To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Domestic relations - South Africa - Bapong.
Journal articles on the topic 'Domestic relations - South Africa - Bapong'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Domestic relations - South Africa - Bapong.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Guelke, Adrian. "South Africa in southern Africa: domestic change and international conflict." International Affairs 66, no. 4 (October 1990): 843–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620430.
Full text
2
Cobbe, James H. "Economic Aspects of Lesotho's Relations with South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 71–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010338.
Full textAbstract:
Lesotho has long had the distinction of being one of the more anomalous states not only in Southern Africa, but in the world. It is entirely surrounded by another country, the Republic of South Africa. It is ethnically and linguistically very homogeneous. It is a monarchy. Physically, the lowest point in Lesotho is higher, in vertical distance above sea level, that that in any other country. Its economy is marked by some extraordinary paradoxes, such as agriculture being the main economic activity of the bulk of the labour force albeit the origin of a small fraction of total income, imports enomously exceeding exports and being larger than domestic output, and fewer citizens working for cash inside the country than outside.
3
Mills, Greg. "South Africa and Japan: Between domestic reform and global reach." South African Journal of International Affairs 8, no. 2 (December 2001): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460109545364.
Full text
4
Hentz, James J. "South Africa and the political economy of regional cooperation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 1 (February 16, 2005): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0400059x.
Full textAbstract:
Post-apartheid South Africa has recast its regional relations. Nonetheless, much of the literature depicts its policy as a projection of captured interests, for instance big business as embedded in Pretoria's apparent neo-liberal turn. Instead, post-apartheid South Africa's regional relations represent a political compromise, albeit not necessarily an explicit one, that reflects the different visions of South Africa's regional role and their respective political bases. Because their policies reflect the push and pull of competing constituencies, democratic states are rarely one dimensional. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception, as it attempts to square the political circle of competing political constituencies, such as big business and labour. South Africa's regional relations and, in particular, its policy of regional economic cooperation/integration, are best understood as a reflection of the competing interests within its domestic political economy.
5
Hendricks, Cheryl, and Nkululeko Majozi. "South Africa’s International Relations: A New Dawn?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 1 (February 2021): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620946851.
Full textAbstract:
Over the last 25 years, South Africa’s regional and global stature has been in flux. Although there is continuity in its foreign policy objectives, there have been changes in emphasis and application. These changes, together with shifts in the domestic political and economic landscape, have impacted negatively on South Africa’s international relations. President Cyril Ramaphosa, in his 2018 State of the Nation Address, boldly proclaimed a ‘new dawn’ for South Africa. A key aspect of the intended new dawn is the repositioning of South Africa regionally and globally. This paper examines the shifts and the continuity in South Africa’s foreign policy, and the reasons for its waning global and regional stature. The paper argues that South Africa is once again in a position to be a norm- and agenda-setter, especially in relation to peace and security, but that this will be a lost opportunity if there is a lack of the necessary reflection, visioning and redress needed for transformation.
6
Cleary, Susan, Di McIntyre, and Stephen Thomas. "Globalization and Health Policy in South Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 3, no. 1 (2004): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150042036738.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper considers influences of globalization on three relevant health policy issues in South Africa, namely, private health sector growth, health professional migration, and pharmaceutical policy. It considers the relative role of key domestic and global actors in health policy development around these issues. While South Africa has not been subject to the overt health policy pressure from international organizations experienced by governments in many other low- and middle-income countries, global influence on South Africa's macroeconomic policy has had a profound, albeit indirect, effect on our health policies. Ultimately, this has constrained South Africa's ability to achieve its national health goals.
7
Hentz, James J. "South Africa and the ‘Three Level Game’: Globalisation, Regionalism and Domestic Politics." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 46, no. 4 (November 2008): 490–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040802461240.
Full text
8
Dancy, Geoff, and Florencia Montal. "Unintended Positive Complementarity: Why International Criminal Court Investigations May Increase Domestic Human Rights Prosecutions." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 3 (July 2017): 689–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.70.
Full textAbstract:
The International Criminal Court (ICC) is controversial, acutely so in Africa. The first thirty-nine people it indicted were all African. It did not open any formal investigations outside Africa until the 2016 decision to investigate conduct related to the 2008 Georgia-Russia war. The first three notifications of withdrawal from the ICC Statute, each made in 2016, were by Burundi, South Africa, and Gambia. While South Africa and Zambia reversed their initial intentions, Burundi in fact became the first state party to withdraw from the ICC in October 2017. These maneuvers are closely connected to country-specific political and legal considerations, but they overlap with concerns expressed by governments in other countries including Kenya and Namibia. Among these concerns is that “the ICC has become the greatest threat to Africa's sovereignty, peace and stability,” and that “the ICC is a colonial institution under the guise of international justice.”
9
Baderoon, Gabeba. "The Ghost in the House: Women, Race, and Domesticity in South Africa." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 1, no. 2 (June 17, 2014): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2014.17.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn South Africa, the house is a haunted place. Apartheid’s separate publics also required separate private lives and separate leisures in which to practice ways of living apartheid’s ideological partitions into reality. This essay analyzes the compulsive interest in black domesticity that has characterized South Africa since the colonial period and shows that domestic labor in white homes has historically shaped the entry of black women into public space in South Africa. In fact, so strong is the latter association that theDictionary of South African English on Historical Principlesreveals that in South African English the wordmaiddenotes both “black woman” and “servant.” This conflation has generated fraught relations of domesticity, race, and subjectivity in South Africa. Contemporary art about domestic labor by Zanele Muholi and Mary Sibande engages with this history. In their art, the house is a place of silences, ghosts, and secrets. Precursors to these recent works can be found in fiction, including Sindiwe Magona’s short stories about domestic workers in her collectionLiving, Loving and Lying Awake at Night(1994) and Zoë Wicomb’s novelPlaying in the Light(2006), in which a woman passing for white allows her mother into her house only under the pretense that she is a family servant. Muholi and Sibande have engaged the legacy of black women in white households by revisiting the ghosts of the house through performance, sculpture, and photography. Both were inspired by the intimate reality of their mothers’ experiences as domestic servants, and in both cases the artist’s body is central to the pieces, through installations based on body casts, performance, embodied memories, and the themes of haunted absences, abandonment, and longing.
10
Newsome, Yvonne D. "International issues and domestic ethnic relations: African Americans, American Jews, and the Israel-South Africa debate." International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 5, no. 1 (September 1991): 19–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01390112.
Full text
11
van der Westhuizen, Janis, and Carlos R. S. Milani. "Development cooperation, the international–domestic nexus and the graduation dilemma: comparing South Africa and Brazil." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2018.1554622.
