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1
Kwiatkowska, Barbara. "The Saint Vincent and the Grenadines v. Guinea M/V Saiga Cases." Leiden Journal of International Law 11, no. 3 (1998): 547–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156598000399.
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The article surveys the Saint Vincent and the Grenadines v. Guinea M/V Saiga cases which inaugurated jurisprudence of the 21 Member International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) in Hamburg, Germany, with delivery of two important decisions on prompt release of the vessel and its crew (1997, Case No. 1) and on provisional measures of protection (1998, Case No. 2). The decisions provided precedential instances of application by the Tribunal of Articles 292 and 290 of the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea respectively, and of the relevant provisions of the ITLOS Rules. The prescription of provisional measures of protection formed the incidental proceedings of the pending M/V Saiga (Merits) case which is to be settled by ITLOS in mid-1999 (Case No. 2) and is to be the subject of a separate article. In view of the ITLOS Statute and the Rules being closely modelled in the Statute and the Rules of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), careful attention is given to comparison of the inaugural practice of ITLOS with the longstanding practice of the ICJ, and preservation of judicial consistency by ITLOS is particularly commended. A history of the M/V Saiga dispute, intertwined with domestic proceedings before Guinean courts, is for the reader's convenience outlined in a Chronological Table annexed to this article.
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Rolshoven, Max Philipp. "The Last Word? – The July 22, 2004 Acquittals in the Mannesmann Trial." German Law Journal 5, no. 8 (2004): 935–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012967.
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[Editors’ Note: This short note concerns the most recent acquittals in the Mannesmann criminal trial against former Mannesmann CEO, Klaus Esser; Deutsche Bank's CEO (Vorstandssprecher) and then Member of Mannesmann's supervisory board, Josef Ackermann, and other members of the Supervisory Board. The Landgericht [Regional Court] Düsseldorf acquitted all six defendants on 22 July 2004, and this timely note provides but for a first rendition of the circumstances, the reactions and the thrust of the judgment. For more extensive background to the criminal proceedings against Esser, Ackermann et al. and the importance that domestic and international observers have regularly been assigning to this case in the context of a worldwide corporate governance debate, see already Peter Kolla's article in the 1 July 2004 Issue of German Law Journal. German Law Journal will publish a more extensive case commentary in the coming months. Meanwhile, the Mannesmann proceedings have, once more, highlighted to German, European and International observers the particular features of law and politics in “Germany Inc.”, “Rhenish Capitalism”, or “Rhineland Capitalism”. As begun in the aftermath of Josef Ackermann's inthronization at the head of Deutsche Bank and Ackermann's subsequent transformation of the Board's control structure, German Law Journal has published several contributions to the ongoing changes in German corporate governance and its embeddedness within the specific German economic and legal system. In this issue, we are publishing a fine piece by Jürgen Hoffmann, Professor of Sociology in Hamburg, on the current interdisciplinary debate over the future fate of so-called Rhineland Capitalism. In the next issue, to be published on 1 September 2004, Professor Christopher Allen of the University of Georgia will further deepen this inquiry and place the contemporary debate over the possible end of Rhineland capitalism in the historical context of Germany's development in the 20th Century. The Editors of German Law Journal are very pleased and honored to be able to provide for a further forum for this important debate, bringing together lawyers, economists, political scientists and sociologists, for a much needed exploration of the historical and political origins as well as of the legal framework of Germany's much critizised and, at the same time, ardently praised system of corporate governance and industrial relations. We invite our readers to contribute to this debate, which has so far found too little resonance in Germany itself. The Editors.]
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Bamber, Greg. "Feature?International Industrial Relations Association Seventh World Congress Hamburg, West Germany, September 1986." New Technology, Work and Employment 2, no. 1 (1987): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-005x.1987.tb00075.x.
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Bendix, John, and Niklaus Steiner. "Political Asylum in Germany: International Norms and Domestic Politics." German Politics and Society 16, no. 2 (1998): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503098782173859.
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Although political asylum has been at the forefront of contemporaryGerman politics for over two decades, it has not been much discussedin political science. Studying asylum is important, however,because it challenges assertions in both comparative politics andinternational relations that national interest drives decision-making.Political parties use national interest arguments to justify claims thatonly their agenda is best for the country, and governments arguesimilarly when questions about corporatist bargaining practices arise.More theoretically, realists in international relations have positedthat because some values “are preferable to others … it is possible todiscover, cumulate, and objectify a single national interest.” Whileinitially associated with Hans Morgenthau’s equating of nationalinterest to power, particularly in foreign policy, this position hassince been extended to argue that states can be seen as unitary rationalactors who carefully calculate the costs of alternative courses ofaction in their efforts to maximize expected utility.
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Baldyga, Natalya. "Corporeal Eloquence and Sensate Cognition: G. E. Lessing, Acting Theory, and Properly Feeling Bodies in Eighteenth-Century Germany." Theatre Survey 58, no. 2 (2017): 162–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557417000059.
