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Journal articles on the topic 'Dominant ideologies'
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1
Clegg, Stewart R., Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill, and Bryan S. Turner. "Dominant Ideologies." British Journal of Sociology 43, no. 4 (December 1992): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591347.
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Stace, Doug A. "Dominant Ideologies, Strategic Change, and Sustained Performance." Human Relations 49, no. 5 (May 1996): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001872679604900502.
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Rabikowska, Marta. "Female Representation and Dominant Ideologies in Polish Advertising." East Central Europe 30, no. 2 (2003): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633003x00135.
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Yuen, Felice C., and Susan M. Shaw. "Play: The Reproduction and Resistance of Dominant Gender Ideologies." World Leisure Journal 45, no. 2 (January 2003): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04419057.2003.9674312.
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Achugar, Mariana. "Counter-hegemonic language practices and ideologies." Spanish in Context 5, no. 1 (June 6, 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.5.1.02ach.
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This article examines how local norms for Spanish use in a multilingual Southwest Texas border setting respond to and contest dominant monolingual ideologies. The analysis focuses on notions of what languages are legitimate for use in the public sphere in this community and on the benefits of engaging in particular communicative practices. The corpus analyzed comes from interviews with key members of the university (president, program director, professor) and from newspaper articles published in the local newspaper. The article shows how institutional actors from the media and education contest dominant monolingual language ideologies by situating these views historically and connecting them to key conceptual metaphors that encapsulate language ideologies. In doing so, these institutional actors challenge national ideologies that construct monolingualism and standard ‘English’ as the natural and only option connected to social and economic success, offering Spanish and bilingualism as legitimate alternatives.
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Tite, Philip. "Dominant Ideologies, Neoliberal Jesuses, and the Academic Study of Religion." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 43, no. 3 (September 19, 2014): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v43i3.2.
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Editor's introduction to the issue. This issue includes a panel on James Crossley's book, Jesus in an Age of Neoliberalism (with responses by Justin Tse, Ian Henderson, and Roland Boer as well as a reply by James Crossley). This issue also includes an article on Pauline pseudepigraphy by Gregory Fewster and a pedagogical article by Erica Martin on effectively teaching extroverted and introverted students.
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Chang, Ya-ling. "“The Tongue of Pangcah and of Savages are the Same”: Language Ideologies in a Multilingual Aboriginal Village in Taiwan." Heritage Language Journal 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 172–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.8.2.2.
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This study examines incongruent languages ideologies as they exist among parents, grandparents and community members of Taiwan’s aboriginal Pangcah people. The language ideologies of the villagers function as language policy that informs their decisions in favor of transmitting or abandoning their linguistic heritage. Taking a critical perspective on the study of language maintenance and shift, an ethnographic/discourse analytic approach to language ideologies is applied. The main insight gained from this study of ideological contention is that there are various language ideologies indexing speakers’ linguistic value. Within the ideologies of valuing and devaluing, Pangcah incorporates the hybridity of stigmatized and assimilated identities under the macrohistorical colonial processes. As a response to increasing economic pressure, the Pangcah identity with language and culture have shifted to the state and dominant languages of Mandarin and Southern Min. Consequently, efforts to maintain and learn Pangcah have diminished, making the ideology of valuing the dominant code correspondingly more successful and common.
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Alfaro, Cristina. "Preparing Critically Conscious Dual-Language Teachers: Recognizing and Interrupting Dominant Ideologies." Theory Into Practice 58, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 194–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00405841.2019.1569400.
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Gal, Susan. "Diversity and contestation in linguistic ideologies: German speakers in Hungary." Language in Society 22, no. 3 (September 1993): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500017279.
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ABSTRACTThe classic sociolinguistic opposition between status and solidarity as organizing principles of linguistic variation is currently being integrated with broader social theories of symbolic domination and resistance. However, not enough attention has yet been paid to the multiplicity and fluidity of both dominant and oppositional linguistic ideologies within a single social order. Changing elite conceptions about the links between language and social group vie with each other for supremacy, and are in turn contested by various forms of resistance among linguistic minorities. Debates surrounding the linguistic census in 19th and 20th century Hungary are used here as evidence about diverse dominant ideologies, to show how German-Hungarians have responded by producing multiple, competing, and ambiguous oppositional conceptions and linguistic practices. (Linguistic ideologies, forms of resistance, politics of language, minority languages, German speakers in Hungary).
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Steger, Manfred B., and Paul James. "Levels of Subjective Globalization: Ideologies, Imaginaries, Ontologies." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341240.
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AbstractThe subjective dimensions of globalization have not received even close to the level of attention that has been paid to the objective dimensions of global interchange and extension. Seeking to rectify this neglect, we argue that the subjective dimensions of globalization can be conceptualized in terms of three dimensions or levels: ideologies, imaginaries, and ontologies. The Occupy Movement in several global locations seeks to challenge global capitalism as the dominant system of economics. At the ideological level, activists connected to Occupy tend to engage in fierce contestation of the global structuring of greed, thus exhibiting clear signs of global rebellion. However, the terms of debate and critique tend to become increasingly uncontested as we go deeper into examining the dominant social imaginary and the ontologies of modern time and space that underpin this general sense of the global. Occupy is clearly an important variant of “justice globalism” that has inspired scores of young activists to protest against increasing inequality and the growing concentration of wealth in the hands of a tiny minority. Still, we suggest that this important alter-globalization movement often works within many of the same subjective frameworks and precepts as the market-globalist world that it criticizes.
