Academic literature on the topic 'Domestic level explanation'
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Journal articles on the topic "Domestic level explanation"
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Oma, Ida M. "Explaining states’ burden-sharing behaviour within NATO." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 4 (November 27, 2012): 562–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712462856.
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This article reviews the state of literature relevant to states’ burden-sharing behaviour within NATO. The purpose is two-fold: first, to delineate the different dependent variables and evaluate whether important questions have been left untreated, and, second, to assess strengths and weaknesses of the explanations that have been proffered. It is argued that while the system-level explanations capture major incentives to contribute, the domestic-level explanations are necessary in understanding specific decision-outcomes. The existing integrative models are superior to each explanation or level of analysis individually but tend to portrait domestic leaders as rather passive registers of international and domestic pressures. Empirically speaking, it is argued that more studies of contributions to distinct events, i.e. NATO operations, are needed, particularly focusing on cases of small states. The dependent variable of form of contributions is seemingly the least explored and may require incorporation of other theoretical arguments than utilized in existing works.
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Vabø, Mette, and Håvard Hansen. "Purchase intentions for domestic food: a moderated TPB-explanation." British Food Journal 118, no. 10 (October 3, 2016): 2372–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/bfj-01-2016-0044.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate consumers’ intention to buy domestic food applying the theory of planned behavior. Based on this framework, the authors investigate the moderating effects of consumer ethnocentrism and self-construal. Design/methodology/approach To test the conceptual model, a cross-sectional study from a random sample of Norwegian consumers was employed. A total of 501 consumers filled out the web-based survey. The data were analyzed by means of confirmatory factor analysis and multiple regression. Findings The results show that subjective norm and perceived behavioral control (PBC) both have positive significant effects on consumers’ intention to buy domestic food. Attitude also has a positive effect but is only significant on the ten percent level. The effect of subjective norm is reduced with increasing levels of ethnocentrism, and the effect of PBC is reduced when consumers are collectivistic rather than individualistic. Originality/value This study provides the food industry with useful information about which mechanisms underlie the consumers’ intention to buy domestic food. In addition the study provides useful insight into how different personality characteristics affect the consumers’ intentions.
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Blokker, Niels M., and Marieke Kleiboer. "The Internationalization of Domestic Conflict: The Role of the UN Security Council." Leiden Journal of International Law 9, no. 1 (March 1996): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156596000027.
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In recent years, the UN Security Council has increasingly been involved in domestic conflicts. To explain this development, two lines of arguments have been used most often, both referring to the end of the Cold War. The first line of argument holds that the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to more domestic conflicts that manifest themselves at the international level, and the UN has simply responded to that growing problem. In the second line of argument, the collapse of the Soviet Union has led to an end of the anticipation and use of Soviet veto power in the Security Council, leading to more opportunities for the UN to take a more proactive stance in domestic conflicts. How plausible are these explanations? In this article, the argument is made that both lines of explanation rest partly on faulty premises.
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Bak, Daehee, Kerry Chávez, and Toby Rider. "Domestic Political Consequences of International Rivalry." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 4 (September 23, 2019): 703–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719876349.
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Given the conventional claim that external threats increase internal cohesion and government capacity, cross-country studies have examined how interstate conflict events influence domestic politics. This article reevaluates the in-group and out-group mechanisms by examining how international strategic rivalry, which indicates the presence of persistent external threats even in the absence of military conflict, affects domestic political competition. An alternative explanation suggests that the effect of external threats on political incentives of domestic actors differs between regime supporters and oppositions. We posit that the presence of international threats from rival states inflames domestic unrest and oppositions’ antiregime challenges, while making governments rely more on repressive tactics given resource constraints and a high level of domestic political intolerance. In addition, we propose that the domestic consequences of international rivalry are heterogeneous depending on the characteristics of political systems and the level of threat perception. Empirical tests reveal robust evidence for the hypotheses.
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Cao, Xun. "Global Networks and Domestic Policy Convergence: A Network Explanation of Policy Changes." World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 375–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000081.
