Relevant bibliographies by topics / Domestic unrest

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Domestic unrest'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Domestic unrest"

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Capper, Beth. "Domestic Unrest." Third Text 31, no. 1 (2017): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2017.1366410.

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Uzonyi, Gary. "Domestic Unrest, Genocide and Politicide." Political Studies 64, no. 2 (2014): 315–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12181.

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Ghosn, Faten. "Domestic Unrest and the Initiation of Negotiations." International Negotiation 16, no. 1 (2011): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180611x553872.

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AbstractThe main argument of this article is that we need to incorporate domestic-pressure arguments into conflict management studies and, at the same time, we need to include conflict-management opportunities in the study of domestic-international theory. This study looks at the impact of domestic incentives on a state’s decision to negotiate. The primary hypothesis is that domestic turmoil will increase the likelihood that rival states with a history of aggressive interaction shift their foreign policy to a more accommodative one. Testing my argument on strategic rivals between 1945 and 1995, I find that after controlling for the factors of history and level of hostility between the rivals, anti-government unrest actually increases the likelihood of negotiations taking place, while acts threatening the downfall of the regime tend to decrease the chance of witnessing negotiations.
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Allen, John. "Diversionary war – domestic unrest and international conflict." Defense & Security Analysis 30, no. 2 (2014): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751798.2014.897109.

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DEROUEN, KARL, and CHRISTOPHER SPRECHER. "Arab Behaviour Towards Israel: Strategic Avoidance or Exploiting Opportunities?" British Journal of Political Science 36, no. 3 (2006): 549–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123406000287.

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Scholars often observe that the foreign policies of states are not made in a vacuum but rather are determined or moulded to a significant degree by the external and internal actions of rivals. Domestic unrest is often considered a potential impetus for changing strategic behaviour. Leaders may be tempted to employ force externally to divert attention away from domestic unrest. The intended result is a ‘rally round the flag’ effect that culminates in higher approval/support for the executive as citizens forget about domestic problems and pay attention to a common adversary. One implication of this sort of ‘diversion’ is that potential scapegoats might employ strategic behaviour to avoid becoming a diversionary target. In other words, when they witness domestic unrest in a rival state, they worry that the rival may lash out at them and thus engage in ‘strategic avoidance’.Conversely, strategic behaviour may lead to a greater chance that the potential ‘diverter’ will itself be targeted for hostile behaviour. Erstwhile scapegoats may view periods of social unrest such as elections, domestic political protests or unstable cabinet structures in the other country as convenient and favourable times to escalate hostility. Such situations are viewed as opportunities that are ripe for exploitation.Alastair Smith's work has been extended to both the US case and a comparative cross-national study. Our purpose here is to extend this line of inquiry by looking at a region of the world locked in a long-term hostile relationship; namely, the Middle East. Our approach builds upon previous research that addresses the strategic interaction of enduring rivals.
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Weinberg, Joe, and Ryan Bakker. "Let them eat cake: Food prices, domestic policy and social unrest." Conflict Management and Peace Science 32, no. 3 (2014): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894214532411.

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Owen, John M. "Springs and their offspring: the international consequences of domestic uprisings." European Journal of International Security 1, no. 1 (2016): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2015.3.

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AbstractA politicalspringis an abrupt, broad, sustained increase in public dissent in a state that has prohibited it, as in Czechoslovakia in 1968 or Tunisia in early 2011. Some springs produce offspring – clusters of events within neighbouring states (civic unrest, increased state repression, co-option of dissent, revolution) and among those states (intensification of international rivalries, foreign interventions). An English Spring in 1558–9 produced such a cluster in Northwestern Europe. This article addresses the underlying causal mechanism connecting springs and their offspring, rather than the related correlational question (viz. under what conditions a spring is followed by offspring). That mechanism istransnational group polarisation, or the progressive separation of preferences across a population into pro- and anti-government groups. Transnational polarisation along a pro-versus-anti-government axis is an endogenous process triggered by exogenous events, such as violence or public demonstrations that raise the status of, or threat to, one of the groups. It presents powerful actors across states with new threats and opportunities and can help explain how the Tunisian Spring of early 2011 produced throughout the Arab Middle East infectious unrest, serial repressions and reforms, heightened international tensions, and foreign interventions.
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Manheim, Jarol B., and Robert B. Albritton. "Insurgent Violence Versus Image Management: The Struggle for National Images in Southern Africa." British Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (1987): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004701.