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Most know Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–81) for his dramatic theory, specifically that which is found in his periodical the Hamburg Dramaturgy (1767–69), a collection of 101 essays that has since earned Lessing the moniker of “the first dramaturg.” Many are also familiar with Lessing's major plays, Miss Sara Sampson (1755), Minna von Barnhelm (1767), Emilia Galotti (1772), and Nathan the Wise (1779). Fewer, however, may be familiar with his acting theory and his long association with actors, an association that began in his college years and which so disturbed Lessing's father that the respectable pastor lured the wayward student home by falsely claiming that Lessing's mother was ill. During his time as a university student in Leipzig, Lessing translated plays for the troupe of Karoline Neuber (1697–1760) and socialized with the company's actors; over time he would continue to accrue significant firsthand knowledge of actors and the art of acting, not only through his frequent theatregoing but also through the coaching of his own plays. Lessing's familiarity with actors and acting informs both his performance and dramatic theory, including that which one finds in the Hamburg Dramaturgy; in Anglophone studies of Lessing's journal, however, one infrequently sees Lessing's dramatic theory placed in conversation with his acting theory, reception theory, or performance reviews. Due to the short and contentious life of the Hamburg National Theatre, the experimental theatre project to which the Hamburg Dramaturgy was ostensibly attached, historical narratives more often focus on Lessing's strained relations with the actors of the Hamburg acting company. If one views Lessing's writing about performance solely in terms of a frustrated critic's attempts to rein in “unruly” actors, however, one loses sight of how Lessing's acting theory supports his wider ideas about the form and function of theatre and about how the Hamburg Dramaturgy and the Hamburg theatre experiment might function as a force for social change.
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Wixforth, Harald. "Schiffsfinanzierung im Wandel – Finanzintermediäre und maritime Wirtschaft am Finanzplatz Hamburg vom Kaiserreich bis zum Ende der Weimarer Republik." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 64, no. 2 (2019): 217–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2018-0019.
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AbstractFor more than 30 years bank-industry relations have been one of the most important subjects of financial research and history. Despite all research we are still lacking results on this topic for several branches of German industry, e. g. shipbuilding and shipping. Therefore, the article tries to analyze the relations between financial institutions and some of the prominent enterprises of maritime industry in Hamburg – in the 19th and 20th century the most important financial center in Northern Germany as well as place for shipping and shipbuilding. Finally, the article compares the results to those of other studies on bank-industry-relations in Germany in order to show whether there were specific characteristics in financing shipbuilding and shipping. Additionally, the article wants to stimulate further intensive research on this subject.
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Dubover, Denis, and Anastasia Peniaz. "Challenge based learning in full-day schools of Germany: organization features and development factors in media pedagogical discourse." E3S Web of Conferences 175 (2020): 15020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017515020.
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In a post-industrial society, the importance of information increases at an uncontrollable rate that leads to new challenges in the educational environment and especially in general educational institutions. The aim of the article is to analyze the successful experience of project work implementation in the field of media education in Germany in the conditions of a full-day training system for analyzing the possibilities of its implementation to domestic pedagogy. Materials and Methods Observation method, expert interviews and surveys were used for data collection and processing. The research was conducted in the framework of the implementation of DAAD Research Programme at the European University of Flensburg and full-day schools in Hamburg. A sample set of empirical research includes 350 students, 25 teachers, 12 school counselors, 12 full-day school principals in Hamburg and SchleswigHolstein. Research results. As a result of the observation, an understanding of the forms and methods of project work was obtained, various relationships were established between media education, project work and the achievement of social and personal competencies (soft skills). The analyzed documents show clear dynamics in the field of legalization of project activities and understanding of the need to achieve social and personal competencies through projectwork.
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Dill, Verena, and Uwe Jirjahn. "Foreign owners and the quality of industrial relations in Germany." Economic and Industrial Democracy 38, no. 1 (2016): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x14557842.
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German works councils provide a highly developed mechanism for codetermination designed to increase trust and cooperation within firms. This study examines whether or not the functioning of works councils depends on the type of ownership. Comparing domestic- and foreign-owned firms in Germany, the article finds that works councils and managers in foreign-owned firms are less likely to cooperate. The finding fits the notion that the activities of foreign multinational companies can involve tensions with the institutional framework of the host country.
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Feuchtwanger, Edgar. "Germany at the crossroads: foreign and domestic policy issues." International Affairs 69, no. 3 (1993): 600–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622389.
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Yang, Jiemian. "Managing China-U.S. Relations in the Trump Era: Approaches and Policies." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 03 (2017): 357–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s237774001750021x.
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China under the leadership of President Xi Jinping has maintained strategic concentration since the election of President Donald Trump who has shown an anti-establishment approach to domestic and foreign affairs. China adheres to its diplomatic principles of preserving core national interests, making overall strategic agendas, going with the trends of the times, and seeking progress while stabilizing China-U.S. relations. China also attaches great importance to summit diplomacy and has achieved early outcomes through Xi-Trump meetings at both Mar-a-Lago and Hamburg. Nevertheless, China has yet to meet daunting challenges on its road ahead to a more stable, cooperative, and predictable relationship with the United States under President Trump.
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Cho, Chansoo. "International Monetary Cooperation and Democratic Institutions: The Importance of Executive-Legislative Relations in Germany and France, 1919-1929." International Studies Review 7, no. 2 (2006): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-00702002.