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National economies are embedded in complex networks such as trade, capital flows, and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). These globalization forces impose differential impacts on national economies depending on a country's network positions. This article addresses the policy convergence-divergence debate by focusing on how networks at the international level affect domestic fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies. The author presents two hypotheses: first, similarity in network positions induces convergence in domestic economic policies as a result of peer competitive pressure. Second, proximity in network positions facilitates policy learning and emulation, which result in policy convergence. The empirical analysis applies a latent-space model for relational/dyadic data and indicates that position similarity in the network of exports induces convergence in fiscal and regulatory policies; position similarity in the network of transnational portfolio investments induces convergence in fiscal policies; and position proximity in IGO networks is consistently associated with policy convergence in fiscal, monetary, and regulatory policies.
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Chari, Raj S., Suvi Iltanen, and Sylvia Kritzinger. "Examining and Explaining the Northern League's ‘U-Turn’ from Europe." Government and Opposition 39, no. 3 (2004): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.000129.x.
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AbstractSet in the context of the larger literature on regionalist parties and specifically on the Italian Northern League, this paper examines and explains why the party moved from Euro-positivism to Euroscepticism. Drawing on concepts raised in the larger comparative politics literature, five explanations of this U-turn towards Europe are evaluated. It is argued that, despite the strength of explanations that focus on the desires of party supporters, the role of public opinion, the potential influence of economic investors or the role of EU-level institutions in shaping party preferences, a more cogent explanation focuses on domestic-level developments. The conclusions will underscore the general implications of this research for the study of parties, particularly regionalist ones in the EU, highlighting that a party's changing stance towards supranational integrationist polices can be best understood as a consequence of its experience in a political system's electoral system.
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Davenport, Deborah S. "An Alternative Explanation for the Failure of the UNCED Forest Negotiations." Global Environmental Politics 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/1526380053243549.
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Scholars have offered numerous explanations for success stories such as the ozone regime but have paid little attention to failed cases, such as the failure to attain agreement on a global forest convention in 1992. Discussions of this case frequently attribute the failure to a prioritization of sovereignty above all other interests on the part of Malaysia and other developing countries. I offer an alternative explanation, based on interview data and documents and reports from the era. Although the US was the first state to propose a global forest convention in 1990 and remained the lead state in negotiations, the benefits of a global forest treaty at the domestic level did not outweigh the potential costs to the US of manipulating the preferences of the anti-convention coalition towards favoring agreement. Use of counter-factual scenarios demonstrates that it was this rather than sovereignty issues that precluded a forest treaty.
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Gibson, John G., and John D. Stewart. "Poll Tax, Rates and Local Elections." Political Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1992): 516–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb00706.x.
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The 1990 London local elections provided a unique opportunity to examine the sensitivity of voters to two local taxes: domestic rates and poll tax. Both taxes were found to have had an important influence on voting but in unequal proportions according to party incumbency prior to 1990. In Conservative boroughs swing was sensitive to poll tax level but this was not true in Labour boroughs. In both, swing was sensitive to the change in average local tax level in the switch from domestic rates to poll tax in 1990. Rate increases between 1986 and 1989 had a substantial effect in Labour boroughs. Other variables, such as service levels and some borough-level issues, also contributed to the high levels of explanation achieved.
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Davis, Andrew P., and Yongjun Zhang. "Civil society and exposure to domestic terrorist attacks: Evidence from a cross-national quantitative analysis, 1970–2010." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, no. 3 (April 15, 2019): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715219837752.
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This article examines the connection between a nation’s level of civil society organizational openness and the number of domestic terrorist attacks across 167 countries from 1970 to 2010. Following the contentious politics approach, we conceptualize terrorist organizations as engaged in high-risk movement activity and sensitive to organizational opportunities that make contention more likely. Panel fixed-effects negative binomial regression models support our hypothesis that a nation’s level of civil society openness increases exposure to domestic terrorist attacks. This work connects social movement theory with the cross-disciplinary literature working to understand terrorism by offering an explanation for terrorist attacks that are rooted in the organizational opportunity paradigm. It provides us a useful tool for future work on cross-national social movements in a cross-national perspective, as well as further work on terrorist organizations.