Full text
12
Pieterse, Marius. "Urban Autonomy in South African Intergovernmental Relations Jurisprudence." ICL Journal 13, no. 2 (September 25, 2019): 119–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/icl-2018-0072.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The notion of urban autonomy is increasingly significant in a global era where city governments are playing an ever-growing role in development, as well as in domestic and international politics. While extending significantly beyond legal configurations of local government powers and functions, urban autonomy is importantly shaped, enabled and protected by constitutional and legal provisions. This is so especially where urban governance happens in a resource-strapped and often politically volatile environment. This article considers the extent to which formal constitutional structures, and their justiciability, enable and channel urban autonomy in the developing world, with a focus on the constitutionally ensconced powers and functional authority of cities in South Africa. Through an overview of relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and of court decisions upholding urban autonomy in intergovernmental disputes, the article illustrates that South African cities have been served well by a constitutional framework emphasising cooperative governance and developmental local government, as well as by the justiciable entrenchment of local government’s executive, legislative and administrative authority.
13
Jinnah, Zaheera. "Negotiated Precarity in the Global South: A Case Study of Migration and Domestic Work in South Africa." Studies in Social Justice 2020, no. 14 (March 27, 2020): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v2020i14.1971.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores precarity as a conceptual framework to understand the intersection of migration and low-waged work in the global south. Using a case study of cross-border migrant domestic workers in South Africa, I discuss current debates on framing and understanding precarity, especially in the global south, and test its use as a conceptual framework to understand the everyday lived experiences and strategies of a group that face multiple forms of exclusion and vulnerability. I argue that a form of negotiated precarity, defined as transactions which provide opportunities for survival but also render people vulnerable, can be a useful way to make sense of questions around (il)legality and (in)formality in the context of poorly protected work, insecure citizenship and social exclusion. Precarity as a negotiated strategy shows the ways in which people interact with systems and institutions and foregrounds their agency. But it also illustrates that the negative outcomes inherent in more traditional notions of precarity, expressed in physical and economic vulnerability, and discrimination in employment relations, mostly hurt the poor. This suggests the importance of an intersectional approach to understanding precarity in labour migration studies.
14
Esterhuyse, Abel. "The domestic deployment of the military in a democratic South Africa: Time for a debate." African Security Review 28, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2019.1650787.
Full text
15
Hill, Kevin A. "The Domestic Sources of Foreign Policymaking: Congressional Voting and American Mass Attitudes toward South Africa." International Studies Quarterly 37, no. 2 (June 1993): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600768.
Full text
16
Ally, Shireen. "Domestic Worker Unionisation in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Demobilisation and Depoliticisation by the Democratic State." Politikon 35, no. 1 (April 2008): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340802113014.
Full text
17
Haastrup, Toni. "Gendering South Africa's Foreign Policy: Toward a Feminist Approach?" Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz030.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract South Africa's leadership has sought ethical foreign policy since the advent of democracy. This foreign policy outlook focuses on the African continent and includes certain articulations of pro-gender justice norms. In this article, I reflect on the extent to which South Africa's foreign policy embraces these norms as part of its foreign apparatus and practices. It takes at its starting point the nascent literature on feminist foreign policy applied to South Africa, which shares similarities to countries in the Global North that claim a feminist orientation to foreign policy. Moreover, it takes account of gender dynamics at the domestic level and how they are manifested in foreign policy discourses and practices, particularly in the understanding and implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda. Utilizing qualitative content analysis, this article provides context and meaning for how gender concerns have evolved in South Africa's foreign policy, including the role of certain norm entrepreneurs in shaping the gender narrative. The article concludes that the domestic context is important to shaping and limiting how a country can enact feminist foreign policy. Importantly, the South African case provides a Global South dimension to the nascent scholarship.
18
Durrheim, Kevin, Nicola Jacobs, and John Dixon. "Explaining the paradoxical effects of intergroup contact: Paternalistic relations and system justification in domestic labour in South Africa." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 41 (July 2014): 150–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijintrel.2013.11.006.
Full text
19
Schwartzman, Kathleen C. "Can International Boycotts Transform Political Systems? The Cases of Cuba and South Africa." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 2 (2001): 115–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00401.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe economic embargo against Cuba has been widely promoted as a way to hasten the end of the Castro regime. Historically, however, the connection between embargoes and regime change is mediated by a complex of political, social, and economic conditions. Labormarket bottlenecks and domestic elite opposition, decisive factors in the South African case, are absent from that of Cuba. This study uses the factors derived from an analysis of South Africa to compare the Cuban case and concludes that the embargo against Cuba cannot have its intended results.
20
Kaempfer, William H., James A. Lehman, and Anton D. Lowenberg. "Divestment, investment sanctions, and disinvestment: an evaluation of anti-apartheid policy instruments." International Organization 41, no. 3 (1987): 457–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027545.
Full textAbstract:
Pressure for divestment and mandatory disinvestment sanctions directed against South Africa are an instance of domestic interest groups in one country seeking policy change in another. The link from shareholder divestment to disinvestment by firms is tenuous, however (since South Africa-active firms do not seem to suffer as a consequence of divestment pressure), and legislated sanctions are likely to have unpredictable and sometimes perverse effects on the extent of apartheid practices.
21
Ahwireng-Obeng, F., and J. P. Mokgohlwa. "Entrepreneurial risk allocation in public-private infrastructure provision in South Africa." South African Journal of Business Management 33, no. 4 (December 31, 2002): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v33i4.709.
Full textAbstract:
A primary concern in the development of entrepreneurship through private-public partnerships (PPP) in infrastructure projects is the adversarial, complex and unequal power relations characterising the negotiation of project risk allocation (RA) among the multiple participants. The inertia of the RA process has led to delayed and costly financial closure and sub-economic costs. Transactions costs of up to ten percent have been incurred in documented cases, and the situation is exacerbated in emerging economies, like South Africa, by political and economic instability and unproven track record of PPP.These developments have led to frustration among private sector participants in PPPs and diminished incentives for their continued participation. Therefore, delivering “satisfactory” RA processes is critical for attracting both domestic and foreign private entrepreneurial resources.The aim of this paper was to ascertain ‘critical factors’ influencing RA processes; determine the extent to which PPP practices in South Africa have led to equitable entrepreneurial risk allocation; and assess the choice of contract for implementing the outcomes of PPP negotiations.Critical success factors included: limiting apprehensions about market, socio-political, regulatory and legal risks as well as risk of lenders; improving common understanding among PPP participants; enhancing the quality of RFP (request for proposal) processes; and strengthening the commitment of participants. RA practices regarding socio-political, regulatory, financial and legal risks allocations were found to be inequitable, and PPP participants preferred tight and highly specified contracts.