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This article examines how changes in• formal political institutions can affect the extent to which a nationally defined monetary policy is committed to an international monetary order by comparing the German and French cases during the period of 1919–1929. There is no dearth of studies that employ domestic political institutional variables to explain policy outcomes regarding international economic relations. And at the same time, for the past decade, a host of “second image reversed” works have improved our understanding of domestic-international interaction. While many scholars of international political economy have written about domestic sources of trade policy, increasing numbers of authors have devoted substantial attention to the explanatory power of domestic variables in monetary issues. Particularly, when accounting for variations on democratic commitment to international monetary cooperation, the importance of executive-legislative relations deserves special attention. Germany and France during the 1920s provide us with an interesting pair of comparison in that their parliamentary democracies had subtle differences in executive-legislative relations.
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Solingen, Etel. "Domestic Coalitions, Internationalization, and War: Then and Now." International Security 39, no. 1 (2014): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00168.
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Recent commentary on the centenary of World War I evokes similarities between Germany then and China now, and between globalization then and now. The nature of dominant coalitions in both countries provides a conceptual anchor for understanding the links between internal and external politics in 1914 and 2014. Coalitional dynamics draw greater attention to agency in debates that all too often emphasize structure, impersonal forces, and inevitability. Two core claims rest on this basic analytical building block. First, despite apparent similarities in domestic coalitional arrangements of putative revisionist challengers—Germany and China—important differences defy facile analogies. China now is not Germany then. Second, the regional coalitional cluster and the global political economy—and hence the links between domestic and external politics—differ across the two periods. The “world-time” against which coalitions operate today is significantly different as well. Thus ahistorical analogies between then and now may not only be imperfect; they can infuse actors with misguided and perilous protocols for international behavior. There is plenty that may recall World War I today but even more that does not, and all must make sure that gap never narrows.
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Maulucci, Thomas W. "West Germany and Israel: Foreign Relations, Domestic Politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974." German History 38, no. 2 (2020): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa023.
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Rodman, David. "West Germany and Israel: foreign relations, domestic politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974." Israel Affairs 26, no. 4 (2020): 612–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2020.1775956.
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Neske, Stefanie. "About the Relation between Sunshine Duration and Cloudiness on the Basis of Data from Hamburg." Journal of Solar Energy 2014 (April 10, 2014): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/306871.
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The aim of this paper is to relate the two meteorological parameters known as relative (bright) sunshine duration and cloudiness using the data from two stations of the city of Hamburg, Germany. We test the classic linear relationship, as well as newer polynomial extensions suggested in the literature. The results of regression are interpreted against a theoretical background recently put forward by Badescu. The suggested relations can be borne out, but we also point out difficulties due to data quality and insufficiency.
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Lombardi, Domenico, and Manuela Moschella. "Domestic preferences and European banking supervision: Germany, Italy and the Single Supervisory Mechanism." West European Politics 39, no. 3 (2016): 462–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2016.1143242.
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Lutz, Helma, and Ewa Palenga-Möllenbeck. "Care Work Migration in Germany: Semi-Compliance and Complicity." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 3 (2010): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000138.
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In this article, we deal with contradictions and paradoxes of the German policies on migration and domestic care work. Although the demand for care workers in private homes is increasing, the German government has turned a blind eye to the topic of migrant care workers. As a result of the mismatch between demand and restrictive policies, a large sector of undeclared care work has come into being. This veritable ‘twilight zone’ can be coined an ‘open secret’ as it is the topic of extensive discussions among the populace and in the media. We will address various discrepancies in the debate on migrant domestic work in Germany by providing a view from multiple actors’ perspectives. Examining the intersections of gendered migration and care regimes, we assert that undeclared care migration is an integral part of German welfare state policies, which can be characterised as compliance and complicity.
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Large, David Clay. "Carole Fink. West Germany and Israel: Foreign Relations, Domestic Politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (2020): 2019–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa535.
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Martynov, Andriy. "US-Germany Relations Development Trends Under the Presidency of Donald Trump." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.2.
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The influence of internal political processes in the USA and Germany on the evolution of US-German relations is analyzed in the article. The crisis of the mono-polar system of international relations was synchronized with changes in the global order. It affected relations between the US and Germany. The scientific literature has been dominated by the view that President Trump’s conservative-moderate foreign policy strategy is contrary to the traditions of liberal-democratic multilateral diplomacy. D. Trump’s views on the international positioning of the United States can be considered as a variant of foreign policy realism, in contrast to classical republican neo-conservatism or democratic liberal interventionism. The German foreign policy course in the time of the Bundes Chancellor A. Merkel is a manifestation of liberal-democratic globalism. Under President Obama and Chancellor A. Merkel, German-American relations remained at a high allied level. President Trump abolishes talks on Transatlantic Free Trade Area. German elites see the populist and nationalist policies of D. Trump as a challenge to European integration. They consider US European policy an attempt to split the European Union. In the domestic political dimension, German liberals consider the Alternative to Germany party as Trump’s ideological counterparts. The American liberal political elite accused A. Merkel of failing to prevent the spread of anti-American sentiment in Germany. Political sentiment in the US and Germany after the pandemic is unpredictable. A noticeable trend was the aggravation of the crisis of liberal globalization. This outlines the tendency for further political polarization of American and German societies.