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Khamidov, Alisher. "What It Takes to Avert a Regional Crisis: Understanding the Uzbek Government’s Responses to the June 2010 Violence in South Kyrgyzstan." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 2 (March 13, 2015): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00202003.
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Uzbekistan played an important role during the June 2010 interethnic violence in South Kyrgyzstan by tightly controlling borders, allowing thousands of Kyrgyzstani refugees to cross into Uzbek territory, assisting in the shipment of international humanitarian assistance to Kyrgyzstan, and collaborating with the osce in the investigation of the causes of the violence. What explains Uzbekistan’s approach to the unrest in South Kyrgyzstan? Some scholars suggest that Uzbekistan’s response was shaped largely by external actors such as Russia. Others posit that domestic pressures account for the response. This article advances an alternative explanation: Tashkent’s response was largely a result of a consensus achieved at two levels: international and domestic. In explaining the impact of domestic level, the article emphasizes the role of bureaucratic politics—competition among various government agencies.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Domestic level explanation"
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Allenet-Moulin, Tiffany. "Sécurité et stabilité : quelles sont les conditions qui ont poussé l’Égypte, la Syrie et Israël à entrer en guerre en 1967?" Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/10245.
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Ce mémoire s’intéresse aux conditions qui ont mené à la guerre de six jours de 1967 au Moyen-Orient. Tout particulièrement, mon mémoire investiguera les dynamiques domestiques qui influent sur la prise de décision politique. L’hypothèse principale suppose que le mode de gestion de la société, choisi par le gouvernement au pouvoir, influe et contraint les options de politique étrangère disponibles à celui-ci. . Un régime peut recourir à deux modes de gestion de la société : l’exclusion et l’inclusion, à plusieurs degrés. En fonction du mode de gestion choisi, le gouvernement aura besoin de plus ou moins de ressources pour le mettre en place et pour le préserver. La quantité et la nature des ressources utilisées au niveau domestique contraindront les options de politique étrangère disponibles au régime
Les guerres du Moyen-Orient, et la politique étrangère des pays de la région sont souvent interprétées selon des principes réalistes : la recherche du pouvoir et de sécurité guide la politique étrangère. Ce mémoire cherche à souligner l’importance de dynamiques domestiques sur le processus de prise de décision politique, mais également l’influence qu’a le conflit israélo-arabe sur la structure, le fonctionnement et la société des pays concernés.This thesis looks at the conditions that led to the outbreak of the 1967 Six Day War in the Middle East. Specifically, my thesis investigates the domestic dynamics that influence the political decision-making process. The main hypothesis suggests that the type of societal management chosen by the government in power will influence and determine the foreign policy options available. A regime may choose between two types of societal management: exclusion and inclusion, which can be applied to greater or lesser degrees. Depending on the type of societal management chosen, the government will need more or less resources to implement and maintain it. The quantity and nature of resources used domestically will determine the foreign policy options available to the regime. In the Middle East, wars and foreign policy are often interpreted according to realist principles: the quest for power and safety are said to be the main determinants of foreign policy. This thesis seeks to highlight the importance of domestic dynamics in the process of political decision-making, but also the influence of the Arab-Israeli conflict on the structure, development and society in the countries involved.
Books on the topic "Domestic level explanation"
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Ron, James, Shannon Golden, David Crow, and Archana Pandya. Resources. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199975044.003.0004.
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This chapter examines the persistence of the top-down foreign funding resource pattern for local human rights organizations (LHROs) in the global South. Local publics have generally high levels of support for human rights ideas and organizations, and they do make donations to other causes. Despite this high potential for local donations, almost all LHRO funding flows from northern institutions. Part of the explanation lies in socially constructed philanthropic routines: individuals prioritize donations to “tangible” charities rather to organizations that support policy, advocacy, and legal work, and LHROs pursue international resources, rather than engage in costly domestic fundraising efforts. The chapter argues that local rights groups face an uncertain future if they do not begin to capitalize on public support. It further suggests that LHROs should—and can—develop a more diverse domestic resource base.
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Grove, Andrea. Culture and Foreign Policy Analysis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.381.