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Pavković, Aleksandar. "Anticipating the Disintegration: Nationalisms in Former Yugoslavia, 1980–1990." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408516.
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In addition to rapid economic decline and the persistent political violence in the province of Kosovo, in the 1980s Yugoslavia experienced a veritable renaissance of nationalist ideologies of the “dominant nation” type. According to this kind of national ideology, its target nation is historically predetermined to be politically dominant on a given territory which is then chosen by the national ideology in question. From 1971–1972, when the Croat nationalist movement and the Serbian liberal communist elite was suppressed by Tito until the early 1980s, publication of any nationalist writings was effectively banned in all parts of Yugoslavia, except in Kosovo. While ending public polemics by national ideologues, the ban confined nationalist polemics to the closely watched realm of intellectual dissidence. At that time, intellectual dissidents aimed primarily at the delegitimisaton of the communist regime in Yugoslavia. For this purpose, nationalist—as opposed to liberal—dissidents argued that the Yugoslav communist regime not only intentionally belittled and disadvantaged their respective nations, therefore benefiting the competitor nation(s), but also that it had betrayed their respective nations’ national goals. However absurd these claims may appear when taken together, they reveal how limited the target of each national ideology was: it targeted only “its” nation, in the attempt to prove that the communist regime had failed that nation alone and should not have the right to rule over it. These “dominant nation” ideologies stood in sharp contrast to the official Yugoslav Communist Party ideology of “equal nations,” which maintained the equality of all nations and nationalities in all parts of Yugoslavia; according to the official ideology, no nation in Yugoslavia was, in theory, politically dominant in any part of Yugoslavia.
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Pinich, Iryna. "Pragmatics of emotionality in discourse processing: prolegomena to ideology shaping engines." Lege Artis 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 262–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lart-2017-0007.
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Abstract Employing the theory of Intentionality the paper argues ubiquity and continuity of the pragmatic category of emotional intentionality in generating and promulgating ideologies via the literary works of contemporaries. The paper offers explanations of the nature of emotionality in the structure of emotional ecosystems and highlights the correlation of dominant emotional communities and dissemination of ideologies.
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WALTON, THERESA. "Grappling with Dominant Ideologies: Fox Network Weighs in on Girl/Boy Wrestling." Journal of Popular Culture 40, no. 4 (August 2007): 714–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2007.00432.x.
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ALBAY, Neslihan. "The Dominant Ideologies in the Nineteenth Century British Social and Political Life." İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi 10, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 1812–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15869/itobiad.832716.
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de Sousa Santos, Boaventura. "Globalizations." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 2-3 (May 2006): 393–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327640602300268.
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What is generally called globalization is a vast social field in which hegemonic or dominant social groups, states, interests and ideologies collide with counter-hegemonic or subordinate social groups, states, interests and ideologies on a world scale. Even the hegemonic camp is fraught with conflicts, but over and above them, there is a basic consensus among its most influential members (in political terms, the G-7). It is this consensus that confers on globalization its dominant characteristics. The counter-hegemonic or subordinate production of globalization is what is called insurgent cosmopolitanism. It consists of the transnationally organized resistance against the unequal exchanges produced or intensified by globalized localisms and localized globalisms.
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Sims, Margaret, Elise Alexander, Karma Pedey, and Lavinia Tausere-Tiko. "What Discourses Relating to the Purpose of Early Childhood Are Shaping the Work of Early Childhood Practitioners in Three Different Contexts: UK, Bhutan and Fiji?" Journal of Education and Learning 7, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v7n1p223.
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We explore the way dominant political discourses are perceived to influence developing professionalisation of early childhood in three contexts. The UK is strongly influenced by the neoliberal agenda which positions managerialism, bureaucracy, accountability and control as necessary to drive quality improvement. Bhutan has been exposed to western ideologies for a short time (as time counts in human history) and is attempting to manage tensions between western ideologies and the philosophy underpinning Gross National Happiness. Fiji has a history of colonisation. With a growing commitment across Pacific nations to postcolonialism, Fiji professionals are struggling to manage the intersection between their neoliberal western history and their own postcolonial ambitions. We argue a better understanding of the ways in which dominant ideologies impact on the development of early childhood professionalisation will uncover unintended, taken-for-granted assumptions and illuminate potential risks, thus better positioning readers to make informed choices about their work and the development of their profession.
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Huang, Vincent Guangsheng. "Organisational change, ideologies and mega discourses." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 1 (October 20, 2017): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17015.hua.
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Abstract Mega discourses, as discourses recognised and espoused at the broader societal level, enact the taken-for-granted premises governing an organisational sector. The dominant power can designate the value, norm and moral duty of an organisational sector through manipulating such mega discourses. Conceptualised within critical discourse studies and Chinese discourse studies, this article assesses the official discourse of China’s third sector circulating in the policy documents, political speeches, and news media, illustrating how China’s authoritarian state utilises discursive strategies to articulate a new order of discourse of the third sector. It argues that such an alternative discursive ordering is significantly different from its western counterpart. The authoritarian state has strategically appropriated historical and cultural resources to legitimise such a “de-SMOisation” process, intending to insulate nongovernmental organisations from social movements. This study concludes with a discussion on the significance and implications of this third sector discourse.
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ANGGREINI, HENY. "FORMASI DAN NEGOSIASI IDEOLOGI: KAJIAN HEGEMONI GRAMSCI DALAM CERPEN “SARMAN” KARYA SENO GUMIRA AJIDARMA." TOTOBUANG 7, no. 1 (September 20, 2019): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/ttbng.v7i1.139.