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Kleczka, Mitja. "Between Europeanisation and domestic favouritism: recent progresses of defence-industrial restructuring in Germany." Defense & Security Analysis 36, no. 4 (2020): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2020.1857918.
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Mcadams, A. James. "Germany after Unification: Normal at Last?" World Politics 49, no. 2 (1997): 282–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.1997.0003.
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Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the concept of “normalcy” has occupied a prominent place in the pronouncements of Germany's most powerful politicians and policy makers. In addition, it has also suffused much of the emerging literature on the domestic and international implications of German unification. Some observers argue that unification embodies the call to normalcy, offering Germany's leaders the opportunity to put their nation's past behind them. Others treat the events of 1989–90 as part of an ongoing challenge to German identity. Finally, a third group of scholars regards the invocation of German unity as an excuse for papering over the crimes of the Nazi past. Although there is no a priori basis for considering any one of these approaches the most appropriate for assessing contemporary German affairs, this does not mean one's choice of terms is totally arbitrary. If German normalcy is to mean anything analytically, it must minimally represent an attainable and worthy goal to which the leaders of the Federal Republic can aspire in their efforts to make Germany more like other European states.
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Klosko, George, Edward N. Muller, and Karl Dieter Opp. "Rebellious Collective Action Revisited." American Political Science Review 81, no. 2 (1987): 557–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961968.
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Why does it happen that ordinary people can come to participate in rebellious collective action? In the June 1986 issue of this Review, Edward N. Muller and Karl-Dieter Opp argued a public-goods model to account for why rational citizens may become rebels. They offered empirical data drawn from samples in New York City and Hamburg, Germany in support of the public-goods model. George Kolsko takes issue with the rationale of Muller and Opp, arguing that their public-goods model is not a rational-choice explanation of rebellious collective action. In response, Muller and Opp clarify their theory and further elaborate its assumptions.
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Huelshoff, Michael G. "A "Privileged Partnership?" Franco-German Relations and the Development of EU Social Policy." American Review of Politics 16 (November 1, 1995): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.253-276.
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The revival of European Union studies has, to date, been guided primarily by intergovernmental theories of regional integration. This essay examines one intergovernmental model of regional integration, namely coalition building between France and Germany. In a case study of EU social policy, it is found that the trajectory of policy-making is not consistent with the predictions of the coalition version of intergovemmentalism. Rather, models of regional integration should pay more attention to the domestic politics of members to better explain their behavior at the European level.
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Crawford, Beverly. "German Unification and the Union of Europe: The Domestic Politics of Integration Policy. By Jeffrey Anderson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. 240p. $59.95 cloth, $21.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402274341.
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German unification presents conceptual puzzles of which comparativists dream. Has this monumental change, which boils down to full German sovereignty, growth of German power, and the emergence of new domestic political interests, altered Germany's relationship to Europe? Is Germany withdrawing from or dominating European institutions? Does the new Germany still tread its well-worn postwar path of the model “European”? The questions are important for our understanding of the sources of policy change and continuity as well as the process of regional integration in general and the course of European integration in particular. In which issue areas has Germany's postunification policy broken with the past? Is the break caused by changes in domestic politics or the increase in the power of a unified and fully sovereign Germany? Have policy changes impeded or enhanced the speed and character of European unification? Are important continuities evident? If both policy continuity and change are present, why the variation? These are the questions Jeffrey Anderson tackles in this timely and important volume.
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Wiegeshoff, Andrea. "West Germany and Israel: Foreign Relations, Domestic Politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974 by Carole Fink." German Studies Review 43, no. 1 (2020): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gsr.2020.0027.
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Silver, Hilary. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (2019): 66–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370104.
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Rafaela Dancygier, Dilemmas of Inclusion: Muslims in European Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017) Reviewed by Hilary Silver, Sociology, George Washington University Thomas Großbölting, Losing Heaven: Religion in Germany since 1945; translated by Alex Skinner (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017. Reviewed by Jeffrey Luppes, World Languages, Indiana University South Bend Hans Vorländer, Maik Herold, and Steven Schäller, PEGIDA and New Right-Wing Populism In Germany (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018) Reviewed by Joyce Mushaben, Political Science, University of Missouri St. Louis Kara L. Ritzheimer, “Trash,” Censorship, and National Identity in Early Twentieth-Century Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016) Reviewed by Ambika Natarajan, History, Philosophy, and Religion, Oregon State University Anna Saunders, Memorializing the GDR: Monuments and Memory After 1989 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2018) Reviewed by Jeffrey Luppes, World Languages, Indiana University South Bend Desmond Dinan, Neill Nugent and William E. Paterson, eds., The European Union in Crisis (London: Palgrave, 2017) Reviewed by Helge F. Jani, Hamburg, Germany Noah Benezra Strote, Lions and Lambs: Conflict in Weimar and the Creation of Post-Nazi Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017). Reviewed by Darren O’Byrne, History, University of Cambridge Chunjie Zhang, Transculturality and German Discourse in the Age of European Colonialism (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2017) Reviewed by Christopher Thomas Goodwin, History, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign Marcel Fratzscher, The Germany Illusion: Between Economic Euphoria and Despair (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018). Reviewed by Stephen J. Silvia, International Relations, American University
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Privalov, S. A. "Prohibition of Censorship as a Guarantee of Freedom of Mass Media in Russia and Germany." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, no. 3 (2021): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-3-13-20.