22
du Toit, David, and Lindy Heinecken. "Is outsourcing better? Clients' views on contracting in domestic cleaning services." Employee Relations: The International Journal 43, no. 5 (February 16, 2021): 1147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-08-2020-0394.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeThe nature of paid domestic work is changing, with the growth in companies delivering domestic cleaning services. Few studies have looked at why people opt to use these services and the underlying drivers. As with the outsourcing of non-core tasks in businesses, outsourcing domestic work is motivated by similar, yet different reasons, which have to do with the personal and private nature of domestic employment. This study aims to establish the reasons why “clients”, who were former employers of domestic servants, opted to outsource domestic work to a domestic cleaning service provider.Design/methodology/approachGiven the limited research on domestic cleaning services in South Africa, a mixed-methods research approach is used.FindingsThe findings showed that there are three key motivations: the nature of the domestic cleaning service supplier, the services rendered by domestic workers and the tripartite employment relationships. These three benefits imply that clients have access to functional and numerical flexibility, unlike employing a domestic worker directly. This study contributes to the literature on outsourcing and domestic work by showing that clients not only look to change the economic structure of the relationship with domestic workers, but it allows them to psychologically and emotionally distance themselves from domestic workers.Research limitations/implicationsThis study shows that some people are no longer willing to have a relationship with the people who clean their homes, and that they believe it is simply not worth the effort to maintain a relationship. This is an aspect that needs further research, as this is the one sphere where women are united in their plight, albeit from different worldviews. Thus, a limitation is that this study only focuses on clients' views of outsourcing. Have domestic workers employed by the outsourced domestic cleaning service supplier become just like assembly-line workers, where they are anonymous to their clients, performing routine tasks with little recognition from those whose homes they are servicing? Future studies could focus on domestic workers' views on outsourcing and the effects it has on their working conditions and employment relations.Originality/valueFirstly, studies mainly focus on the Global North where domestic work and outsourcing have different dynamics, regulation policies and social changes when compared to South Africa. Secondly, few studies have sought to establish why people shift from employing a domestic or care worker directly to an outsourced domestic agency when direct domestic help is available and affordable. Considering these shortcomings, this study aims to provide a better understanding of domestic cleaning service suppliers from the perspective of clients, often omitted from the literature. Accordingly, this study aimed to establish what the benefits are for clients (former employers of domestic workers) who use domestic cleaning service suppliers.
23
Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Hydropolitics versus Human Security: Implications of South Africa's Appropriation of Lesotho's Highlands Water." Daedalus 150, no. 4 (2021): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01879.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Lesotho Highlands Water Project, which exports water to South Africa, has enhanced the unequal structural relationship that exists between both states. Lesotho, one of the few countries in the world that exports water, has transformed from one of the largest sources of labor for South Africa to a water reservoir for South Africa. Though the project provides mutual strategic economic and political benefits to both riparian states, its construction has negatively affected environmental and human security in Lesotho. Due to hydropolitics, environmental threats in Lesotho caused by the project's construction are overlooked. These threats, which have devastating effects on resettled communities and the country's ecosystem, also constitute a threat to domestic and international security. The desire to prevent interstate conflict and maintain cooperation between the two riparian states further enhances the lopsided interstate relationship.
24
Anglin, Douglas G. "Afrique du Sud : politique extérieure et rapports avec le continent." Études internationales 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702845ar.
Full textAbstract:
The principal preoccupation of South African foreign policy decision makers has consistently been the preservation and perpetuation of white power and privilege. This has been especially the case with respect to relations with the rest of Africa, and above all Southern Africa which South Africa has long regarded as its natural hinterland. Traditionally, the neighbouring states have been a source of minerals, markets and migrant labour, but more recently they have also been perceived as a source of insecurity. Pretoria countered the alleged "total onslaught" it faced with its "total strategy" which, in the region, amounted to a combination ofathump and talk. "The military reverse South Africa suffered in Angola in 1988 forced a reassessment of policy, leading to the independance of Namibia and the prospect of an end to apartheid domestically. How the emergence of a non-racial democratic regime in South Africa will affect policy towards the continent is uncertain. While the African National Congress recognizes the need to put the relationship on a new and mutually beneficial basis, it is likely to be preoccupied with its own formidable domestic agenda. This may leave policy effectively in the hands of the technocrats and the businessmen, which does not augur well for an end to the present exploitative relationship.
25
Coombes, Annie E. "Gender, ‘Race’, Ethnicity in Art Practice in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Annie E. Coombes and Penny Siopis in Conversation." Feminist Review 55, no. 1 (March 1997): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1997.7.
Full textAbstract:
Siopis has always engaged in a critical and controversial way with the concepts of ‘race’ and ‘ethnicity’ in South Africa. For politically sensitive artists whose work has involved confronting the injustices of apartheid, the current post-apartheid situation has forced a reassessment of their practice and the terms on which they might engage with the fundamental changes which are now affecting all of South African society. Where mythologies of race and ethnicity have been strategically foregrounded in the art of any engaged artist, to the exclusion of many other concerns, the demise of apartheid offers the possibility of exploring other dimensions of lived experience in South Africa. For feminists, this is potentially a very positive moment when questions of gender – so long subordinated to the structural issue of ‘race’ under apartheid – can now be explored. Penny Siopis’ work has long been concerned with the lived and historical relations between black and white women in South Africa. The discussion focuses on the ambivalent and dependent relationships formed between white middle-class women and black domestic labour during apartheid. Siopis’ work engages with how the appropriation of black women's time, lives, labour and bodies has shaped her ‘own’ history.
26
Phiri, Andrew. "Asymmetric cointegration and causality effects between financial development and economic growth in South Africa." Studies in Economics and Finance 32, no. 4 (October 5, 2015): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sef-01-2014-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate asymmetric cointegration and causality effects between financial development and economic growth for South African data spanning over the period of 1992-2013. Design/methodology/approach – This study makes the use of the momentum threshold autoregressive (M-TAR) approach which allows for threshold error-correction (TEC) modeling and Granger causality analysis between the variables. In carrying out an empirical analysis, the author uses six measures of the financial development variables against gross domestic per capita, that is, three measures which proxy banking activity and another three proxies for stock market development. Findings – The empirical results generally indicate an abrupt asymmetric cointegration relationship between banking activity and economic growth, on the one hand, and a smooth cointegration relationship between stock market activity and economic growth, on the other hand. Moreover, causality analysis generally reveals that while banking activity tends to Granger cause economic growth, stock market activity is, however, caused by economic growth increase. Originality/value – This study contributes to the literature by examining asymmetries in the cointegration and causality relations by using both banking and stock market proxies against economic growth for the South African economy.