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The community has the right to obtain his will - his view of life, but the situation cannot be obtained because the community is trapped by the great ideologies that are in power (dominating). Therefore, the author as a recorder - intellectuals who contested his ideology through literary works. Literary works as a unifying tool of social forces and the struggle of subordinate groups to fight political actions that offer certain ideologies. Thus, the purpose of this research is to explain the ideologies that live in society, including the dominant ideologies, which are related to the mindset and patterns of people’s behavior in literary works. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method that focuses on content analysis using the Gramsci hegemony theory. The results of this study are that Sarman figures are not counter-hegemonic over the ideology of capitalism, but through Sarman, Seno tries to negotiate that the ideology of capitalism becomes a socialist and humanist capitalist ideology, namely capitalists who view humans as dignified beings and social beings, entitled to rights which should be obtained. The relationship between the characters of Sarman and Seno, were clearly described by the author Gumira Ajidarma, the author contests ideologies to the readers and wants to negotiate his ideologies. However, like Sarman, Seno is still trapped in the dominant group (rulers) whose ideology is capitalism. Masyarakat memiliki hak untuk memperoleh kehendaknya—pandangan hidupnya, namun situasi tersebut tidak dapat diperoleh karena masyarakat terperangkap oleh ideologi-ideologi besar yang berkuasa (mendominasi). Oleh karena itu, pengarang sebagai perekam—kaum intelektual yang mengkontestasikan ideologinya melalui karya sastra. Karya sastra sebagai alat pemersatu kekuatan-kekuatan sosial dan pertarungan kelompok subordinat untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap tindakan politik yang menawarkan ideologi-ideologi tertentu. Dengan demikian, tujuan penelitian ini adalah terjelaskannya ideologi-ideologi yang hidup di masyarakat, termasuk ideologi dominan, yang berkaitan dengan pola pikir dan pola perilaku masyarakat dalam karya sastra. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif yang berfokus pada analisis isi dengan menggunakan teori hegemoni Gramsci. Hasil penelitian ini adalah tokoh Sarman bukan counter-hegemonik atas ideologi kapitalisme, tetapi melalui Sarman, Seno mencoba untuk menegosiasikan agar ideologi kapitalisme menjadi ideologi kapitalisme yang sosialis dan humanis, yaitu kapitalis yang memandang manusia sebagai makhluk bermartabat dan makhluk sosial, berhak mendapatkan hak-hak yang seharusnya diperoleh. Keterkaitan tokoh Sarman dengan Seno Gumira Ajidarma sebagai pengarang, sangat jelas terlihat bahwa pengarang mengkontestasikan ideologi-ideologi kepada pembaca dan ingin menegosiasikan ideologi-ideologinya. Namun, seperti Sarman, Seno masih terjebak dalam kelompok dominan (penguasa) yang berideologi kapitalisme.
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Sasani, Samira, and Hossein Davari. "Louis Althusser and Thomas Hardy: How Victorian Ideologies Work in Under the Greenwood Tree." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 50 (March 2015): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.50.155.
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In his early novel, Under the Greenwood Tree, Thomas Hardy attempts to show the readers how the inhabitants of a small village are repressed by the ideologies the dominant class or capitalism defines for them. The aim of these suppressive programs is to oppress the individuals by making them good and subordinate subjects. Althusser calls these ideologies created by the dominant class, Ideological State Apparatuses; however, in this novel one observes how some of the subjects try to revolt against these cruel rules by defining their own ideologies. One can also recognize that how the blatant break of these ideological programs by the revolutionary subject makes the subject look weird and eventually how he/she is alienated and marginalized by the society. On the other hand, the good subjects are made to believe that following these ideologies is usual and breaking of them is synonymous with interfering with the discipline and order of nature. Brought up in the Victorian age, Hardy understands how people are controlled by the ideologies and how they subscribe to them unwisely. In this novel he shows how a new and up-date product of capitalism—the organ—is introduced to a very traditional atmosphere in order to indoctrinate new changes in it. The so-called good subjects simply believe that change is necessary and inevitable. But this change has wisely planned by the oppressive capitalist powers for whom this change means the manipulation of these docile subjects, not only by separating them from their music community but also by depriving them of their traditional music.
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Busby, Nicole, and Michelle Weldon-Johns. "Fathers as carers in UK law and policy: dominant ideologies and lived experience." Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law 41, no. 3 (June 10, 2019): 280–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649069.2019.1627085.
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Turgeon, Brianna. "A Critical Discourse Analysis of Welfare-to-Work Program Managers’ Expectations and Evaluations of Their Clients’ Mothering." Critical Sociology 44, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516654555.
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Dominant ideologies about poverty in the USA draw on personal responsibility and beliefs that a ‘culture of poverty’ creates and reproduces inequality. As the primary recipients of welfare are single mothers, discourses surrounding welfare are also influenced by dominant ideologies about mothering, namely intensive mothering. Yet, given the centrality of resources to intensive mothering, mothers on welfare are often precluded from enacting this type of parenting. In this paper, I conduct a critical discourse analysis of 69 interviews with Ohio Works First (USA) program managers to examine how welfare program managers talk about and evaluate their clients’ mothering. My findings suggest three themes regarding expectations and evaluations of clients’ mothering: (a) enacting child-centered mothering, (b) breaking out of the ‘culture of poverty’ and (c) (mis)managing childcare.