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The prohibition of censorship as a fundamental legal guarantee of constitutional freedom of the media in Russia and Germany is considered. The author carries out a comparative analysis of the understanding of the essence of censorship in domestic and German constitutional law, as well as the features of state-legal regulation of relevant social relations arising from such an understanding.
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Wendler, Frank. "Challenging Domestic Politics? European Debates of National Parliaments in France, Germany and the UK." Journal of European Integration 35, no. 7 (2013): 801–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2012.744753.
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Shire, Karen A., and Kumiko Nemoto. "The Origins and Transformations of Conservative Gender Regimes in Germany and Japan." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 27, no. 3 (2020): 432–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxaa017.
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Abstract In this article, we extend Walby’s analysis of gender transformations to theorize gender relations in conservative modernizations. We draw insights from a historical comparison of gender inequalities in Germany and Japan, to draw a distinction between conservative authoritarian and conservative democratic gender regimes, and their transformations. Conservative gender regimes, we argue, constitute the domestic as a public sphere and transform through social and family policies, which reinforce a gendered division of labor. The concept of conservative gender regimes, we argue, is relevant for analyzing transformations in other European and non-European world regions.
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Meden, N. K. "Problem of Production of Shale Gas in Germany." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-106-112.
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A bstract: Our magazine publishes a series of articles on shale gas in different countries. This article is about Germany, a main importer of Russian natural gas, so a perspective of exploitation of local shale gas resources is of a clear practical importance for Russia. We discuss external and internal factors which determine position of the German government concerning the shale gas excavation: policy of the USA and the EU, positions of German political parties, influence of the lobbying communities and civic associations. The article contains rich information on vast variety of interests of actors in the domestic discussion. Taking into account the importance of civil society for political decisions, the author rests upon public relations of big companies, their methodic and results. The article summarizes data on reserve estimation and current geological projects, as well all the officially published reports concerning environmental threats cased by fracking technology. On the base of the above analyze, the author predicts possible evolution of the federal government policy.
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Olsen, Kim B. "Diplomats, Domestic Agency and the Implementation of Sanctions: The MFAs of France and Germany in the Age of Geoeconomic Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-bja10001.
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Summary Tasked with the implementation of complex geoeconomic instruments such as trade and investment regulations, targeted economic assistance and sanctions regimes, European ministries of foreign affairs (MFAs) are increasingly exposed to a field introduced as geoeconomic diplomacy. This article argues that traditional literature on states’ strategic use of economic power has underestimated how MFAs of liberal and tightly integrated market economies are challenged in their abilities to realise geoeconomic objectives. Mitigating such challenges requires diplomats to engage extensively with multiple domestic state and non-state actors relevant to the state-market nexus. Through a comparative case study of France and Germany, the article demonstrates how major European MFAs have recently streamlined their organisational approaches to the geoeconomic field in various ways, and analyses how French and German diplomats were bound to manage multifaceted, yet different, domestic agency relations in their quests to successfully implement the European Union’s sanctions regime against Russia in 2014-2016.
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Building Domestic Support for West Germany's Integration into NATO, 1953–1955." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00941.
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Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.
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Lisnichuk, Oksana. "Property tax as the basis of local budgets formation: domestic practice and foreign experience." University Economic Bulletin, no. 42 (June 19, 2019): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2306-546x-2019-42-190-199.
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Nowadays the necessity of studying the foreign experience in property taxation, including the experience of the Federal Republic of Germany (hereinafter Germany), is due to the need of increasing the cash income of municipal formations as well as of enhancing the effectiveness and potential of this tax as a whole. In the works of Ukrainian scientists an analysis of the problems existing in the property taxation system in Ukraine was carried out. In particular, the issues of regulating the real estate tax in Ukraine and improving the taxation system as the basis for local budgets formation are studied by I. V. Gorsky, A. V. Medvedeva, T. G. Lebedinskaya, E. A. Yudin. The problems of property taxation in Ukraine also examined from the point of view of foreign experience and prospects for improvement by Tokar V.V. The author in this article analyzes the actual problems of the formation of municipal budgets at the expense of property tax from the point of view of domestic practice and foreign experience, in part of the experience of taxation of property in Germany. The conducted research showed that due to the use of a market approach to valuation of property as a tax base equal to the conditions of taxation for all subjects of tax relations, as well as an effective system for assessing the value of property that does not allow manipulation, excludes elements of corruption from this process, Germany, has significant achievements in regulating this group of taxes. It is concluded that the introduction of separate elements of the German system of taxation of property, which are considered in this article, into the practice of taxation in Ukraine can increase the overall efficiency of this tax, create conditions for reducing the level of corruption in local government bodies, and give this group of taxes a greater social orientation.
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Haucap, Justus. "Steuern, Wettbewerb und Wettbewerbsneutralität." Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 13, no. 1-2 (2012): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2516.2012.00375.x.
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AbstractThe taxation of goods and services that are either non-tradable (such as local postal services) or only tradable to a limited extent is not subject to international tax competition. Hence, tax induced distortions of competition between different domestic firms can easily continue to exist even in an otherwise globalised economy. This article discusses two recent examples from Germany that illustrate the problem and demonstrate how consumption taxes can distort product market competition. First, the value-added tax privilege of Deutsche Post AG is discussed, and secondly, the air travel tax that has recently been introduced in Germany.