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The authors examine the countervailing effects of two forces on external news coverage of Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and South Africa during the 1970s. The first is purposeful government efforts at news management and information control undertaken by each of the two regimes. The second is the civil unrest which was present in the region during that period. They conclude that these effects and the policy consequences that flow from them are functions of the pre-existing image environment of each country in the foreign (US) press and of the character of its domestic unrest.
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Kono, Daniel Yuichi, Gabriella R. Montinola, and Nicholas Verbon. "Helping hand or heavy hand? Foreign aid, regime type and domestic unrest." International Political Science Review 36, no. 4 (2013): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512113507529.

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Bak, Daehee, Kerry Chávez, and Toby Rider. "Domestic Political Consequences of International Rivalry." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 4 (2019): 703–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719876349.

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Given the conventional claim that external threats increase internal cohesion and government capacity, cross-country studies have examined how interstate conflict events influence domestic politics. This article reevaluates the in-group and out-group mechanisms by examining how international strategic rivalry, which indicates the presence of persistent external threats even in the absence of military conflict, affects domestic political competition. An alternative explanation suggests that the effect of external threats on political incentives of domestic actors differs between regime supporters and oppositions. We posit that the presence of international threats from rival states inflames domestic unrest and oppositions’ antiregime challenges, while making governments rely more on repressive tactics given resource constraints and a high level of domestic political intolerance. In addition, we propose that the domestic consequences of international rivalry are heterogeneous depending on the characteristics of political systems and the level of threat perception. Empirical tests reveal robust evidence for the hypotheses.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Domestic unrest"

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Oakes, Amy C. "States in crisis how governments respond to domestic unrest /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1141660456.

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Books on the topic "Domestic unrest"

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Oakes, Amy. Diversionary war: The link between domestic unrest and international conflict. Stanford University Press, 2012.

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Diversionary war: The link between domestic unrest and international conflict. Stanford University Press, 2012.

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Oakes, Amy. Diversionary War: Domestic Unrest and International Conflict. Stanford Security Studies, 2012.

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Stein, Elizabeth Ann. Information and Civil Unrest in Dictatorships. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.35.

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Considering incidents that make headline news internationally, given the modern information and communication technology revolution, the facility of citizens to rapidly mobilize represents a considerable threat to autocratic survival. While the speed with which popular movements emerge has increased exponentially, and the news of their existence spreads faster and farther, civil unrest has threatened the stability and survival of dictators for centuries. The paranoia and machinations of dictators depicted in films, such as the portrayal of Ugandan dictator Idi Amin in The Last King of Scotland, while sensationalized, capture the astounding array of threats with which unelected leaders must concern themselves. On the one hand, they must worry about insider threats to their standing, such as conspiratorial plots from people within the dictator’s own circle or mutiny among government soldiers. On the other hand, dictators also must monitor threats originating from non-regime actors, such as new alliances forming among once-fragmented opposition groups or the possibility of sustained insurgency or a popular revolution. From force to finesse, autocratic leaders have developed a broad and evolving range of tactics and tools to diminish both internal and external domestic threats to their reign. The success of dictators’ endeavors to insulate their regimes from forces that might challenge them depends on accurate and reliable information, a resource that can be as valuable to the leader as would a large armory and loyal soldiers. Dictators invest significant resources (monetary as well as human capital) to try to gather useful information about their existing and potential opponents, while also trying to control and shape information emitted by the regime before it reaches the public. New information and communication technologies (ICTs), which have drawn a great deal of scholarly attention since the beginning of the 21st century—present both risks and rewards for dictators; inversely they also create new opportunities and hazards for citizens who might utilize them to mobilize people opposed to the regime. While civil unrest could encompass the full range of domestic, nonmilitary actors, there also needs to be a specific focus on various forms of mass mobilization. Historically, more dictators have been forced from office by elite-initiated overthrows via coups d’état than have fallen to revolution or fled amid street protests. Civil unrest, in its many forms, can affect autocratic survival or precipitate regime breakdown. While mass-based revolutions have been a relatively rare phenomenon to date, the actions of many 21st-century dictators indicate that they increasingly concern themselves with the threats posed by popular protests and fear its potential for triggering broader antigovernment campaigns. The ease of access to information (or the lack thereof) help explain interactions between authoritarian regimes and citizens emphasizes. The role of information in popular antigovernment mobilization has evolved and changed how dictators gather and utilize information to prevent or counter civil unrest that might jeopardize their own survival as well as that of the regime.
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Price, Barrye L. Against All Enemies Foreign and Domestic: A Study of Urban Unrest and Federal Intervention Within the United States. Authorhouse, 2001.