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Vorauer, Jacquie D., and Matthew S. Quesnel. "Salient Multiculturalism Enhances Minority Group Members’ Feelings of Power." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 43, no. 2 (December 20, 2016): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167216679981.
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The present research examined how messages advocating different intergroup ideologies affect outcomes relevant to minority group members’ ability to exert power in exchanges with dominant group members. We expected that salient multiculturalism would have positive implications for minority group members’ feelings of power by virtue of highlighting essential contributions they make to society, and that no such empowering effect would be evident for them in connection with alternative ideologies such as color-blindness or for dominant group members. Results across four studies involving different participant populations, operationalizations of ideology, ethnic minority groups, and experimental settings were consistent with these hypotheses and further indicated that the effects of salient multiculturalism on feelings of power had downstream implications for expectations of control in an ostensibly upcoming intergroup interaction and general goal-directed cognition.
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Metz, Mike. "Accommodating linguistic prejudice? Examining English teachers’ language ideologies." English Teaching: Practice & Critique 18, no. 1 (April 8, 2019): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/etpc-09-2018-0081.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to support the integration of scientifically grounded linguistic knowledge into language teaching in English Language Arts (ELA) classrooms through building an understanding of what teachers currently know and believe about language.Design/methodology/approachIn total, 310 high school English teachers in the USA responded to a survey about their language beliefs. Statistical analysis of responses identified four distinct constructs within their belief systems. Sub-scales were created for each construct, and hierarchical regressions helped identify key characteristics that predicted beliefs along a continuum from traditional/hegemonic to linguistically informed/counter-hegemonic.FindingsKey findings include the identification of four belief constructs: beliefs about how language reveals speaker characteristics, beliefs about how society perceives language use, beliefs about how language should be treated in schools and beliefs about the English teacher’s role in addressing language use. In general, teachers expressed counter-hegemonic beliefs for their own role and their view of speaker characteristics. They expressed hegemonic beliefs for societal perceptions and the dominant school language narrative. Taking a linguistics class was associated with counter-hegemonic beliefs, and teaching longer was associated with more hegemonic beliefs.Practical implicationsThe findings of this study suggest that the longer teachers teach within a system that promotes hegemonic language practices, the more they will align their own beliefs with those practices, despite having learned linguistic facts that contradict pervasive societal beliefs about language. The Dominant School Language Narrative currently accommodates, rather that disrupting, linguistic prejudice.Originality/valueA current understanding of teachers’ language ideologies is a key step in designing teacher professional development to help align teaching practices with established linguistic knowledge and to break down a socially constructed linguistic hierarchy based on subjective, and frequently prejudicial, beliefs.
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Liu, Hui. "Ideologies in College EFL Textbooks–A Content Analysis Based on Critical Pedagogy." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 11, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 937. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1106.09.
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The goal of college English teaching is not only to convey language knowledge and improve students’ language skills, but also closely related to the current political, economic, social and cultural realities. Its textbooks are largely a manifestation of the country’s dominant ideology and also the way the ruling class realizes social control. This study, based on Professor Apple’s theory of critical pedagogy, attempts to provide an insight into the most commonly used college EFL textbooks in Mainland China and show what and how ideologies and values are presented on the pages. Literature and content analysis methods are employed. The results reveal that the two sets of textbooks are imbued with the ideological ideas which center on the theme of "harmony", highlighting the peaceful coexistence between the country, society and individuals. Dominant ideologies have been implemented as the core spirit of textbook compilation, and the themes such as multiplicity, equality, tolerance and so on frequently appear in explicit and implicit ways. The implicitness of political ideologies, the prominence of economic development, the dominance of social issues, the awakening of individual consciousness, etc. are expressed and transmitted through EFL textbooks.
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Robin, Cynthia. "NEITHER DOPES NOR DUPES: MAYA FARMERS AND IDEOLOGY." Ancient Mesoamerica 27, no. 1 (2016): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536116000080.
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AbstractDrawing inspiration from the work and legacy of Elizabeth Brumfiel, I develop a case study about the lives and religious practices of Maya farmers at the Chan site in Belize, to demonstrate how farmers were neither the dopes, dupes, nor mystified masses of Maya state level ideologies. I use this case study to rethink anthropological theories that attempt to explain the role of state level ideologies in the production of inequality and power, particularly ideas about ideology and false consciousness that are often bundled together and referred to as the ‘dominant ideology thesis.’
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Massoud Abdelwahab, Dalia Abdelwahab. "El-Sisi’s Speech on the 47th Anniversary of the October Victory: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Arab World English Journal 12, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24093/awej/vol12no3.11.
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Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a modern branch of linguistics. The current study applies CDA to a televised speech of El-Sisi, the Egyptian president, on the 47th anniversary of October Victory in its English version. The study aims to reveal ideologies behind the publishing of the speech and its role in shaping the mentality of Egyptians. The researcher applies Fairclough’s (2014a) three-dimensional model. She also uses Halliday and Matthiessen’s (2014) metafunctions of systemic functional grammar (SFG) as the tool for analysis. The analysis is mainly qualitative. The research answers some questions. The first one is: ‘How the constructive ideologies are expressed through their linguistic structures and features in the English version of El-Sisi’s speech on the 47th of October victory ceremony?’ The second is ‘what is the explanation for including such confidential ideologies in the published English version of El-Sisi’s speech?’ A significant finding is that the delivered messages of the speech reflect some ideological orientations. The ideological orientations are affected and determined by the dominant social ideologies and the general orientation of institutions in Egypt. The study aims to help readers use their skills in analyzing any discourse systematically. The study also highlights the fundamental ideologies needed to direct Egyptians for the benefit of their country. Future researches can focus on the role of words in reflecting ideologies or the role of explicitation and implicitation techniques in conveying beliefs and confidential ideologies.