27
I Narayan, Aparna, Bharti Chogtu, Manthan Janodia, and Santhosh Krishnan Venkata. "A bibliometric study on the research outcome of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa." F1000Research 10 (March 16, 2021): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.51337.1.
Full textAbstract:
Background: Publication is one of the quantitative measures of countries' contribution to research and innovation. This paper attempts to understand the publication related information of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). Methods: Detailed analysis of publications on the basis of collaboration, research area, number of publications, percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) spent on research, and citation is presented in the paper. An attempt is also made to understand the relations between each of the parameters and the overall performance of the country. Results: Times Higher Education global ranking is considered as a measure to validate the claims of this paper. This study shows that among the BRICS nations, China with the highest percentage of GDP spent on research has also the highest number of researchers and publication output whereas South Africa excels in terms of number of international collaborative publications and publications in high impact journals. This article has highlighted the distribution of publications as per the subject area with India leading in the area of Computer Science. Discussion: Results showed a strong relationship between each of the parameters discussed on the research performance of a country.
28
Mubangizi, John C. "Protecting Human Rights amidst Poverty and Inequality: The South African Post-apartheid Experience on the Right of Access to Housing." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 2 (2008): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736589.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractA significant gain of the new political and constitutional dispensation ushered in South Africa in 1994 was a commitment to the protection of human rights. However, protecting human rights in a country where the gap between the rich and the poor is among the largest in the world was always going to be a daunting challenge. The challenge is even more daunting with the protection of socio-economic rights such as the right of access to adequate housing. This article explores the challenges that South Africa faces in protecting human rights in the face of persistent poverty of over half of the country's population, vast economic disparities and gross inequality. Focusing on the right of access to adequate housing, the author explores some prospects arising from the roles played by the constitution; domestic courts; other state institutions as well as non-state actors. The article concludes that although the challenges are real, the prospects are promising. However, a lot must be done if the democratic miracle that has characterized South African society over the last fifteen years is to be maintained.
29
VIEIRA, MARCO ANTONIO. "Southern Africa's response(s) to international HIV/AIDS norms: the politics of assimilation." Review of International Studies 37, no. 1 (May 21, 2010): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000306.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article is interested in the impact of a singular international phenomenon, namely the global securitisation of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, on the domestic structure of three Southern African states: Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa. These countries are geographically located in the epicenter of the global HIV/AIDS epidemic, Southern Africa. However, notwithstanding their common HIV/AIDS burden, Botswana, Mozambique and South Africa present quite different political cultures and institutions which reflected upon the distinctive way they responded to the influence of international HIV/AIDS actors and norms. So, by investigating the latter's impact in these rather diverse settings, the present analysis aims to empirically demonstrate and compare variations in the effects of norm adaptation across states. To carry out this evaluation, the study provides a framework for understanding the securitisation of HIV/AIDS as an international norm defined and promoted mainly by the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the US government and transnational HIV/AIDS advocacy networks. The HIV/AIDS securitisation norm (HASN) is an intellectual attempt of the present work to synthesise in a single analytical concept myriad of ideas and international prescriptions about HIV/AIDS interventions.
30
Coe, Cati. "HOW DEBT BECAME CARE: CHILD PAWNING AND ITS TRANSFORMATIONS IN AKUAPEM, THE GOLD COAST, 1874–1929." Africa 82, no. 2 (May 2012): 287–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201200006x.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTStudies of slavery in Africa have noted the persistence of those relations in different forms, such as pawning, that allow social changes in power, status and wealth to be weathered more gradually. As pawning itself became less frequent, did other kinds of relationship take its place? Some scholars have argued that pawning was folded into marriage and fatherhood; others that there are continuities with fosterage and domestic servant arrangements today. This article examines the question of pawning's transformations in Akuapem, a region in south-eastern Ghana involved in forms of commercial agriculture that were heavily dependent on slave labour and the capital raised by pawning. Ultimately, it argues that debt became key to fatherhood and fosterage relations between children and adults, changing from a short-term exchange to more lifelong reciprocal relations of care.
31
Busby, Joshua W., Todd G. Smith, Kaiba L. White, and Shawn M. Strange. "Climate Change and Insecurity: Mapping Vulnerability in Africa." International Security 37, no. 4 (April 2013): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00116.
Full textAbstract:
Many experts argue that climate change will exacerbate the severity and number of extreme weather events. Such climate-related hazards will be important security concerns and sources of vulnerability in the future regardless of whether they contribute to conflict. This will be particularly true where these hazards put large numbers of people at risk of death, requiring the diversion of either domestic or foreign military assets to provide humanitarian relief. Vulnerability to extreme weather, however, is only partially a function of physical exposure. Poor, marginalized communities that lack access to infrastructure and services, that have minimal education and poor health care, and that exist in countries with poor governance are likely to be among the most vulnerable. Given its dependence on rainfed agriculture and its low adaptive capacity, Africa is thought to be among the most vulnerable continents to climate change. That vulnerability, however, is not uniformly distributed. Indicators of vulnerability within Africa include the historic incidence of climate-related hazards, population density, household and community resilience, and governance and political violence. Among the places in Africa most vulnerable to the security consequences of climate change are parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and South Sudan.
32
Bragina, E. A. "India – Africa: Trade and Investments in the XXI Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-182-199.
Full textAbstract:
In article commercial relations and investment streams between India and the countries of Africa in the conditions of globalization of the XXI century are considered. Scales and filling of their economic interaction are significantly differ, determined by the level of development of national economy and features of external demand for the made production. High need of the countries of Africa for inflow of foreign investments, especially taking into account strong lag of most of them in development of own research and development remains. In intercontinental communications o f Africa the high activity is characteristic of India which government in 2002 has adopted the program “In focus Africa”, aimed at continuous development of economic contacts with the countries of the continent. The considerable share in their GDP of the shadow sector remains essential negative feature of economic structures of the countries of Africa and India. It not only complicates adequate assessment of the economic processes happening in these countries, but also has an adverse effect on efficiency of the state institutes. It was designated, though uneven on scales, formation of the middle class and, as a result, new types of consumption, demand and their proliferation. Respectively, their domestic markets increase and differentiated that increases interest in access to them for foreign exporters and investors. Special importance is represented by economic policy of India in the relations with the countries of Africa, including with use of “soft power” for further expansion of the positions. The main forms of economic relations of India and the countries of Africa, the growing activity of large business structures, the top-level annual economic summits are considered. In export of the African countries to India the high share of raw materials, first of all agricultural and also hydrocarbons steadily remains. The share of the African oil in the general import of India in 2016 has made 15%. Along with traditional presence in the African and South Asian markets of the leading countries of the West, economic influence of China as exporter and investor amplifies. Influence of the Japanese and South Korean capitals grows in competition for the African markets. In February, 2018 the countries of Africa have agreed about creation of the common market. Such prospect will significantly aggravate the competition for economic positions in trade and investments with the countries of African continent.