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Leaman, J. "Book Reviews : Industrial Relations in West Germany. By Volker R. Berghahn and Detlev Karsten. Oxford/New York/Hamburg: Berg. 1987. 261 pp. I6.50." German History 6, no. 3 (1988): 328–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635548800600327.
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Garofalo Geymonat, Giulia, Daniela Cherubini, and Sabrina Marchetti. "The feminist and domestic workers’ movements: disconnected practices, discursive convergences." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (2021): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510821x16125208512228.
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The article explores the relationship between women’s rights and feminist and domestic workers’ movements by drawing on qualitative data gathered in a comparative study on domestic workers’ rights in Italy, Germany, Spain, India, the Philippines, Taiwan, Colombia, Brazil and Ecuador (2016–21). Despite the frequent disconnection between the two movements at the practical level, a possible convergence may be identified in the discursive frames that domestic workers’ rights activists make use of. The analysis focuses on two feminist anti-capitalist frames recurring in mobilisations for domestic workers’ rights, addressing the valorisation of reproductive labour and the transnational commodification of care. Domestic workers’ activism tends to build on these frames beyond their mainstream forms and to expand them in intersectional ways, enlarging their capacity to include racialised, low-class, migrant and other minority groups. This becomes a creative force at the level of discourse, where different alliances may take place in a less visible way.
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Jones, Charles. "Carr, Mannheim, and a Post-positivist Science of International Relations." Political Studies 45, no. 2 (1997): 232–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00078.
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Recent work on Carr has looked beyond The Twenty Years' Crisis to the seeming anomaly of a political realist advocating regional integration in Western Europe, a welfare state at home, and a free hand for the USSR in Eastern Europe. Some have seen this anomaly, and Carr's successive appeasements of Germany and the USSR, as mere opportunism, but this paper finds a coherence in Carr's work deriving substantially from Mannheim. It was from Mannheim that Carr took not only the structure of The Twenty Years' Crisis, but also his characteristic post-positivist and interdisciplinary methodology, his belief in the policy role of the intellectual, his strong sense of the connectedness of foreign and domestic policy, his insistence on forms of international society that heavily discounted the sovereignty of small nations, and the besetting weaknesses of inadequately acknowledged historicism and elitism.
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Giraud, Olivier, Barbara Lucas, Katrin Falk, Susanne Kümpers, and Arnaud Lechevalier. "Innovations in Local Domiciliary Long-Term Care: From Libertarian Criticism to Normalisation." Social Policy and Society 13, no. 3 (2014): 433–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746414000153.
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This article assesses how social innovations in the field of local domiciliary long-term care are shaped and implemented. It proposes a mapping of innovations in terms of two structuring discourses that inform welfare state reforms: a libertarian and a neo-liberal discourse. It then provides an analysis of the concrete trajectories of three local innovations for elderly people in Hamburg (Germany), Edinburgh (Scotland) and Geneva (Switzerland). Theoretically, social innovation is considered as a discursive process of public problem redefinition and institutionalisation. New coalitions of new actors are formed along this double process, and these transform the original discourse of innovation. The comparative analysis of the three processes of institutionalisation of local innovation shows that, in the context of local policy making, social innovations inspired by a libertarian critique of the welfare state undergo differentiated processes of normalisation.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.
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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Nahm, Jonas. "Renewable futures and industrial legacies: Wind and solar sectors in China, Germany, and the United States." Business and Politics 19, no. 1 (2017): 68–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bap.2016.5.
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AbstractThis article develops an explanation for patterns of industrial specialization in emerging high-technology industries through a comparative analysis of wind and solar sectors in China, Germany, and the United States. Although governments have held similar industrial policy goals in the support of renewable energy industries, firms in all three economies have established distinct innovative capabilities in response to the policies of the state. This article shows that firms utilize both legacy institutions and engage in relational learning in global networks to carve out distinct niches in emerging industries. Based on an original dataset of more than 200 firm-level interviews, the article suggests that the rise of global value chains has widened the space for national diversity in industrial specialization. Firms no longer have to establish the full range of skills required to bring an idea from lab to market, but can specialize and collaborate with others. In this context, firms respond to industrial policy by incrementally building on existing industrial capabilities and by relying on familiar public resources and institutions, even in emerging industries. These findings point to the role of industrial legacies in shaping firms' positions in global value chains and show that firms are active agents in maintaining distinct industrial specializations and domestic institutions under conditions of globalization.
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GATTINI, ANDREA. "The Dispute on Jurisdictional Immunities of the State before the ICJ: Is the Time Ripe for a Change of the Law?" Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 1 (2011): 173–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156510000683.
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AbstractThe pending dispute at the ICJ between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Italy on jurisdictional immunities of states bears on the hotly debated question of whether a state having committed a violation of jus cogens loses its immunity from civil jurisdiction abroad, as maintained by the Italian Court of Cassation. The article aims to demonstrate the untenability of the position of the Italian Court of Cassation, not only under current international customary law, but also under a prospective de lege ferenda. Nevertheless, different options are open to the ICJ to adjudicate the case, without impinging on possible future developments of state practice. The article closes by pointing at the risks that, in a strict dualist/pluralist perspective, not even an ICJ's decision in favour of Germany would eventually ensure compliance by Italian domestic judges.