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There are several conceptions of culture which have become dominant in foreign policy analysis (FPA) in particular: culture as the organization of meaning, culture as value preferences, and culture as templates for human strategy. Prior to the 1990s, the Cold War constraints of bipolarity had left little room for idiosyncratic domestic-level variables such as culture to affect FP. However, once systemic constraints lessened and the decision making milieu became more ambiguous, scholars increasingly turned to questions about culture and identity. Using classic frameworks as a jumping off point, early work on national role conception and operational code analysis incorporated culture as a significant filter for decision making. Operational code analysis is another early approach that had elements of culture as part of the decision making context. In addition, there are a few works that investigate culture and FP with a different focus than FPA. But perhaps one of the most notable elements of FPA studies exploring culture is the idea that it need not be viewed as explaining whatever cannot be explained by anything else. Instead of merely an alternative theoretical explanation of state behavior, use of culture in the post-Cold War revival and today reflects an effort not so much to refute neorealism but to look at different questions.
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Sweet, Alec Stone, and Clare Ryan. Perpetual Peace and the Cosmopolitan Constitution. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825340.003.0002.
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In Toward Perpetual Peace among States (1795), Kant outlined a blueprint for achieving peace and Right on the basis of six preliminary and three definitive articles, which are stated in the form of a treaty or constitution. In Europe, the definitive articles map onto a massive transformation of institutions that combined to enable the CLO to emerge. Political scientists have focused on Kant’s explanation of the absence of war among liberal states. Yet Kant himself prioritized a broader goal: the achievement of a Rightful condition among states and persons. In his essay, Kant argued forcefully to his conclusion that all state officials bear a moral duty to work to achieve a Rightful condition, while telling us little about how to proceed in practice. In subsequent chapters, the authors develop a Kantian-congruent account of a modern system of constitutional justice at both the domestic and transnational levels.
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Roessler, Philip, and Harry Verhoeven. Winning the War, Losing the Peace. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611354.003.0003.
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This chapter lays out the book’s central argument. It first addresses the limitations of existing explanations—war for natural resources, spillover of Rwandan genocide, anti-foreign resistance and personalization of power. It then develops the building blocks of the argument, which attributes Africa’s Great War to the type of revolutionary organization and regional alliance the comrades built to liberate Zaire. In contrast to the strong Leninist political organizations that they built during their own revolutionary struggles, the regional powers, led by the RPF, backed the emergence of a weak, personalized rebel movement heavily dependent on foreign support. This allowed the RPF to maximize its control of the AFDL and pursue its immediate priority of chasing down the génocidaires but at the cost of long-term peace. In the absence of strong domestic or regional institutions, the liberators failed to manage the vacuum of power their annihilation of the Mobutu regime brought about. Consequently, despite alignment on the goals of liberating Zaire, the post-Mobutu system would be defined by high levels of internal and external uncertainty among comrades, ending in catastrophic war.
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Leeds, Brett Ashley, and T. Clifton Morgan. The Quest for Security: Alliances and Arms. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.345.
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Security issues have long been linked to the study of international relations. The crucial issue which scholars and decision makers have sought to understand is how states can avoid being victimized by war while also being prepared for any eventuality of war. Particular attention has been devoted to alliances and armaments as the policy instruments that should have the greatest effect on state war experiences. Scholars have attempted to use balance of power theories to explain the interrelationships between arms, alliances, and international conflict, but the overwhelming lack of empirical support for such theories led the field to look for alternatives. This gave rise to new theorizing that recognized variance in national goals and an enhanced role for domestic politics, which in turn encouraged empirical tests at the nation state or dyadic level of analysis. Drawing from existing theoretical perspectives, more specific formal models and empirical tests were invoked to tackle particular questions about alliances and arms acquisitions. Despite significant advances in individual “islands of theory,” however, integrated explanations of the pursuit and effects of security policies have remained elusive. An important consideration for the future is to develop of theories of security policy that take into account the substitutability and complementarity of varying components. There have been two promising attempts at such integrated theorizing: the first explains the steps to war and the second is based on the assumption that states pursue two composite goods through foreign policy.