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Picower, Bree. "The unexamined Whiteness of teaching: how White teachers maintain and enact dominant racial ideologies." Race Ethnicity and Education 12, no. 2 (July 2009): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613320902995475.
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McMahon, Jenny, and Kerry R. McGannon. "The athlete–doctor relationship: power, complicity, resistance and accomplices in recycling dominant sporting ideologies." Sport, Education and Society 25, no. 1 (December 22, 2018): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13573322.2018.1561434.
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Hou, Zhide. "The American Dream Revisited: A Corpus-Driven Study." International Journal of English Linguistics 7, no. 3 (March 2, 2017): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v7n3p182.
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As a dominant ideology throughout America, the American Dream rests on the idea that with hard work and personal determination anyone, regardless of background, has equal opportunity to achieve his or her aspirations. Given the importance of the American Dream to American national identity, and the enormity of it in shaping dominant ideologies, this study explores this deeply-held belief and particular mind-set in media discourses related to the American Dream. Modeled on the approach of corpus-driven discourse analysis, and combining the framework of a sociocultual linguistic approach to identity and interaction, the article reports on a corpus-driven sociocultural discourse study which aims to discover, through the analysis of frequent lexical and semantic patterns, discursive characteristics of media discourses related to the American dream, and whether there are any changes of the American dream to American national identity and ideologies which might be developed in time and space.
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Collective on Praxis in Health Sciences Education. "Who is we? Attending to similarity and difference as discourse praxis in the university classroom." Journal of Praxis in Higher Education 2, no. 1 (July 9, 2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47989/kpdc58.
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The word we evokes ideas of both belongingness and non-belongingness through its ability to create constellations of solidarity and exclusion. In education, its use has the power to draw invisible yet substantial lines between dominant and counter-hegemonic ideologies—and teachers and students—in ways that dynamically influence the operation of power between actors. Reflections emerging from a collaborative partnership between a student, teaching assistants, and professor during an undergraduate course on sex/gender and health revealed significant opportunities for critical pedagogical practice around we. This paper analyzes how we and related terms (like they, us, them, etc.) function in the higher education classroom and offers our analysis into the possibilities of using we as a starting point for anti-oppressive and reflexive educational praxis. Ultimately, we contend that we has the potential to work as an intervention countering dominant ideologies and normative assumptions operating in the classroom.
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Tazkiyah, Destyanisa. "FORMASI IDEOLOGI DAN NEGOSIASI DALAM NOVEL JANGAN MENANGIS BANGSAKU KARYA N. MAREWO: KAJIAN HEGEMONI GRAMSCI." ALAYASASTRA 16, no. 1 (May 29, 2020): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.36567/aly.v16i1.411.
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ABSTRAKPenelitian ini menggunakan novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) karya N. Marewo sebagai objek material dan teori hegemoni Gramsci sebagai objek formalnya. Tujuan utama penelitian adalah untuk mengidentifikasi ideologi yang direpresentasikan oleh tokoh-tokoh dalam novel dan mengetahui bagaimana formasi ideologinya, serta menganalisis negosiasi ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB. Metode yang digunakan adalah deskriptif analisis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ideologi yang terdapat dalam novel JMB ialah nasionalisme, sosialisme, kapitalisme, teisme, humanisme, dan romantisme. Ideologi-ideologi tersebut saling berhubungan dan membentuk formasi ideologi yang bersifat kontradiktif, korelatif, dan subordinatif. Negosiasi ideologi dalam novel ini terjadi melalui peristiwa dan dialog antartokoh. Ideologi dominan yang terdapat dalam novel ini adalah sosialisme yang bernegosiasi dengan ideologi subaltern lainnya dan membentuk suatu hegemoni.Kata Kunci: formasi ideologi, negosiasi, hegemoni ABSTRACTThis research used novel Jangan Menangis Bangsaku (JMB) by N.Marewo as the material object and Gramsci’s hegemony theory of literature as the formal object. The main objective of the research is to identify ideologies which are represented by the characters in the novel and find out the ideology formation, and analyze the ideological negotiations that contained in the novel. The method used is descriptive analysis. The results showed that the ideologies contained in the novel JMB were nationalism, socialism, capitalism, theism, humanism, and romanticism. These ideologies are interconnected and form ideological formations that are contradictory, correlative, and subordinative. Ideological negotiation in this novel occurs through events and dialogue among characters. The dominant ideology is socialism, this ideology negotiates with other subaltern ideologies and forms a hegemony.Keywords: ideology formation, negotiation, hegemony
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Zidar, Andraž. "Russian Revolution and the International Legal System." Monitor ISH 20, no. 1 (June 13, 2018): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33700/1580-7118.20.1.69-80(2018).
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Two potent ideologies came to loggerheads after WWI: communism, which rose to the fore after the Russian revolution, and the so far dominant liberalism. At first glance the two ideologies share surprisingly similar views on the fundamental questions of the international legal system. But a more thorough look at the development of the Soviet doctrine of international law reveals some fundamental differences. The goal of the Russian revolution was to set up a worldwide socialist society, with the working class given a dominant role. This goal dissolved after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, it is possible to identify in the international legal system a positive and still valid legacy of the Russian revolution, such as the principle of the self-determination of nations, the concept of economic, social and cultural rights, the principle of public conclusion of treaties, the prohibition of aggressive war, as well as a polycentric view of the world structure.