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Weczerka, Hugo. "Beiträge zu den Beziehungen zwischen dem Hansischen Geschichtsverein und der Hansischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft in der DDR (1955-1990)." Hansische Geschichtsblätter 134 (April 18, 2020): 287–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/hgbll.2016.41.
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Contributions to the relations between the “Hansischer Geschichtsverein” and “Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft” in the German Democratic Republic (1955–1990)In 2011 Eckhard Müller-Mertens published a book about the Hanseatic association in the German Democratic Republic (“Hansische Arbeitsgemeinschaft”=AG). This association had been founded in 1955 as a part of the Association for Hanseatic History (“Hansischer Geschichtsverein” = HGV, seat: Lübeck), responsible for the HGV-members living in East Germany. All activities of the AG were meticulously watched by the relevant authorities of the GDR. Against the background of the GDR’s efforts to gain recognition as a state according to international law, the AG was pressed to dissociate itself from the HGV and to try to become an independent member of an international association for hanseatic studies. The anniversary of the foundation of the HGV one hundred years before was used as an opportunity to break off the connection to the HGV. The anniversary was to be celebrated in Stralsund (East Germany), where the HGV had been founded in 1870. Although the mayor’s invitation to come to Stralsund was limited by authorities, the HGV accepted it. Nevertheless, the AG was compelled to cancel the conference in Stralsund and to dissolve the connection to the HGV. As a pretext for the cancellation controversial formalities in the program papers for the conference were put forward.
 The author of these contributions was in close contact with the HGV since the late 1950s, he was an assistant professor affiliated to the chair of Hanseatic (and East European) history at the university of Hamburg, he took part in editing the review “Hansische Geschichtsblätter” and was a member of the HGV-committee since 1965. Therefore he also had contacts with the AG and is now able to describe the connections between HGV and AG in crucial years, based on private papers and his own memories, as a useful addition to the statements of Müller-Mertens.
 After a general introduction to the relations between the HGV and the AG the author comments on the participation of students from Hamburg University in conferences of the AG in East Germany, arranged by him 1960 –1966. While the Berlin wall was being built, he took part in a conference of the AG in Naumburg in 1961 and was able to impart news of the AG-committee to Lübeck. Difficulties in using western credits in East Germany are verified. The impending separation of the AG from the HGV could already be seen when the author was preparing an anniversary volume of the “Hansische Geschichtsblätter”. After the AG had left the HGV in 1970 historians outside Germany, above all in the Netherlands (Johanna van Winter) and in Poland (Maria Bogucka, Henryk Samsonowicz) tried to renew co-operation between historians of West and East Germany by founding an international organization for hanseatic studies, which could contain national commissions and associations in Western and Eastern countries, as the HGV and the AG. These efforts culminated in the Warsaw conference in December 1971 concerning the history of the Baltic area, arranged by the Polish Historical Society, followed by important discussions about an international society; under the leadership of Michel Mollat, chairman of the “Commission Internationale d’Histoire Maritime”, a “Committee for Organizing a Commission of the History of Europe’s Northern seas” was appointed. – In order to maintain direct connections between HGV und AG in East Germany, the author sometimes met the chairman of the AG in East Berlin (1970/71).
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Родионов, Алексей, and Aleksey Rodionov. "The organization of labor of convicts in penal institutions of Germany." Advances in Law Studies 4, no. 4 (2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/21991.
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The results of the analysis and generalization of the experience of convicts labor organization in penal institutions of Germany are presented in the article. Identified key indicators of functioning of the German penal system, as well as indicators of its effectiveness. The basic characteristics of the existing relations of production, as well as the approaches used in the production and organization of labour in prisons were revealed. Determined the most perspective for introduction in the domestic penal practice approaches for convicts organization of labour, based on the study of the German experience. The role of large industrial enterprises in the sphere of special contingent’s organization of labour in German penal institutions, as well as organizational forms of their interaction with the penitentiary department. Experience in the organization of the learning process of convicts and used approaches to provision of educational services (secondary, vocational and higher education) were analyzed.
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Szporluk, Roman. "Soviet Domestic Foreign Policy: Universal Ideology and National Tradition." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408317.
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At the turn of the century a major social, economic and political transformation was taking place in Russia, which at the time was a vast trans-continental empire extending from Warsaw in the west to Vladivostok in the east. Many rival currents of thought and various political movements presented their solutions for Russia's political, social and ethnic conflicts. In 1917, adherents of one Marxist current, the Bolsheviks, seized power in Russia and after a prolonged and extremely bloody Civil War consolidated their regime in the early 1920s. Among the nations of the world Russia alone adopted as its guide for the solution of its problems and conflicts Marxist ideology, invented about seventy years earlier in Germany, an ideology that its founders thought offered a solution for all of the important problems of humanity at large. For, indeed, Marxism was a comprehensive system of thought, which claimed to explain the entire history of humanity and to offer a vision, a scientific blueprint, for humanity's future. In that blueprint the phenomena of conflict, power, and politics were to make room for totally new principles of social organization: solidarity, cooperation, and a rational management of resources and people, i.e., planning.