Book chapters on the topic "Domestic level explanation"
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Morlino, Leonardo, and Daniela Piana. "Domestic Explanations: Freedoms." In Equality, Freedom, and Democracy, 156–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813873.003.0006.
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When explaining the trends and level of the three freedoms, the role of the rule of law with regards to governmental effectiveness, the control of corruption, and the compliance of public order with fundamental rights should be considered. Besides, there is the paradox of more information and less freedom and the paradox of more rules and less freedom. We also focused on economic freedom, freedom of religious association, freedom of movement, and improvement of protection of dignity because of the modernization of the judicial systems and the prisons. Moreover, the wave of technological development did not translate into an improvement of individual freedoms, especially for privacy protection, freedom to access information, and freedom of movement. The media and pluralism of information are considered critical in helping individuals to make conscious choices and ensuring the possibility of shedding light on rulers’ behaviour and filling the gap between the asymmetry of information that marks the hiatus between rulers and ruled. Despite the undeniable advantage of being provided with a potentially infinite range of information and being able to access a spectacular plurality of sources of information, citizens easily fall victim to what is now labelled as fake news. Overall, the Web is ill-prepared to cope with the risks of the biased information available on the Internet. Freedoms seem to be running the risk of being subverted by the overwhelming availability of data and information if a sound plural and institutionally embedded system of media pluralism is not in place.
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Morlino, Leonardo, Daniela Piana, and Cecilia E. Sottilotta. "External Explanations." In Equality, Freedom, and Democracy, 185–211. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813873.003.0007.
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When checking the influence of European Union empirically, as for inequalities, first, the amount of resources which are devoted to cohesion policy is still negligible. Second, looking at the effects of the crisis and the impact of austerity measures, compounded by significant reforms of the EMU institutional architecture, the six countries under examination were affected to different degrees. Germany was mostly immune to the crisis, and Poland even experienced sustained growth during the crisis years. As a non-member of the Eurozone, the UK was affected by the crisis but retained its monetary sovereignty, and its commitment to austerity with a decline in social protection, healthcare and education cannot be directly traced to EU-level commitments. France avoided a significant overhaul of its welfare system, while Spain and Italy experienced a contraction, especially in the sectors of healthcare and education. As for freedoms, in the case of the possible ‘trade-off’ between the need to guarantee security in the face of domestic and international terrorism and citizens’ right to privacy, the middle ground established by the current EU ‘Privacy Shield’ paradigm leaves several problems unsolved. Moreover, it is essential to mention that the mechanism put in place by Article 7 of the Treaty on the European Union to sanction possible violations of those values and principles, has not been sufficient to stop the current democratic backslides in some member states, notably Poland and Hungary. To sum up, the new scenario seems to depict a more nuanced predominance of the transnational provisions in terms of European freedoms and a reshaping of the domestic-European balance.
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Cardenas, Sonia. "5. Human Rights in Comparative Politics." In Human Rights: Politics and Practice. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708766.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the importance of comparative politics for understanding human rights practices. Comparative politics has advanced our knowledge of why states sometimes violate internationally recognized human rights. Both domestic incentives and exclusionary ideologies increase the likelihood of rights violations. On the other hand, comparative politics has attempted to explain human rights protection, showing how domestic structures (both societal groups and state institutions) can influence reform efforts. This chapter first consider alternative logics of comparison, including the merits of comparing a small versus a large number of cases and human rights within or across regions. It then explores the leading domestic-level explanations for why human rights violations occur. It also describes the use of domestic–international linkages to explain otherwise perplexing human rights outcomes. Finally, it analyses the ways in which, in the context of globalization, comparative politics shapes human rights practices.
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Freidberg, Susanne. "Conclusion." In French Beans and Food Scares. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195169607.003.0009.
