cameroon coast from 1861 to 1906. Together, their writings provide insights into early colonialism and especially the long decline of enslavement and slave trading. While Wilson witnessed the establishment of Libreville in the 1840s, Nassau encountered slave trading first on Corisco and later on the Ogowe during the period of French colonial exploration. Both men, shaped by their African experiences as well as their respective social locations in the United States, held strong views on African domestic slavery and the slave trade. Wilson, from the South, was an ambivalent abolitionist who railed against the Atlantic Slave trade while hesitating to denounce slavery and racial inequality in his native South Carolina. Nassau, from New Jersey and educated at conservative Princeton University, was prompted above all by the missionary impulse. He sought to convert and “uplift” formerly enslaved Africans while nevertheless underlining their “servile” characters and benefitting from their labor as docile, socially vulnerable mission workers.
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McKibben, Sarah. "Queering Early Modern Ireland." Irish University Review 43, no. 1 (2013): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2013.0063.
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This essay reconsiders sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Ireland by queering not only ostensibly heteronormative texts and practices, but social structures writ large. I first outline the intensely homosocial and even homoerotic nature of the bardic institution (including typical poet-patron exchanges and representations as well as the dánta grá or courtly love poetry), employing Sedgwick's concept of ‘male homosocial desire’ so as to situate the bardic response to the challenge of early modern colonial authority. I argue that colonialism queers pre-existing male homosocial bonds, prompting a set of powerful, foundational responses that live on in the Irish imaginary, including, on the one hand, powerful ideological consolidations of domestic homosocial bonds and, on the other, obsessively recording of the perversity of colonial power and acculturation, as well as of an Irish manhood troubled and reconfigured in its wake.
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Gray, Kevin. "U.S. Aid and Uneven Development in East Asia." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 656, no. 1 (2014): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716214543899.
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This article discusses the divergent developmental outcomes among postwar South Korea, Taiwan, and South Vietnam. While U.S. aid has correctly been identified as a key factor in the rapid postwar development of South Korea and Taiwan, the failure of aid to establish strong institutions in South Vietnam calls for a closer analysis of how different historical and geopolitical factors explain the greater political stability and institutional capacity of South Korea and Taiwan. In particular, the legacies of Japanese colonialism are seen as having played a key role in establishing the strong developmental states of South Korea and Taiwan, while the postcolonial South Vietnamese state was more fragile. As such, there was greater political resistance to land reform in the latter, and large amounts of U.S. economic and military aid were unable to quell domestic insurgency and establish the basis for economic development.
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GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. "FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (2010): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.
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This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order to learn how best to “handle” the colony's peoples. There exists a substantial literature on the allegedly exceptional enchantment of Germans with American Indians. Yet this article shows that negative views of Amerindians also influenced and shaped the opinions and actions of German colonizers. Because of its focus on the importance of the United States for German discussions about colonial expansion, this article also explores the role German liberals played in the German colonial project. Ultimately, the United States as a “model empire” was especially attractive for Germans with liberal and progressive political convictions. The westward advancement of the American frontier went hand in hand with a variety of policies towards Native Americans, including measures of expulsion and extinction. German liberals accepted American expansionism as normative and were therefore willing to advocate, or at least tolerate, similar policies in the German colonies.
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Azuma, Eiichiro. "Japanese Immigrant Settler Colonialism in the U.S.-Mexican Borderlands and the U.S. Racial-Imperialist Politics of the Hemispheric “Yellow Peril”." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 2 (2012): 255–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.2.255.
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The scholarship on the “Yellow Peril” looks at Japanese immigrants (Issei) as an object of anti-Asian racialization in domestic politics or as a distraction in U.S.-Japanese bilateral diplomacy. Seldom do historians consider its ramifications outside those contexts. They also lack perspective on the impact of Issei practice on the geopolitics of Yellow Peril, which spread from California to the U.S.-Mexican borderlands and beyond. This article examines the role of Issei settler colonialism, as well as its unintended consequences, in the formation of discourse on the transborder Yellow Peril. That discourse propelled white America to reaffirm its commitment to the Monroe Doctrine, shifting the nature of U.S. diplomacy from the endeavor to keep European rivals out of the Western Hemisphere to one that sought to exclude the Japanese racial enemy from America’s “backyard.” It culminated in the construction of a hemispheric national security regime.
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Eng, David L. "The End(s) of Race." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (2008): 1479–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1479.
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The emergence of European Colonialism in the fifteenth century and the establishment of the Enlightenment project in the eighteenth century mark the rise and expansion of European modernity in the West and elsewhere. As the uncontested superpower on the world stage today, the United States is not just the custodian of empire but indeed the guardian of a European tradition of modern liberal humanism, one now mobilized to declare that the project of human freedom has been accomplished within the domestic borders of the nation-state. Our putatively color-blind moment is marked by the assertion that racial difference has given way to an abstract and universal United States community of individualism and merit—even as (or if) it demands the inexorable growth of the prison-industrial complex and ever-increasing militarization and unfreedom in global locales such as the Middle East, Afghanistan, and Guantánamo Bay (see Gilmore; Kaplan).