33
Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (March 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.
Full textAbstract:
India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.
34
Rautenbach, Christa. "Editorial." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 18, no. 1 (February 21, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2015/v18i1a13.
Full textAbstract:
The first edition of 2015 boasts 13 contributions dealing with a variety of topics. The first article, by Ben Coetzee Bester and Anne Louw, discusses the persistence of the "choice argument", which is based on the rationale that domestic partners who choose not to marry cannot claim spousal benefits, and arrives at the conclusion that legislation should differentiate between registered and unregistered domestic partnerships for the purpose of spousal benefits. Ernst Marais has written two articles on expropriation. In the first he examines the meaning and role of state acquisition in South African law and in the second he deals with the distinction between deprivation and expropriation in the light of Agri South Africa v Minister for Minerals and Energy 2013 4 SA 1 (CC), where the Constitutional Court recently revisited the distinction between the two concepts and held that the distinguishing feature of expropriation is that it entails state acquisition of property, whilst deprivation takes place where there is no such acquisition. The fourth article, by Emeka Amechi, explores the measures taken by the National Recordal System and Disclosure of Origins in leveraging traditional knowledge within the structure, content and conceptual framework of the patent system in South Africa. The South African Companies Act and the realization of corporate human rights responsibilities is the focus of Manson Gwanyanya's article. He comes to the conclusion that the wording of the Act is such that it prevent human rights abuses by companies. In her contribution Melanie Murcott discusses the development of the doctrine of legitimate expectations in South African law and the failure of the Constitutional Court to develop the doctrine even further in the recent case of Kwazulu-Natal Joint Liaison Committee v MEC for Education, Kwazulu Natal. The second last article, which is by Lucyline Murungi, considers the implementation of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (2006) to provide for inclusive basic education in South Africa, and the last article, which is by Matome Ratiba, examines the significance of places of worship for Native Americans and demonstrates the valuable lessons South Africa could learn from the earth jurisprudence that has developed in the USA and elsewhere. The first note, authored by Magdaleen Swanepoel, discusses legal issues with regard to mentally ill offenders with specific reference to the cases where mental illness is raised as a defence in criminal cases. The second note, by Michelle Fuchs, deals with recent legal developments relating to the formalities involved when a mortgagee wants to declare immovable property executable to satisfy outstanding debt. The last contribution in this edition is a case note by Elmarie Fourie. She considers the question of what constitutes a benefit in terms of section 186(2) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995, which was examined in Apollo Tyres South Africa (Pty)Ltd v CCMA 2013 5 BLLR 434 (LAC).
35
Marung, Steffi. "Out of Empire into Socialist Modernity." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8916939.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this article the Soviet-African Modern is presented through an intellectual history of exchanges in a triangular geography, outspreading from Moscow to Paris to Port of Spain and Accra. In this geography, postcolonial conditions in Eastern Europe and Africa became interconnected. This shared postcolonial space extended from the Soviet South to Africa. The glue for the transregional imagination was an engagement with the topos of backwardness. For many of the participants in the debate, the Soviet past was the African present. Focusing on the 1960s and 1970s, three connected perspectives on the relationship between Soviet and African paths to modernity are presented: First, Soviet and Russian scholars interpreting the domestic (post)colonial condition; second, African academics revisiting the Soviet Union as a model for development; and finally, transatlantic intellectuals connecting postcolonial narratives with socialist ones. Drawing on Russian archives, the article furthermore demonstrates that Soviet repositories hold complementary records for African histories.
36
Ngwane, Zolani. "'Real Men Reawaken Their Fathers' Homesteads, the Educated Leave Them in Ruins': the Politics of Domestic Reproduction in Post-Apartheid Rural South Africa1." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 4 (2001): 402–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00257.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAn historical ethnography of generational conflicts in a rural community in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa, this paper engages debates on the consequences of global neo-liberalism in local contexts. Through cash from migrant labor, rural household heads exercised power over domestic economics. Ideologically this power translated into the symbolic articulation of two institutions of social reproduction-the school and initiation rite such that the educated and potentially alienated subjects yielded by the former were resocialized through the latter into local subjects of the chief and sons of their fathers. With rising unemployment rates since the 1980s, however, the older men lost the material base for their monopoly over this symbolic structure. The generational conflicts that ensued reflected at once the attendant contradictions in social consciousness and consequent struggles to renegotiate the symbolic purchase of the relations between schooling and initiation.
37
Yamada, Hiroyuki. "Evidence of the likely negative effect of the introduction of the minimum wage on the least skilled and poor through “labor-labor” substitution." International Journal of Development Issues 15, no. 1 (April 4, 2016): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-05-2015-0038.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose This study aims to test one hypothesis regarding the impact of the minimum wage on poverty: an increase or the introduction of the minimum wage raises the cost of hiring relatively unskilled workers, and makes inputs that are good substitutes for such workers more attractive. Design/methodology/approach Placebo analyses confirmed that a labor–labor substitution is induced by the introduction of the minimum wage. Findings This study found a labor–labor substitution within low-skill groups induced by the introduction of the minimum wage for domestic and farming work in South Africa. Practical implications The evidence implies that the minimum-wage policy may not be as effective for poverty reduction as some governments in emerging and developing countries claim. Originality/value No studies were found on labor–labor substitution in the context of emerging or developing countries. The clear contribution of this paper using South African data clearly lies here.
38
Muriu, Daniel Wanjau. "Third World Resistance to International Economic and Structural Constraints: Assessing the Utility of the Right to Health in the Context of the TRIPS Agreement." International Community Law Review 11, no. 4 (2009): 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187197409x12525781476169.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the relationship between WTO's TRIPS Agreement, patents and access to affordable medicines in Sub-Saharan Africa. The key role played by transnational corporations (TNCs) in ensuring that intellectual property rights were included in multilateral trade negotiations, and how this influence and power of TNCs has impacted on access to affordable medicine in the region is highlighted. The way in which social movements at both domestic and international levels have sought to use the right to health to resist the power of pharmaceutical TNCs bent on blocking the use by Third World countries of the exceptions or flexibilities in TRIPS, such as parallel importation of medicines and compulsory licensing is analysed. In this connection, the way in which the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC, a social movement in South Africa), used the right to health to oppose a suit filed in South Africa by pharmaceutical TNCs seeking to block legislation enacted for the purpose of enabling parallel importation of medicines, is shown. The article also explains how a network of international organisations and activists in collaboration with Third World countries pushed for the adoption of the Doha Declaration on the TRIPS Agreement and Public Health on the basis that access to affordable medicines is a critical element of the right to health. The article argues that the right to health has some limited potential of being used as a means of resistance against international economic forces inimical to the health of Third World peoples. To realise such potential however, one must go beyond using the right to health purely as a legal process or mechanism and instead harness the right as a tool to mobilize and exercise agency of Third World peoples in contesting the power of those forces.