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Seven years after Britain’s government in 1996 admitted to the potentially catastrophic human health risks of mad cow disease, fears of the deadly pathogen had faded. Scientists had neither a vaccine nor a cure for nCJD, but in early 2003 they downgraded the projected infection rates; tens of thousands of cases of nCJD now appeared unlikely. The domestic beef market had recovered, and even long-critical media commentators said it was time for beef “to have a revival” (Lawrence 2003a). Whether for reasons of safety, taste or patriotism, market surveys indicated that consumers now preferred British beef to imported meats (Mintel 2003). They also worried rather less about overall food safety. According to the government’s Food Standards Agency (FSA) annual Consumer Attitudes Survey, the percentage of consumers who described themselves as “very” or “quite” concerned about food safety had dropped to 68 percent in 2002 down from 71 percent the year before.1 This is still a lot of concern, but the government nonetheless concluded that it had “made some headway” in its efforts to win back public trust. At the international level, however, longstanding food controversies still simmered and sometimes flared. Zambia, for example, set off a round of transatlantic name-calling in late 2002 when, despite impending famine, it refused to distribute genetically modified (GM) food aid from the United States. The U.S. trade secretary accused the “Luddite” Europeans of forcing Africans to go hungry because the Zambians, like other southern African agro-exporters, feared losing access to the European market if American GM corn contaminated their own crops. European NGOs, meanwhile, condemned the United States for using food aid to establish an African beachhead for the biotech industry (Vidal 2002; Teather 2003). Media analysis of this controversy gave little attention to Zambian citizens’ views of GM food, emphasizing instead the striking rift between American and European perspectives on GM foods and food quality more generally. As in past coverage of the transatlantic GM battle, the explanation was partly cultural (Europeans simply care more about taste than shelf life), partly social psychological. The trauma of recent food scares, in other words, had left Europeans suspicious of “unnatural” foods even if “science” insisted they were safe.
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Messac, Luke. "Introduction." In No More to Spend, 1–26. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190066192.003.0001.
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This introduction explores the assumption, present in both the global public health literature and the historiography of biomedicine in Africa, that a low gross domestic product (GDP) is a sufficient explanation for woefully inadequate public-sector health care. This assumption is a product of colonial and postcolonial regimes, which sought to portray scarcity as an inevitable, inescapable fact, even as resources were being spent elsewhere. The arguments used to justify low levels of health-care spending, and the consequences of such paltry expenditures, are the focus of the rest of this work.
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Berlin, Mark S. "When Criminal Code Reform Does Not Lead to Atrocity Criminalization." In Criminalizing Atrocity, 143–73. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850441.003.0006.
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This chapter examines three negative cases—cases in which new criminal codes did not include atrocity offenses—to explore why the legal borrowing thesis does not hold in some otherwise favorable cases. The first two cases—Colombia in 1980 and Poland in 1969—shared with Guatemala much that made them prime candidates for the legal borrowing thesis. These included diffusion of atrocity criminalization among regional legal peers and strong ties between criminal code drafters and professional networks linked to the continental European criminal law tradition. This chapter shows that atrocity laws in Colombia and Poland’s draft codes were discarded at the last minute because they became politicized, though for different reasons. The third case—the Maldives in 2014—did not possess characteristics that made it favorable for the legal borrowing thesis. Nevertheless, it was a strong candidate for alternative explanations connecting criminal code reform to atrocity criminalization. This case is revealing, because it illustrates why these otherwise favorable conditions were insufficient for atrocity criminalization. The chapter shows that the drafters of the Maldivian code never considered including atrocity offenses, because their particular professional orientation and the sources they used for guidance did not favor them. Taken together, these three cases underscore the importance of professional-level mechanisms for understanding variation in the inclusion of international norms in new domestic institutions. They also illustrate conditions under which some of the mechanisms in the legal borrowing thesis may fail to obtain.