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Kramer, Mark. "The Early Post-Stalin Succession Struggle and Upheavals in East-Central Europe: Internal-External Linkages in Soviet Policy Making (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 1 (1999): 3–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970152521881.
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The death of Josif Stalin was followed by momentous changes in the Soviet bloc. Part 1 of this two-part article considers how and why these changes came about, looking at the interaction between domestic and external events. It explores the nature of Soviet decision making, the impact of events in East-Central Europe, the implementation of Moscow's new policy, and the use of Soviet troops to put down a large-scale uprising in East Germany. Politics, Power, and U.S. Policy in Iran, 1950–1953
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KWAN, JONATHAN. "TRANSYLVANIAN SAXON POLITICS AND IMPERIAL GERMANY, 1871–1876." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (2018): 991–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000486.
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AbstractThis article investigates the potential influence of the newly formed Imperial Germany on Transylvanian Saxon politics. The Saxons were German-speaking settlers with long traditions of local autonomy and political privileges within the kingdom of Hungary. From the early eighteenth century, Saxon politics had been defined by its relations to Hungary and to the Habsburg monarchy as a whole. Under the dualist system set up in the 1867 Compromise, the Hungarian government exerted control over Transylvania. The unification of Germany in 1871 introduced a new factor into Saxon politics since there was a clear territorial subject for the indistinct notions of pan-German cultural, religious (Lutheran), and historical affinities. The issue of Saxon administrative and political autonomy, eventually removed by the Hungarian government in 1876, forms a case-study of Saxon politics and the place of Germany within it. There was a spectrum of responses, not simply increased German nationalism amongst Saxons, and the article traces the careers of Georg Daniel Teutsch, Jakob Rannicher, and Guido Baussnern to highlight the diversity within the Saxon camp. From the perspective of Imperial Germany, diplomatic considerations such as regional stability outweighed any possible intervention in Hungarian domestic matters. Moreover, the German public remained largely indifferent to appeals for support.
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Dombret, Andreas, Thilo Liebig, and Ingrid Stein. "Trennbankensystem – ein Weg zu mehr Finanzstabilität in Deutschland?" Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik 15, no. 1 (2014): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pwp-2014-0002.
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AbstractThis article examines how the introduction of a specialised banking system is likely to impact banks and the real economy in Germany, in particular from a financial stability perspective. This study is motivated by a recently passed law in Germany on a specialised banking system (Trennbankengesetz), current reforms in the US and UK and proposals for the EU. We focus on the consequences of a separation of the savings & loan business and proprietary trading. We conclude that proprietary trading plays a significant role only for large, systemically important banks in Germany. The latter act as universal banks and grant a considerable fraction of all loans that go to domestic enterprises and consumers. Costs for customers, however, are likely to be moderate. In contrast, a specialised banking system may provide the important advantage that insolvent trading units can be separated more easily from the savings & loan business arm and eventually liquidated. In this way, implicit state guarantees may be reduced.
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Babcock, Sandra. "The Role of International Law in United States Death Penalty Cases." Leiden Journal of International Law 15, no. 2 (2002): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156502000183.
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The United States has repeatedly failed to notify detained foreign nationals of their rights to consular notification and access under Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. In capital cases, US non-compliance with this ratified Treaty has led to litigation by foreign governments and individual lawyers in domestic courts and international tribunals. While these efforts have had mixed results in individual cases, litigation by Mexico, Germany and other actors has led to increased compliance with Article 36, and a growing recognition of the significance of US treaty obligations.
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Strüver, A. "„Ich war lange illegal hier, aber jetzt hat mich die Grenze übertreten“ – Subjektivierungsprozesse transnational mobiler Haushaltshilfen." Geographica Helvetica 68, no. 3 (2013): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-68-191-2013.
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Abstract. This contribution examines the processes of subjectivation of transnational mobile female migrants from Eastern Europe, who work irregularly as domestic workers in Germany. Applying an intersectional framework, the working practices of female migrants are conceptualized as an expression of the interplay between technologies of the self and technologies of domination. Both are constitutive for the migrant subjects and they are thus analyzed as part of geopolitical constellations and economic power relations as well as being influenced by the European border and labor market regime.
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Giurlando, Philip. "France’s déclassement in the Eurozone." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 4 (2019): 559–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019896299.
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In France, the adoption of the euro was partly motivated by the desire for equality with Germany, but asymmetry has increased in terms of economic prowess and international status, leading to a sense of déclassement. This paper identifies links between France’s status reduction, a consequent feeling of humiliation, and the foreign policy positions associated with that collective emotion. Evidence of France’s déclassement includes macroeconomic trends, semi-structured interviews with a sample of elites, the secondary literature, and the domestic political disputes that have emerged as a result of this reduction of national status. The paper also systematically compares France to Italy, as in many ways it is similar to that country, but with one key difference: the political forces which have been loudest about Italy’s humiliation vis-à-vis Germany obtained power and governed from May 2018 to August 2019. Their orientations and positions provide a peek into the kinds of international political decisions associated with both déclassement and humiliation, and provide further evidence on the links between status reduction, group-level emotion, and inter-group behaviour.