39
Mabaya, Edward, Morgann Ross, Raj Shrestha, and Amity Weiss. "Seven Sisters: wine and womanhood." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 4, no. 8 (November 26, 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-04-2014-0082.
Full textAbstract:
Subject area The main topics covered by this case are marketing strategies in a saturated market, human resource management, small enterprise challenges and constraints and corporate strategy. Study level/applicability The intended audiences for this case are upper-level undergraduate and graduate students. Students getting their degrees in business, international labor relations, marketing or public policy/administration are the main targets for this case. Students also interested in in agriculture, international development and race relations will benefit from studying this case. Case overview The international wine market is highly competitive. Innovative strategies are needed for new wineries to stand out in this saturated market. Both the product quality and its life story are important to consumers. Seven Sisters is exploring two new markets – Nigeria and Sweden – to expand their international presence. Also explored are marketing strategies for deeper penetration of the domestic market in South Africa. The case study illustrates the challenges and opportunities facing a small, women-owned enterprise from an emerging economy that is exploring international markets. Expected learning outcomes The specific teaching objective of this case is to teach students the importance of marketing and corporate strategy in a highly saturated market, such as South Africa. Analyzing this case, students will be exposed to value chains, formulating corporate strategy and devising marketing strategy. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes.
40
Mzangwa, Shadrack Themba. "Unionised strikes’ dynamics and economic performance: An exploratory study." Corporate Ownership and Control 14, no. 3 (2017): 354–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv14i3c2art10.
Full textAbstract:
Legally, the freedom of association and the formation of trade and worker unions are part of the fundamental human rights bestowed on the citizens in the Constitution of South Africa, as clearly spelt out in Section 23 and 77(1) of the Labour Relations Act (1995) for employees who are not engaged in essential services. Under the Labour Relations Act (1995), trade unions are granted the right to strike in order to seek better conditions of service. However, there is an increasing concern that the rate of industrial actions or unionised strikes are getting out of hand, especially in recent times. Theoretically and empirically, the direct costs of incessant unionised strikes are well known. In this paper, we explored the economic implications of the ever-growing rate of unionised strikes in post-apartheid South Africa. In particular, we assessed its impact on the most important economic variable, namely, real gross domestic product (GDP). We brought to light the sector that is affected most by unionised strikes in the country, the root causes and the implications for policy. Overall our assessment shows that within the space of five years (i.e. from 2009 to 2013), unionised strikes have led to approximately 10,264,775 days lost, and consequently a fall in GDP by 3.2% in 2014 compared to 3.8% in 2013. The sectors heavily affected by unionised strikes are mainly the mining and the manufacturing sectors. Low wages, unhealthy working conditions, and deficiencies in the bargaining system often emerged as the root causes of unionised strikes. The policymaker should pursue effective initiatives seriously to moderate the rate of unionised strikes in South Africa. Institutionalised means of dispute resolution should be embraced and enhanced. These should include but not be limited to ballot requirements, proper regulation of the use of replacement workers, and compulsory arbitration. Policies that spell out employer-employee mandates should be binding such that no party exploits labour contracts to the detriment of the other.
41
Fliegel, Michal, and Zdenĕk Kříž. "Beijing-Style Soft Power: A Different Conceptualisation to the American Coinage." China Report 56, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519895615.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines China’s unique soft power conceptualisation, which differs from the American coinage. It contributes to the existing literature by demonstrating how soft power is theorised by Chinese academicians and policymakers in a distinct way. That means, according to China’s own tradition, predating the term. Unlike in America, where soft power is largely developed freely, in China, it is highly centralised. As a rising power, the People’s Republic initially concentrates on building domestic soft power, primarily through socialist culture and virtuous governance. These are in turn displayed to the outside world. Beijing uses multiple channels to tell the China story and has been setting up international platforms to portray itself as a responsible global actor. Several soft power indexes show that China holds a relatively positive image in Africa and South America. In Asia, views are mixed, while in Europe and North America, they remain low.
42
Joshi, Prathibha, and Kris Aaron Beck. "Cultural, Political, and Economic Factors Affecting the Incentive to Do Business in BRICS Countries." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 17, no. 5-6 (December 11, 2018): 501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341492.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) countries generally offer some of the best opportunities for successful investment. We therefore examine the factors that encourage or discourage foreign direct investment (FDI) in these BRICS countries. Some similar studies have evaluated the impact of economic risks on investment; fewer studies have explored the political risks associated with investing or how human development within a country can alter the decision to invest. Our innovation is to look at all of these factors, and hence we investigate how domestic economic growth, measures of economic freedom, degrees of political freedom, cultural factors, and levels of human development influence the likelihood of investment in BRICS countries. We find that economic freedom and urbanization are insignificant, but that GDP, political freedom, gross national income, and secondary education all are significant and positive; cellphone subscriptions show negative and significant results.
43
Szymczak, Pat Davis. "Africa Set To Fuel Asian Growth and Its Own Brighter Future." Journal of Petroleum Technology 73, no. 05 (May 1, 2021): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/0521-0028-jpt.