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French, Claire. "Facilitating departures from monolingual discourses." Applied Theatre Research 9, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/atr_00045_1.
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This article locates and critiques monolingual discourses within applied performance praxis in the United Kingdom and South Africa, suggesting starting points for facilitating multilingual actors’ vast linguistic resources. Set out as a theorized reflection of praxis, I interrogate how the facilitator can draw from actors’ linguistic resources without perpetuating dominant and potentially damaging language ideologies, by which I refer to the socially shared beliefs about language that shape and are shaped by language use. I discuss the powerful language ideologies connected to so-called ‘standard’ English and constructed by dominant institutions to discover how they are reproduced in performance praxis. I also analyse performance examples engaging complex linguistic conditions related to both student and refugee groups in the United Kingdom and South Africa to discuss varied facilitation approaches in context. Through my reflection, I reveal the complexities and opportunities for the facilitator navigating the socio-culturally and politically fraught terrain of language.
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Strausz, Laszlo. "The Politics of Style in Miklóós Jancsóó's The Red and The White and The Lord's Lantern in Budapest." Film Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2009): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2009.62.3.41.
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Abstract By comparing the design of Jancsóó's mobile shots in a 1967 and a 1998 film, this essay analyzes the director's political commentary via the two films' visual style. The author argues that the filmmaker's construction of cinematic spaces is anchored to the critical depiction of dominant national ideologies.
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Lawless, Brandi, and Yea-Wen Chen. "Multicultural Neoliberalism and Academic Labor: Experiences of Female Immigrant Faculty in the U.S. Academy." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 17, no. 3 (October 5, 2016): 236–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708616672688.
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In light of limited attention to immigrant faculty (aka, international faculty) in the U.S. academy, we analyze interview discourses with 26 female immigrant faculty members from multiple disciplines working across U.S. colleges and universities. Collectively, the women’s voices converge around three primary themes pertaining to neoliberal restructuring of higher education: commodification of education, multicultural neoliberalism, and universal meritocracy. Furthermore, we explore the various ways in which cultural identities are (re)positioned by dominant ideologies of neoliberalism in the U.S. academy. Our findings develop an understanding of how neoliberal ideologies construct and reinforce marginalized identities and subjectivities at the intersection of gender, race, and immigration.
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Da Silva, Emanuel. "Humor (re)positioning ethnolinguistic ideologies: “You tink is funny?”." Language in Society 44, no. 2 (April 2015): 187–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404515000044.
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AbstractThis article examines how essentializing ideologies of language and identity in Toronto's Portuguese ethnic market, constructed as monolingual and monocultural within the larger mainstream market of English-speaking Canada, provide the background for humorous sociolinguistic performances that playfully acknowledge, reproduce, and challenge ethnolinguistic stratification. After more than sixty years, the dominant spaces of the local Portuguese market continue to exclude most Portuguese-Canadian youth by rarely legitimizing the use of English, bilingual code-switching, or ‘broken’ or ‘Azorean’ Portuguese. By choosing YouTube as a space in which to engage audiences in ideologies of language and identity through performances of sociolinguistic caricatures, three young Portuguese-Canadian amateur comedians negotiate sociolinguistic boundaries with an ambivalent agency. The mocking performances are legitimized by the performers' in-group status and reveal, among other things, how a stigmatized variety of Azorean Portuguese and certain ethnolinguistic stereotypes can be reappropriated and reinforced relative to sociolinguistic hierarchies. (Language ideologies, ethnic humor, performativity, heteroglossia)*
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Horton, Peter A. "Dominant ideologies and their role in the establishment of rugby union football in Victorian Queensland." International Journal of the History of Sport 11, no. 1 (April 1994): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369408713851.
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Cerón, Alejandro. "Anthropology of Epidemics in Emergency and Normal Times in Guatemala." Practicing Anthropology 39, no. 4 (September 1, 2017): 6–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.39.4.6.
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Studying epidemics provides a privileged window for examining broader questions of social inequalities and the ways in which institutions reproduce or transform them. However, focusing just on the epidemic crisis during emergencies fails to acknowledge that the very definition of an epidemic depends on the work of epidemiologists during the times when there are no ongoing declared epidemic emergencies. During the inter-crisis periods, epidemiologists work on defining what will count as an epidemiological emergency in the future and how it will be addressed. At the same time, epidemiologists' work is defined by the dominant ideologies of epidemiology in a specific context. Therefore, in order to understand the epidemiologic crisis, one should also study epidemiologic work in normal times and the underlying ideologies that define it. In this paper, I contrast the work of Guatemalan epidemiologists during epidemic crisis and in “normal” times. I argue that both kinds of work are linked through the ideologies of epidemiology they embody.
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Bertoldo, Raquel, Séverin Guignard, Lionel Dany, and Thémis Apostolidis. "Health is in the Eye of the Beholder." Swiss Journal of Psychology 76, no. 2 (March 2017): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1421-0185/a000192.