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Agatha, Verdebout. Part 3 The Post 9/11-Era (2001–), 59 The Intervention of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Bahrain—2011. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784357.003.0059.

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This contribution examines the Gulf Cooperation Council’s (GCC) Saudi led intervention in Barhrain. Following a brief overview of the events that shook the island in 2011, it analyses the legal arguments brought forth by the main protagonists (Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and GCC) to justify the intervention, and the reactions these triggered in the international community. It then discusses the intervention’s legality in light of the different doctrines of ‘intervention by invitation’ in situations of domestic unrest. As a conclusion, it argues that the general lack of attention that this intervention has received on the part of the media and of third states makes its precedential value hard to assess.
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Stephan, Paul B., and Sarah A. Cleveland, eds. The Restatement and Beyond. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197533154.001.0001.

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This book, The Restatement and Beyond, grapples with the most significant issues in contemporary U.S. foreign relations law. The chapters in this text respond to the recently published Fourth Restatement of the Foreign Relations Law. They review the context and assumptions on which that work relied, criticize that work for its analysis and conclusions, and explore topics left out of the published work that need research and development. Collectively, the essays in this book provide an authoritative study of the issues generating controversy today as those most likely to emerge in the coming decade. The book is organized in six parts. The first part provides a historical context for the law of foreign relations from the beginning of the twentieth century, when the United States first envisioned itself as a peer and competitor of the major European powers, to the present, when the United States, although a hegemon, faces deep unrest and uncertainty with respect to its position in the world. The next four parts look at contested issues in foreign relations law today, specifically the law of treaties, the role of domestic courts in interpreting and applying international law, the limits on domestic jurisdiction, and the law of immunity as to states, international organizations, and foreign government officials. The last part considers what this body of law might look like in the future as well as the difficulties raised by using the Restatement process as a way of contributing to the law’s development.
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Dwyer, Maggie. Soldiers in Revolt. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876074.001.0001.

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Soldiers in Revolt examines the understudied phenomenon of military mutinies in Africa. Through interviews with former mutineers in Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, and The Gambia, the book provides a unique and intimate perspective on those who take the risky decision to revolt. This view from the lower ranks is key to comprehending the internal struggles that can threaten a military's ability to function effectively. Maggie Dwyer's detailed accounts of specific revolts are complemented by an original dataset of West African mutinies covering more than fifty years, allowing for the identification of trends. Her book shows the complex ways mutineers often formulate and interpret their grievances against a backdrop of domestic and global politics. Just as mutineers have been influenced by the political landscape, so too have they shaped it. Mutinies have challenged political and military leaders, spurred social unrest, led to civilian casualties, threatened peacekeeping efforts and, in extreme cases, resulted in international interventions. Soldiers in Revolt offers a better understanding of West African mutinies and mutinies in general, valuable not only for military studies but for anyone interested in the complex dynamics of African states.
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Zeidel, Robert F. Robber Barons and Wretched Refuse. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748318.001.0001.

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This book explores the connection between the so-called robber barons who led American big businesses during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era and the immigrants who composed many of their workforces. As the book argues, attribution of industrial-era class conflict to an “alien” presence supplements nativism—a sociocultural negativity toward foreign-born residents—as a reason for Americans' dislike and distrust of immigrants. And in the era of American industrialization, employers both relied on immigrants to meet their growing labor needs and blamed them for the frequently violent workplace contentions of the time. The book uncovers the connection of immigrants to radical “isms” that gave rise to widespread notions of alien subversives whose presence threatened America's domestic tranquility and the well-being of its residents. Employers, rather than looking at their own practices for causes of workplace conflict, wontedly attributed strikes and other unrest to aliens who either spread pernicious “foreign” doctrines or fell victim to their siren messages. These characterizations transcended nationality or ethnic group, applying at different times to all foreign-born workers. The book concludes that, ironically, stigmatizing immigrants as subversives contributed to the passage of the Quota Acts, which effectively stemmed the flow of wanted foreign workers. Post-war employers argued for preserving America's traditional open door, but the negativity that they had assigned to foreign workers contributed to its closing.
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Book chapters on the topic "Domestic unrest"

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Adebajo, Adekeye. "The Dog That Did Not Bark: Why Has Sierra Leone Not Returned to War After Peacekeepers Left?" In The State of Peacebuilding in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46636-7_19.