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"• EC legislation; • opinions of the European Court of Justice (ECJ); • decisions by the domestic courts of Member States in similar areas; • explanations in textbooks; • arguments in specialist articles. In addition, the student has to: • keep the doctrines and principles of the two legal orders (the Community’s and the UK’s) in mind simultaneously, and still remember to answer the specific question asked! This can seem a daunting task, but if the lower order skills of: • organisation; • classification; • identification; and • summarising, are methodically deployed, then the texts will be broken into and sifted and made ready for answering a specific question. The competent execution of the lower order skills allows the development of the higher level cognitive skills of: • analysis; • evaluation; • critique; and • argument construction. Once the texts have been carefully prepared by ordering and summarising: • potential arguments can be reflected upon; • arguments can be compared; • differences of opinion expressed by judges and academics considered. At this point, the student can indeed begin to have a personal view and write about it. The initial task is to: • understand each text as much as possible in isolation; • consider the interconnections between the texts. Law cases and texts that conflict are as intimately interconnected as law cases that agree with each other. The student needs to be able to put together: • cases and arguments that are the same; • cases and arguments that are different; • cases and arguments that are mixed in that in some areas they agree and in some areas they disagree. Chapter 7 on identifying and constructing arguments demonstrates that no problem is ever a simple unitary matter; that problems come in bundles. Whilst questions posed may appear simple and unitary, they never are." In Legal Method and Reasoning, 285–88. Routledge-Cavendish, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843145103-221.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Domestic level explanation"
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Wang, Tianhong, Guili Yuan, Yan Bai, and Zijie Wang. "The Application and Research of Fieldbus and Expert System in the Chemical Examination Station of the Power Plant." In ASME 2005 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pwr2005-50314.
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The occurrence of the Fieldbus brings a revolutionary in the control field again, and the depth and scope exceed anyone historically, and introduce new era in automation. The Fieldbus control system (FCS) will have great influence in process control in the future. Though FCS is started to adopt in domestic power system, but adopt the FCS thoroughly is still not many. Normally, based on the originally control system, increase parts of control conception of FCS, and the application of combining the advanced control strategy (artificial intelligent, nerve network, expert system and so on) is fewer. This thesis intends to attempt actively and explore profitably in the development and application of the Fieldbus technology in the control of product process in the power plant. On the base of the explanation of the system and exhaust about the Fieldbus technology and the concept and principle of Fieldbus control system, I combine the tendency of the development of the thermal automation technology in power plant, use the prevalence of the Fieldbus adequately, and bring up the designing thought and scheme about the application of Foundation Fieldbus and expert system in the system of the auxiliary control in the power plant, in order to make the production and running of the power plant more convenient, more safe, more economical and more dependable. On the base of which, combining the practical project, the technology is applied in product process control of chemical examination station of the chemical water workshop in one domestic large power plant, and the level of the automation and the management is enhanced greatly. This would make great significance in theory and practical about the promotion and application of the technology of the Fieldbus and advanced control strategy in the power system especially in the power plant.
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Jeber, Jalal N., Maher Ahmed Abed, and Ausama Abbas Faisal. "On-site detection of saliva-alcohol as a function of blood alcohol concentration using colorimetric biosensor based on deposited Chromium (VII) Oxide Nanoparticles on filter paper." In The 8th International Conference of Biotechnology, Environment and Engineering Sciences. SRO media, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46617/icbe8003.
Full textAbstract:
Alcohol intoxication is usually associated with drowning, falls, overdoses, fires, occupational accidents, physical and sexual abusements, domestic violence and traffic accidents. Therefore, alcohol considered an important factor for the explanation of the occurrence of many types of injuries. For many purposes such as forensic, it is important to establish a detection method to ensure whether the subject or the patient have consumed alcohol at a level that would be the reason for the accidents or injuries occur. Therefore, in this work, a simple, rapid and low-cost method was developed and validated for the detection of the alcohol in saliva as a function of blood alcohol concentration (BAC). The method is based on fabricated a biosensor consisted of chromium oxide nanoparticles deposited on filter paper. The validation of the biosensor was tested on 50 participants which categories into two selected groups (1 and 2). Group 1 consisted of 20 subjects from an organized party (no alcohol), they usually consumed three to four drinks as an average per week while Group 2 consisted of 30 subjects from an organized party the local bar (alcohol group), usually consumed two to three drinks per day. The results of the present study have shown that 95% of group 1 demonstrated positive results with variable colour intensities of the BAC in comparison to the 80% only of subjects from group 2. The present study has approved that the fabricated biosensor can effectively detect 0.02% or more of BAC which can be a useful test for many purposes such as medical, forensic, research and workplace.