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Abstract. The field of health practices is one in which broader cultural ideologies are expressed as well as one subjected to social regulations legitimized through widely valued and shared standards taken from mundane perceptions. In this research, we investigated how cultural ideologies, here operationalized as social norms, influence people’s perceptions of the state of health and health behavior of others. These perceptions were investigated in two independent studies using impression-management tasks. The participants were asked to judge a target with respect to socially valued characteristics that were not directly related to health: attractiveness (Study 1) and future orientation (Study 2). We found that broader and implicit ideologies indeed had an influence on the participants’ perceptions of the targets’ general state of health and participants’ attributions of health behaviors to the targets. Our results invite a more systematic analysis of the relationships between dominant sets of values and norms and health-related perceptions of others.
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Davies-Deacon, Merryn. "Names, Varieties and Ideologies in Revived Cornish." Studia Celtica Posnaniensia 2, no. 1 (August 28, 2017): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scp-2017-0005.
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Abstract The attribution of names is a significant process that often highlights concerns over identity, ideology and ownership. Within the fields of minority languages and Celtic Studies, such concerns are especially pertinent given that the identities in question are frequently perceived as under threat from dominant cultures. The effect of concerns caused by this can be examined with reference to revived Cornish, which became divided into three major varieties in the later twentieth century; by examining the names of these varieties, we can draw conclusions about how they are perceived, or we are invited to perceive them. The motivations of those involved in the Cornish language revival are equally reflected in the names of the organisations and bodies they have formed, which equally contribute to the legitimation of revived Cornish. This paper examines both these categories of name, as well as the phenomenon of Kernowisation, a term coined by Harasta (2013) to refer to the adoption of Cornish personal names, and here extended to the use of Cornish names in otherwise English-language contexts. Examining the names that have been implemented during the Cornish language revival, and the ways in which they are used or indeed refused by those involved, gives us an insight into the various ideologies that steer the revival process. Within the context of the precarious nature of Cornish and Celtic identity, we can identify the concerns of those involved in the Cornish revival movement and highlight the role of naming as an activity of legitimation, showing how the diversity of names that occur reflects an equally diverse range of motivations and influences.
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Martínez-Delgado Veiga, María. "‘It doesn’t meet the requirements of violence or intimidation’. A discursive study of judgments of sexual abuse." Feminismo/s, no. 38 (July 13, 2021): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/fem.2021.38.09.
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This study delves into the main discourses found in five sexual abuse judgments, in different Spanish Courts. The analysis employs Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis in order to explore the topic of sexual violence, its understanding, and the dominant discourses revealed in these judgments of sexual abuse, and to investigate the way rape cases are treated discursively in Court from a feminist perspective. The dominant discourses found have been those of sexuality; inaction of the survivor; and lack of violence and/or intimidation. Unravelling these hidden ideologies and relationships of power is crucial to give us a better awareness of the dominant ideas surrounding violence against women.
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Balkιlιç, Özgür, and Deniz Dölek. "Turkish nationalism at its beginning: Analysis of Türk Yurdu, 1913–1918." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 316–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.752353.
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Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy.
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Kuts, Halyna. "CLASSICAL CONSERVATISM AS A POLITICAL IDEOLOGY: DOMINANT IDEAS AND HEURISTIC POTENTIAL." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.91-97.
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The purpose of this article is to identify the dominant ideas of the discourse of classical conservatism as a political ideology, which are applicable in the modern political and ideological process. The article presents the consideration of the ideology of conservatism in comparison with other classical ideologies (liberalism and socialism) and highlighted the key features of conservatism. The methodological basis of the article was the set of scientific and special methods of political science. The research methodology is based, in particular, on such scientific principles as the unity of historical and logical, the ascent from the Abstract to the concrete, objectivity, consistency, principles of analysis and synthesis and the like. Using system method the analysis of conservatism as a whole system with a complex structure. In the context of the comparative method, we carried out the selection of the dominant ideas of the discourse of conservatism. In particular, using comparativistic approach highlighted the basic criteria of the distinction between conservatism and other classical political ideologies (I.Wallerstein, K.Manheim, F.A. von Hayek, etc. ). In the ideological field of conservatism — despite the powerful Arsenal of fundamental principles — ably offers a conceptual «recipes» that are composed of ideas, which are able to optimally adapt on the specific historical and political realities. That is, even today, the ideas of conservatism inherent in heuristic potential. In particular, the ideas of the evolutionary interpretation of social progress; the sharp rejection of the radical actions and extremism; awareness of the importance of the irrational components in public life and lack of desire to fix it by administrative measures, etc. in addition, it is understood that private property is inviolable. Conservatism attaches great importance to the spontaneously established institutions (for example, language, morality, customs, values, etc. ). Also very interesting are the ideas about what you should not place undue worry problem the required leverage limit managerial power. According to conservatives, more importance should be given to entities that will use them.
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Duckles, Joyce M., and Joanne Larson. "Challenging Dominant Discourses across Geographies in Early Childhood." Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 12, no. 4 (January 1, 2011): 310–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/ciec.2011.12.4.310.
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Meyers & Kroeger situate two young writers in current ideologies of childhood and literacy and argue for creating dialogic classroom spaces in which children can be recognized by themselves, other children, and teachers as literate. Duckles & Larson build on the authors' attention to the potential constraints of dominant discourses and highlight the role of researchers to uncover and document spaces in which they are being challenged. From a study of the everyday science practices of 17 families with young children, they present evidence of parents and children challenging dominant cultural autonomous models of science that dichotomize school and everyday science, that situate pathways to success only in schools, and situate young children (and many adults) as peripheral and passive participants. The contested spaces of these homes can provide insights into how to support hybrid practices and create pathways to successful engagement with science across multiple geographies and across the lifespan. The authors build on Meyers & Kroeger's call for locating and creating spaces where dominant developmental beliefs and traditional roles are disrupted and for transforming discourses to include ideological views of science, of literacy, and of young children.