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Abstract This chapter sets out to solve the mystery of why Sierra Leone has remained relatively stable 14 years after peacekeepers left the country in 2006, and 18 years after the end of a devastating 11-year civil war in which an estimated 70,000 people died. In doing so, Sierra Leone has defied the fate of so many fragile and conflict-prone states: it has not returned to war, as do more than half of all countries within only five years of a peace settlement. This despite myriad socio-economic challenges, of the kind that often leads to a recurrence of violence and unrest. In investigating this mystery, the chapter highlights how domestic, subregional, and external actors muddled through and improvised one of the rare peacebuilding success stories in Africa.
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Reny, Marie-Eve, and William Hurst. "Social unrest." In Handbook of China’s Governance and Domestic Politics. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203155080-19.

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"Chapter XVII: Growing domestic unrest." In The Netherlands Indies and the Great War, 1914-1918. BRILL, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004260474_018.

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Mulvenna, Gareth. "‘Civil rights, unrest, death’ (1960s)." In Tartan Gangs and Paramilitaries. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781781383261.003.0003.

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Chapter Two introduces the interviewees, all of whom were born in the early to mid-1950s. In this regard the 1960s, a dramatic period of time both globally and in Northern Ireland, are pivotal in providing a sense of what life was like for those working-class Protestant boys and teenagers who would a short time later engage in violent activities with Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries. The chapter situates the autobiographical recollections of this period in domestic life, the Orange Order, education, the emergence of the UVF, the mythologising of Gusty Spence and the civil rights campaign. Ultimately, it seeks to demonstrate that the context of growing up as a working-class Protestant in Belfast amidst such uncertainty and growing violence shaped young men’s perceptions of the Catholic, nationalist and republican community as well as their own way of life as members of the wider British working class.
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Doner, Richard F., Gregory W. Noble, and John Ravenhill. "Introduction." In The Political Economy of Automotive Industrialization in East Asia. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197520253.003.0001.

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Automotive industrialization in East Asia exhibits striking cross-national variation in both strategy and performance. China, Korea, and Taiwan have pursued “intensive” growth strategies, increasing local value added based on domestic inputs and capabilities. Malaysia has attempted to follow this strategy, but without success. In contrast, Thailand has relied on foreign assemblers and their principal suppliers to become a champion of “extensive” growth, resulting in an impressive expansion of production, assembly, and exports. Latecomer Indonesia has followed Thailand with some success, whereas the Philippines has remained an automotive backwater. This variation reflects the broader environment shaping the firm capacities of firms: (1) intensive growth poses particularly difficult policy challenges; (2) more difficult policy challenges require stronger institutions; and (3) institutions that promote upgrading emerge to the degree that political pressures compel national regimes to address external threats and domestic unrest absent easy access to resources necessary to do so.
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Friedman, Walter A. "3. Early manufacturers, 1820–1850." In American Business History: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780190622473.003.0004.

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By 1850, America’s gross domestic product was two-thirds that of the United Kingdom and one-fifth that of China. “Early manufacturers, 1820–1850” looks at the development and significance of textiles, firearms, and clocks to the new economy. The establishment of mills and factories allowed the workforce to be united in one place and for working hours to be standardized, though initial long hours led to unrest. Colt firearms and parlor clocks became part of the American identity, while some of the first marketing and sales strategies confirmed them as desirable status symbols. International exhibitions showcased the best of American manufacturing, setting a precedent for future multinationals seeking success abroad.
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Robert, McLaughlin. "2 The Customary Three-Level Scheme Part I: Rebellion and Insurgency." In Recognition of Belligerency and the Law of Armed Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780197507056.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the first two levels within the three-level scheme of rebellion-insurgency-belligerency. The least legally significant form, for third states, of conflict categorization was that of "rebellion." This level of the customary conflict categorization is not readily equated to less-than-NIAC (non-international armed conflict) civil unrest and riot, but was nevertheless assessed to be fundamentally a matter of domestic criminal law, with no alteration in either conflict state or third state rights and responsibilities. As a matter of domestic law, rebellion was "always war against the Crown," in the British context. Rebellion, consequently, created a situation of necessity which permitted application of martial law as opposed to "routine law," and was thus narrowly construed. The second level in the three level scheme was "insurrection" or "insurgency." This category was the most legally problematic of the three, as it was generally considered to be a political characterization with some legal consequences for third states recognizing the situation as such.
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Barton, Mary S. "Intelligence, Empire, and Terror." In Counterterrorism Between the Wars. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864042.003.0003.