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Ling, L. H. M. "The missing Other: a review of Linklater’sViolence and Civilization in the Western States-System." Review of International Studies 43, no. 4 (2017): 621–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000225.
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AbstractAs Andrew Linklater has shown, Europeans have decreased their tolerance for, or endorsement of, violence over the centuries. Various international and domestic conventions demonstrate the point. This accomplishment rightfully deserves celebration. But herein lies the rub. While Linklater recognises the role of imperialism and colonialism in perpetrating global violence, he does not grant equal opportunity to the Rest in contributing to the world’s new moral heights. Linklater assumes, for instance, that Las Casas never talked with indigenes to realise that they, too, warrant recognition as human beings; Catholic piety alone sufficed. The West thus towers in singular triumph, embedding International Relations (IR) in what I call Hypermasculine Eurocentric Whiteness (HEW). Still, the Other retains a sense of its Self. An effervescent spirit of play enables resilience and creativity toco-produceour world-of-worlds. Come out and play!, I urge. It’s time to shed IR’s ‘tragedy’ for the sparkle within.
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Spitra, Sebastian M. "Civilisation, Protection, Restitution: A Critical History of International Cultural Heritage Law in the 19th and 20th Century." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 2-3 (2020): 329–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340154.
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Abstract This article provides a new narrative for the history of cultural heritage law and seeks to contribute to current legal debates about the restitution of cultural objects. The modern protection laws for cultural objects in domestic and international law evolved in the 19th and 20th century. The article makes three new arguments regarding the emergence of this legal regime. First, ‘civilisation’ was a main concept and colonialism an integral part of the international legal system during the evolution of the regime. The Eurocentric concept of civilisation has so far been an ignored catalyst for the international development of cultural heritage norms. Second, different states and actors used cultural heritage laws and their inherent connection to the concept of civilisation for different purposes. Third, the international legal system of cultural heritage partly still reflects its colonial roots. The current restitution discussions are an outcome of this ongoing problematic legal constellation.
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Oshewolo, Segun, Agaptus Nwozor, Femi Fayomi, and Motolani Oluwatuyi. "“Instrumentalizing” The United Nations: Nigeria and Its Quest for Regional Leadership in Africa." World Affairs 184, no. 1 (2021): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820021990551.
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This study demonstrates that Nigeria’s power scheme in the United Nations (UN) clearly amounts to “instrumentalizing” the world body in favor of its hegemonic interest in Africa. Through the UN, Nigeria has employed its abundant power resources to support the dismantling of apartheid and colonialism in Africa, contribute actively to the maintenance of international peace, and promote social and economic development in the developing world, including Africa. Nigeria’s exploits in the above areas have yielded notable dividends, particularly the projection of the country as a leading African power. The notable dividends notwithstanding, there have been some major setbacks such as occasional disdain for Nigeria’s interest and ambition in the UN by smaller African countries, overwhelming domestic security challenges, and the consequent waning of Nigeria’s role in UN-mounted peacekeeping. The study recommends that Nigeria must urgently address these challenges to return to its position of prominence in the world body.
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Benslama-Dabdoub, Malak. "Colonial Legacies in Syrian Nationality Law and the Risk of Statelessness." Statelessness & Citizenship Review 3, no. 1 (2021): 6–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35715/scr3001.112.
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The millions of Syrians born or living in exile as a result of the ongoing conflict has dramatically increased the number of people from Syria with no nationality. In this regard, Syrian nationality law has been criticised for containing discriminatory provisions and failing to address the risk of statelessness. Nonetheless, the responsibility of colonialism in creating such discrimination has been largely overlooked. One decade after the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, this article looks back at the colonial roots of Syrian legislation governing nationality. Through a critical legal and historical analysis, it reveals the hidden colonial legacies of Syrian citizenship, by highlighting the responsibility of European colonial powers in introducing gender-based discrimination in domestic legislation, rendering Kurds and Palestinians stateless, and creating the practice of arbitrary denationalisation. This paper ends with a call for more research on colonial legacies within citizenship and statelessness studies.
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Vieira, Victor Carneiro Corrêa. "From Third World Theory to Belt and Road Initiative: International Aid as a Chinese Foreign Policy Tool." Contexto Internacional 41, no. 3 (2019): 529–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019410300003.
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Abstract In 1946, Mao Zedong began to elaborate his theory of the Third World from the perception that there would be an ‘intermediate zone’ of countries between the two superpowers. From there, he concluded that Africa, Latin America, and Asia, except for Japan, would compose the revolutionary forces capable of defeating imperialism, colonialism, and hegemonism. The start of international aid from the People’s Republic of China to developing countries dates back to the period immediately after the Bandung Conference of 1955, extending to the present. Through a bibliographical and documentary analysis, the article starts with the following research question: What role did domestic and international factors play in China’s foreign aid drivers over the years? To answer the question, the evolution of Chinese international assistance was studied from Mao to the Belt and Road Initiative, which is the complete expression of the country’s ‘quaternity’ model of co-operation, combining aid, trade, investment, and technical assistance.