Full textAbstract:
Africa is on track to becoming the world’s most populous region by 2023 as growth in the continent’s population surpasses that of China and India; between 2020 and 2040, one in every two births will be African, according to the International Energy Agency (IEA). The problem—and the opportunity—is that three-quarters of those new global citizens living in sub-Saharan Africa will live without access to electricity and other energy-driven staples of the modern world. “More than half a billion people [will be] added to Africa’s urban population by 2040, much higher than the growth seen in China’s urban population in the two decades of China’s economic and energy boom,” IEA noted in its Africa Energy Outlook 2019. “Growing urban populations mean rapid growth in energy demand for industrial production, cooling, and mobility,” IEA analysts wrote. “The projected growth in oil demand is higher than that of China and second only to that of India as the size of the car fleet more than doubles (the bulk of which have low fuel efficiency) and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) is increasingly used for clean cooking.” With regards to gas, Africa is on track to becoming the third-largest region to feed the growth in global gas demand over the next 20 years, the IEA said (Fig. 1). Africa accounted for 8.8% of the world’s oil production in 2019, according to the BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2020. Nigeria was Africa’s top oil producer at 2.2%; Algeria was next at 1.6%; then Angola, 1.5%; and Libya, 1.3%. BP economists calculated Africa contributed 6.0% to the world’s natural gas production in 2019. They ranked Algeria as the continent’s top gas producer at a global share of 2.2% followed by Egypt, 1.6%, and Nigeria, 1.2%. Africa’s hydrocarbon-producing nations have always depended on fossil fuel and mineral exports for the foreign exchange that feeds their economies. But as the continent’s population grows and its demographics become younger and more urban, Africa is revealing itself as a “barefoot shoemaker”—wealthy to the extreme in fossil fuels and renewables, but with three-quarters of its sub-Saharan population living without electricity. Africa’s R/P (reserves-to-production) ratio is about half that of the Middle East and a quarter of first-place South America. But it is worth asking if South America’s high R/P is not due to years of high-profile exploration, while Africa—with a west-coastal geology similar to South America’s east coast—is simply underexplored. The World Bank has declared 32 of the continent’s 48 nations to be in an energy crisis considering that their gross domestic product (GDP) growth is outpacing power generation by a factor of three to four times. Investment is vital to turning this situation around, and the most attractive investment opportunities pre-pandemic were found in Nigeria, Mozambique, Egypt, Mauritania, and Equatorial Guinea, according to the organizers of Africa Oil Week (AOW), an exploration and production (E&P) investment conference held annually for 27 years.
44
Khatun, Rabia. "Openness in Financial Services Trade and Financial Development: Evidence from the BRICS Economies." South Asian Survey 26, no. 1 (March 2019): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523119837032.
Full textAbstract:
This article investigates the long-run relationship between openness in financial services trade (OPTIFS) and financial development in five BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) economies, for the period of 1990–2012. It is found that the variables under consideration possess a long-run relationship in the mentioned economies. Fully modified ordinary least square (FMOLS) and dynamic ordinary least square (DOLS) have been performed to find the long-run coefficient of the variables. Results from FMOLS and DOLS have confirmed that OPTIFS has a positive and significant impact on financial development. The study reveals that 1 per cent increase in trade in financial services causes 0.109 increase in total credit to private sector, which is used as a proxy for financial development, indicating that the government should try to remove barriers from trade in financial services in order to develop better financial structure, thereby promoting further growth. It is also found that some of the control variables like gross savings and gross domestic product have positive and significant impact on financial development at 5 per cent level of significance
45
Radtke, Kurt. "China and the Greater Middle East: Globalization No Longer Equals Westernization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 389–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207801.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe reshaping of the domestic social, political, and economic structures all over East Asia takes place in the context of a restructuring of the international (security) order. Despite China's increasing acceptance of international institutions and regimes the divergence of vital security interests of the United States (US) and Japan vis-a-vis those of China has raised the specter of increased polarization. This article will seek to answer the question of whether China is about to consciously challenge the power of the US and its allies not only in Asia, but also in the Greater Middle East (GME), mainly through China's impact on the economics, political, and social structure of those countries rather than through rivalry in the field of military power. China's conceptualization of the current global order is also shaped by historical memories of an age in which China was merely an object of Great Power politics which also directly affected the wider region, including the heartland of Eurasia, Southeast Asia, and in particular Japan and the Korean peninsula with their direct impact on China's security equation. To some Chinese strategists the Indian Ocean and countries of the GME have acquired a vital importance not only with regard to the supply of raw materials (including those obtained from Africa). Continuing Western strategic dominance in this large area would also have an important negative impact on China's global strategic position. For the first time in its history, China has become critically dependent on the acquisition of foreign resources—raw materials, investment and technology, as well as earnings from exports. China's economic activities in near neighbors such as Japan, South Korea, Pakistan, ailand, and Iran are also strategically important due to the impact on domestic and international politics of these countries. The US tends to interpret such influence in terms of Chinese power projection. This article interprets the linkages between domestic events and international strategies on the network of global (security) relations in terms of neogeopolitics rather than mainstream US scholarship.
46
Basdeo, Vinesh M., Moses Montesh, and Bernard Khotso Lekubu. "SEARCH FOR AND SEIZURE OF EVIDENCE IN CYBER ENVIRONMENTS: A LAW-ENFORCEMENT DILEMMA IN SOUTH AFRICAN CRIMINAL PROCEDURE." Journal of Law, Society and Development 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-9515/874.
Full textAbstract:
Investigating, deterring and imposing legal sanctions on cyber-criminals warrants an international legal framework for the investigation and prosecution of cybercrime. The real-world limits of local, state and national sovereignty and jurisdiction cannot be ignored by law-enforcement officials. It can be a strenuous task to obtain information from foreign countries, especially on an expedited basis – more specifically when the other country is in a different time zone, has a different legal system, does not have trained experts and uses different languages. In South Africa existing laws appear to be inadequate for policing the cyber realm. The effects and impact of information technology on the legal system have not yet received the attention they warrant. The challenges presented by the electronic realm cannot be solved merely by imposing existing criminal and criminal procedural laws which govern the physical world on cyberspace. The electronic realm does not necessarily demand new laws, but it does require that criminal actions be conceptualised differently and not from a purely traditional perspective. Sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of another state are fundamental principles grounding the relations between states; they constitute an important mechanism in the armoury of criminals. The harmonisation and enactment of adequate and appropriate transborder coercive procedural measures consequently play a pivotal role in facilitating effective international cooperation. This article examines the efficacy of South African laws in dealing with the challenges presented by police powers to search for and seize evidence in cyber environments. It analyses the rudimentary powers that exist in South African criminal procedure regarding the search for and seizure of evidence in cyber environments, and compares them against the backdrop of the more systemic and integrated approach proposed by the Cybercrime Convention.
47
Leal Ribeiro de Albuquerque, Felipe. "Cooperation on food security with Africa as an instrument of Brazil’s Foreign Policy (2003-2010)/Cooperação em segurança alimentar com a África como um instrumento de política externa brasileira (2003-2010)." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 3 (October 26, 2015): 558–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n3.06.p558.