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The passage to India of small arms, which often accompanied revolutionary ideas, was central to London’s concerns about the proliferation of arms prior to and after the 1919 Arms Traffic Convention. The British government attempted to combat political violence using tools developed during the Great War. Officials in London identified the province of Bengal in British India as the center of several terrorist networks. British counterterrorism strategy in India relied on three parts: arms controls, passport restrictions, and domestic anti-terrorism legislation. Intelligence memoranda warned of danger from the Communist International’s efforts to move funds, weapons, and foreign fighters into Azerbaijan, Afghanistan, Persia, and Iraq, with an eye toward the penetration of India. Reports shaped the policy recommendations of the newly-established Inter-Departmental Committee on Eastern Unrest (IDCEU). However, as colonial administrators learned following the Rowlatt Act, domestic anti-terrorism legislation would be revoked were Indian and London politicians to find it oppressive.
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Hobson, Christopher. "Reaction, Revolution and Empire: The Nineteenth Century." In The Rise of Democracy. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748692811.003.0005.

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This chapter tracks how the popular doctrines that emerged from the American and French revolutions developed across the nineteenth century. It opens by considering the negative standing of democracy at the end of the Napoleonic wars and attempts to construct a new international order at the Congress of Vienna. The order constructed at Vienna was able to endure for a century, but conservative attempts to re-establish monarchy based on principles of legitimacy were ultimately unsuccessful. Ongoing nationalist struggles and domestic unrest peaked in the revolutions of 1848, marked by an outburst of discussion over democracy. There was a growing perception in Europe that democracy – in one form or another – was somehow inevitable. The chapter concludes with the end of the nineteenth century, being a transitional moment for popular sovereignty and democracy: emergent, but still on the defensive.
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Bianchi, Robert R. "Iran." In China and the Islamic World. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190915285.003.0007.

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The recent uprisings in Iran provide a poignant example of a common dilemma in authoritarian regimes. The mullahs and security forces can contain the blazes with Chinese-inspired controls over the internet and social media, but they cannot prevent future ignitions or rule out a wider conflagration. On the other hand, reformers have little hope of winning meaningful freedoms or promoting a less adventurous foreign policy. There is no sign of an authoritarian silver bullet to quash unrest or of a revolutionary breakthrough that could propel the country in a new direction. As Beijing expands the New Silk Road, it confronts similar problems in one country after another. Stronger linkages between domestic politics and transnational relations promote ongoing turmoil and crisis management across interdependent regions and cultures. Although this represents an important surge in transcontinental connectivity, it is hardly the kind that Chinese planners anticipated.
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Reports on the topic "Domestic unrest"

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Kadlec, Amanda. Still Kicking: the Survivability of the Islamic State in Libya. RESOLVE Network, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.10.ssa.

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Since emerging in eastern Libya in 2014, ISIS laid claim to wilayat within Libya’s three regional provinces—Tripolitania, Barqa, and Fezzan—moving fast to establish a quasi-state in the coastal city of Sirte and amassing just a few thousand fighters at its peak strength. Yet, just as ISIS core’s territorial hold in Syria and Iraq withered, its strength in Libya also soon diminished. Sustained domestic and international counterterrorism efforts have severely depleted ISIS in Libya’s (ISIS-L) numbers, operational capacity, and opportunity for safe haven. However, while weakened, ISIS-L’s survivability is driven by a far more complex range of factors than just Libya’s domestic unrest. The apex of ISIS-L’s power from 2014 to 2016 may have been brief, and its current threat low, but the group’s damage to Libya lingers, and the potential for its continued periodic revival should not be understated. For those seeking to counter and address ISIS-L’s continued presence in Libya, understanding the factors that simultaneously facilitate and hamper the group’s operations and growth is paramount to crafting appropriate interventions.
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