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Altınbaş, Nihan. "Honor-related Violence in the Context of Patriarchy, Multicultural Politics, and Islamophobia after 9/11." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 30, no. 3 (2013): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v30i3.299.
Full textAbstract:
Many women are exposed to domestic and/or sexual violence by their family members on a global scale, forced to marry before reaching maturity, mutilated for the sake of preserving their chastity, and deprived of their right to education and of any inheritance rights. Honor-related violence is an extreme, worldwide form of violence that after 9/11 has been increasingly associated with Islam, as if it were perpetrated only by Muslims living either in diaspora communities or in Muslim-majority countries. This stereotyping has lent ideological support to unequal power relations that have been shaped mainly by western economic interests since colonialism. This essay contextualizes honor-related violence in relation to patriarchy and a society’s economic wellbeing, to migratory experience in terms of multicultural politics and, finally, to critiques its use in post-9/11 misrepresentations of Islam. It argues that unequal power relations and patriarchal domination, as opposed to religion, shape this global phenomenon.
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Hickling, Frederick W. "Psychiatry in Jamaica." International Psychiatry 7, no. 1 (2010): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600000928.
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The intense historical relationship linking Jamaica and Britain to 300 years of the transatlantic slave trade and 200 years of colonialism has left 2.7 million souls living in Jamaica, 80% of African origin, 15% of mixed Creole background and 5% of Asian Indian, Chinese and European ancestry. With a per capita gross domestic product of US$4104 in 2007, one-third of the population is impoverished, the majority struggling for economic survival. The prevailing religion is Protestant, although the presence of African retentions such as Obeah and Pocomania are still widely and profoundly experienced, and the powerful Rastafarian movement emerged as a countercultural religious force after 1930. The paradox and contradictions of five centuries of Jamaican resistance to slavery and colonial oppression have spawned a tiny, resilient, creative, multicultural island people, who have achieved a worldwide philosophical, political and religious impact, phenomenal sporting prowess, astonishing musical and performing creativity, and a criminal underworld that has stunned by its propensity for violence.
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Parrott, R. Joseph. "Boycott Gulf! Angolan Oil and the Black Power Roots of American Anti-Apartheid Organizing." Modern American History 1, no. 2 (2018): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2018.13.
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In the early 1970s, the African American divestment and boycott campaign against Gulf Oil's operations in colonial Angola bridged the gap between Black Power and anti-apartheid, two movements generally viewed separately. The success of the Boston-based activist couple Randall and Brenda Robinson in educating and mobilizing African Americans against investment in colonialism—first with the Southern Africa Relief Fund (SARF) and later with the Pan-African Liberation Committee (PALC)—reveals how a leftist anti-imperial ideology linked the domestic concerns of black Americans with African revolutions. At the same time, the Gulf campaign's participatory tactics, moral appeals, and critique of the global economic system proved attractive beyond radical Black Power advocates, allowing the PALC to cultivate relationships with African American politicians and build alliances across racial divides. Randall Robinson later replicated this organizing model as the founding director of TransAfrica, which became the most prominent African American organization opposing apartheid in the 1980s.
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Glitz, Henry. "Shahs and Sanctions: The Story of Past, Present, and Future Tensions with Iran." Pitt Political Review 12, no. 1 (2017): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2017.93.
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It’s hard to deny that the historically intense distrust between the United States and Iran helps motivate some of the anti-deal sentiment in each country. It’s also, however, this same shared history of suspicion that may hold some of the most import-ant insights about the deal itself. The context for this understanding is the thread of Iranian-Western relations through the ages of colonialism and decolonization, the Islamic Revolution, and the formation of the current regime in Iran. A further layer of complexity in looking at the nuclear negotiations is added with the consideration of the contemporary social and political atmosphere in the Iranian domestic sphere. This often-overlooked background speaks of a situation far more complex than what many who oppose the accords seem to entertain and that must be taken into account if the United States and the West want to see long-term diplomatic success with Iran.
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Staines, Zoe, John Scott, and James Morton. "‘Without uniform I am a community member, uncle, brother, granddad’: Community policing in Australia’s Torres Strait Region." Journal of Criminology 54, no. 3 (2021): 265–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00048658211005516.
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As a palpable legacy of violent colonialism, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (‘Indigenous’) Australians are the most incarcerated peoples in the world. Community policing, which hinges on the development of trusting community–police partnerships, is frequently proposed as a means of reducing this over-representation, but approaches vary and produce divergent outcomes. This article draws on interview data to explore policing in Australia’s Torres Strait Region – a remote archipelago situated off the northern tip of Queensland. A strong commitment to community and hybridised policing approaches likely provide a partial explanation for relatively low crime in the region. However, under-reporting of some offences (e.g. domestic violence) suggests a possible need to overlay alternative approaches that improve access to justice for all victims, especially women. Overall, the Torres Strait Region experience holds possible lessons for policing in Australia’s other remote Indigenous communities, again demonstrating that decolonisation is a critical starting point for addressing over-representation.