Full textAbstract:
In a context of growing interdependence, diversified possibilities for emerging powers to act and more commonly perceived transcendence of domestic subjects to the international arena, Brazil is a singular player: it is facing relevant internal transformations that allow the development of policies for mitigating historic inequalities, such as the ones to fight hunger and poverty; and aims at assuming greater responsibilities in an international arena characterized by growing multipolarity. Brazil’s diplomatic corps tries to show the country as a necessary interlocutor and negotiator for the establishment of a more just and democratic world order. In this sense, many public policies associated with the agendas comprised by the concept of food security are instrumentalized by the policymakers as a means to assemble legitimacy, political support and economic opportunities for the South American powerhouse. These dynamics are clearly observed in the relations between Brazil and its African partners, which will be the focus of this paper.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy; International development cooperation; Brazil-Africa relations; Lula da Silva’s government; food security. Resumo: Em contexto de crescente interdependência, diversificadas possibilidades da atuação para potências emergentes e transcendência mais perceptível de questões domésticas para a arena internacional, o Brasil é ator singular: passa por transformações internas relevantes que permitem o desenvolvimento de políticas como as de combate à fome e à pobreza, voltadas para a mitigação de desigualdades históricas; e busca assumir maiores responsabilidades em arena internacional caracterizada por crescente multipolaridade. O corpo diplomático brasileiro busca mostrar o país como um interlocutor e negociador necessário para o estabelecimento de ordem global mais justa e democrática. Nesse sentido, variadas políticas públicas associadas com as agendas envolvidas pelo conceito de segurança alimentar são instrumentalizadas pelos formuladores de política externa como um meio de assegurar legitimidade, apoios políticos e oportunidades econômicas para o país sul-americano. Tais dinâmicas são claramente observadas nas relações entre o Brasil e seus parceiros africanos, assunto que será o tema desse artigo.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; Cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento; Relações Brasil-África; Governo Lula da Silva; Segurança alimentar. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p558-581
48
Moran, Andrew, and Anthony Kennedy. "When considering whether to recognise and enforce a foreign money judgment, why should the domestic court accord the foreign court international jurisdiction on the basis that the judgment debtor was domiciled there? An analysis of the approach taken by courts in the Republic of South Africa." Journal of Private International Law 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 549–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17441048.2020.1821941.
Full text
49
Cruz, Shermon O. "Alternative futures of global governance: scenarios and perspectives from the Global South." Foresight 17, no. 2 (April 13, 2015): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/fs-05-2014-0030.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical and informative exploration of the emerging roles and rising influence of the Global South in shaping the future of global governance. Specifically, it inquires into the following questions: How is the Global South impacting the way we govern globally? What are the pushers, pulls and weights to the futures of global governance? Using Jim Dator’s alternative futures archetype, what is the future of global governance? What are the emerging issues and trends? Design/methodology/approach – It uses Sohail Inayatullah’s futures triangle to map the drivers – the pushes, pulls and weights of global governance and Jim Dator’s archetypes – continued economic growth, collapse, conserver and transformation – to imagine and construct alternative futures of global governance. Findings – The futures triangle analysis maps and reveals three diverse but causally linked Global South narratives of global governance. The pulls of the future include the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa leading the way, and emerging economies reinforcing the pluralization of global governance discourses and systems. New governance regimes create new global governance dynamics and North – South relations. Their increasing social, political and economic clout leads to new governance structures. The Global South’s rising human development index, economic growth, decreasing financial reliance, the rise of minilateralism and South – South cooperation is a push of the present. Weights are recurring financial constraints, their lack of technical capacity, existing international laws, stagnating bureaucracy, poverty, domestic issues and state centrism (among others). Four alternative global governance scenarios emerge: a harmonious world is everybody’s business – a state-centric and economic growth global governance future. Here, the dynamics of global governance remain the same as zero-sum thinking informs the rules of the game. In dangerous transitions and the rise of the rest, however, the status quo is disrupted as power shifts rapidly and detrimentally. Then, in mosaic of the old structure, the South embraces protectionism, and the old vanguards return. Finally, in all boats rise substantially, power is redistributed as emerging states gain larger, formal (and informal) leadership roles in global governance. The global world order is re-designed for the Global South. A world parliament is created and stronger regional confederation or unions emerge. Research limitations/implications – This paper extensively utilizes existing and emerging literature, official reports, blogs, interviews, books and other digital texts on global governance. The sources relevance is analyzed using the futures triangle tool and dissected to present four detailed scenarios using Dator’s alternative futures archetype. This study seeks to initially explore alternative futures of global governance from the perspective of the Global South. While some studies have approached the topic, only a few authors have addressed global governance using futures tools and methods. The goal of this research is to map and explore some alternative futures of global governance. The paper is less useful in predicting what lies ahead. Its intention is to highlight the “rise of the different” and to create a space for more meaningful conversations on global governance. Practical implications – This research could provide futurists, policy-makers, international relations scholars and global governance advocates some alternative narratives, frameworks and images of global governance. While it does not offer any specific structures and solutions, it offers a number of emerging issues and perspectives from the Global South that decision-makers and institutions might want to consider as they rethink global governance. Social implications – This paper highlights the emerging roles and perspectives of the Global South in global governance. It identifies some “trading zones” and “emerging issues” that may inspire actors to create new global governance spaces, innovate alternative narratives and design new frameworks of global governance. Originality/value – It maps and constructs some plausible scenarios of global governance that emphasize Global South perspectives while using futures tools and methods.
50
Zhang, X. "The Coronavirus Will Not Change the long-Term Upward Trend of China’s Economic Development." Finance: Theory and Practice 24, no. 5 (October 24, 2020): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2020-24-5-15-23.
Full textAbstract:
The author investigates the impact of COVID‑19 and macro-policy adjustment on China’s economic development. The aim is to describe the situation and trend of China’s economic development before and after COVID‑19. The research method is the comparative data analysis. The study shows that in response to COVID‑19, the Chinese government, on the one hand, has accelerated its opening-up, taken the opportunity of fighting against the pandemic to provide medical assistance to and cooperate with other countries, and actively promoted the building of a community with a shared future for mankind and the process of globalization. On the basis of the Belt and Road Initiative and multilateral, regional, and subregional cooperation mechanisms such as the United Nations, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa), G20 (Group of 20), and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation), China and the Eurasian Economic Union began to cooperate more frequently and the trade relations between Japan, South Korea, and European developed countries became closer. Meanwhile, committed to building a global interconnection partnership, China actively participates in global economic governance and provides various public products. The Chinese government has proposed “Six Guarantees” on the basis of “Six Stability”. In order to achieve the purpose of stabilizing foreign trade and expanding imports, China has imposed various measures to accelerate the liberalization and facilitation of international trade and investment, such as implementing the new version of the “Foreign Investment Law”, establishing free trade zones, and promoting its experience and organizing international import expositions. Additionally, the Chinese government also implemented targeted fiscal and monetary policies, increased support for enterprises, especially small and medium-sized enterprises, and promoted the construction of “new infrastructure” and innovation of business model, which have formed the driving forces for the transformation of the economic development model in China from traditional business to cloud business, from traditional marketing to live streaming marketing, from traditional sales to online sales. The author concluded thatChina’s adjustment of macro policies in response to COVID‑19 was effective and played an important role in the resumption of production and life, stabilizing foreign trade activities, releasing domestic demand and promoting stable and sustained growth of the economy