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Foulidi, Xanthippi, George Katsadoros, and Evangelos C. Papakitsos. "Customary Practices and Symbolisms at Worship Events in a Virtual Religious Community." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 7 (August 7, 2020): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i7.1712.
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The present research in the context of Digital Folklore focuses on cultural practices and symbolisms existing at worship events in a digital environment. The method of online ethnography reveals customary practices of dominant beliefs, ideologies, behaviours, social actions, internalized patterns of behaviour, etc. that are formed during worship events in the religious digital community of the Anglican Church.
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Lodge, Wilton. "Confronting repressive ideologies with critical pedagogy in science classrooms." Cultural Studies of Science Education 16, no. 2 (June 2021): 609–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11422-021-10047-7.
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AbstractThe focus of this response to Arthur Galamba and Brian Matthews’s ‘Science education against the rise of fascist and authoritarian movements: towards the development of a Pedagogy for Democracy’ is to underpin a critical pedagogy that can be used as a counterbalancing force against repressive ideologies within science classrooms. Locating science education within the traditions of critical pedagogy allows us to interrogate some of the historical, theoretical, and practical contradictions that have challenged the field, and to consider science learning as part of a wider struggle for social justice in education. My analysis draws specifically on the intellectual ideas of Paulo Freire, whose work continues to influence issues of theoretical, political, and pedagogical importance. A leading social thinker in educational practice, Freire rejected the dominant hegemonic view that classroom discourse is a neutral and value-free process removed from the juncture of cultural, historical, social, and political contexts. Freire’s ideas offer several themes of relevance to this discussion, including his banking conception of education, dialog and conscientization, and teaching as a political activity. I attempt to show how these themes can be used to advance a more socially critical and democratic approach to science teaching.
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Lambrechts, L., and M. Viljoen. "Afrikaanse vryheidsliedjies as herkonstruksie van Afrikaneridentiteit: ’n ideologies-kritiese perspektief." Literator 31, no. 2 (July 13, 2010): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v31i2.50.
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Afrikaans freedom songs as a reconstruction of Afrikaner identity Media polemics that centred on Afrikaner identity and language proliferated in Afrikaans newspapers of the early 2000s. It illustrates that although more than a decade has passed since democratisation, identity politics are still an important South African topic and renegotiation therefore continues. This article discusses the role of Afrikaans freedom songs as a reconstruction of white Afrikaner identity with the specific aim of establishing a point of departure for an ideology-critical theorising of the topic. In this regard, the interpretative tools of metaphor analysis and ideology critique of Johann Visagie (1996) are applied within the broader framework of the so-called Critical Theory. The five dominant postapartheid narratives recorded by Melissa Steyn (2001) serve as starting point for this study. The selection of freedom songs is related to specific constructions of “whiteness” portrayed in the mentioned narratives.
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Dahlberg-Dodd, Hannah E. "Voices of the hero: dominant masculine ideologies through the speech of Japanese shōnen protagonists." Gender and Language 12, no. 3 (July 14, 2017): 346–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/genl.32536.
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Nchia, Yimbu Emmanuel. "“New People, New Style, Old Dance”: An Analysis of the Dominant Ideologies in Bate Besong’s Plays." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v4i2.321.
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Borrowed from Ayi Kwei Armah’s The Beautiful Ones are Not Yet Born, the notion of ‘New People, New Style, Old Dance” is a perfect description of the kind and type of leadership that characterizes post independent Africa as exemplified in the plays of Bate Besong. This paper x-rays the parasitic nature of leadership politics in Besong’s plays and argues amongst other issues that the dreams of independence were all deferred with the accession to power by the neo-colonialist. It further stresses that the political transition of power from the colonial to the neo-colonial regime was a mere changed of political actors and tactics but the doctrine of oppression, exploitation, corruption and embezzlement amongst many other social vices still remained unchanged. Like their predecessors, these leaders perceived power as an opportunity for personal gains and not for the benefit of all and sundry.
From a Marxist critical paradigm, the analysis in this paper validates the Marxist dictum that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely (Emerich, 1887.1902). Besong’s plays in terms of ideology can rightly be considered as a dramatization of the excesses of autocratic leadership, conceived, spear headed and master minded by a group of beastlike (or Zombie) creatures with absolutely no concern for the suffering masses. Also, that his plays capture and dramatize the grimness and futility of the human condition in postcolonial Cameroon in particular and Africa at large. Furthermore, the analyses reveal that Africa’s leadership is responsible for the inability of the continent to emancipate itself from poverty, epidemics and persistent diseases. As a result, a continent rich in natural and human resources is continuously characterize by coup d’états, civil wars and social unrests because the wealth of the nation is at the mercy of a few elites while the rest of the citizenry suffer in abject poverty. Besong therefore as a ‘writer in postcolonial politics’ frowns at autocratic leadership and his plays suggest that Cameroon in particular and African as a whole need a new set of leaders with a decolonized mindset as conditions sine qua non for their emancipation from physical and mental oppression, corruption and exploitation.
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Susen, Simon. "Towards a Critical Sociology of Dominant Ideologies: An Unexpected Reunion between Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski." Cultural Sociology 10, no. 2 (November 5, 2015): 195–246. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975515593098.
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