Relevant bibliographies by topics / Dominant-party systems

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Dominant-party systems'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Burchard, Stephanie. "You Have to Know Where to Look in Order to Find It: Competitiveness in Botswana's Dominant Party System." Government and Opposition 48, no. 1 (2012): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.1.

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Dominant party systems are defined by a lack of party alternation at the national level; however, dominant party systems do not inherently preclude electoral competition at the macro level, the micro level, or both. Nonetheless, little systematic work has documented the competitiveness of elections under a dominant party system. This article describes the nature of competition under one of sub-Saharan Africa's most enduring dominant party systems, Botswana. By examining electoral outcomes at the constituency level, this article demonstrates that elections in Botswana produce significant levels of competition, especially when compared to other sub-Saharan countries. Furthermore, electoral competitiveness appears unrelated to the party system at large: namely, competitiveness is no less or greater under dominant party systems than under multiparty systems.
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Trantidis, Aris. "Clientelism and the classification of dominant party systems." Democratization 22, no. 1 (2013): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2013.825608.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Dominant Party Systems and Electoral Volatility in Africa." Party Politics 14, no. 1 (2008): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807083825.

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Karume, Shumbana. "Party Systems in the SADC Region: In Defence of the Dominant Party System." Journal of African elections 3, no. 1 (2004): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2004/v3i1a3.

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Bogaards, Matthijs. "Counting parties and identifying dominant party systems in Africa." European Journal of Political Research 43, no. 2 (2004): 173–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2004.00150.x.

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GREENE, KENNETH F. "Opposition Party Strategy and Spatial Competition in Dominant Party Regimes." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 7 (2002): 755–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035007001.

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This article provides a non-formal modification of the standard spatial model of party competition to make it more applicable to the study of opposition parties in dominant party systems in transition. Dominant parties' virtual monopoly over resources forces challengers to rely on activist-based strategies. Challengers then face the problem of balancing programmatically radical activists against the moderate preference of the median voter. The article shows that opposition parties' programmatic locations depend on the number of competing parties. Contrary to standard expectations, it finds that two-party competition between the incumbent and one challenger produces a center-fleeing strategy by the challenger, whereas three-party competition between the incumbent and two challengers yields center-seeking strategies by both challengers. The second half of the article applies this modified model to the case of Mexico. Data come from in-depth interviews, electoral returns, public opinion polls, and original sample surveys of national party leaders and activists.
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SAKAIYA, SHIRO, and KENTARO MAEDA. "Explaining the Breakdown of Dominant Party Systems: Party Splits and the Mechanisms of Factional Bargaining." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (2014): 397–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000164.

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AbstractThis paper presents an explanation for the breakdown of dominant party systems. In contrast to previous works that examine how ruling parties lose their dominant position as a result of interparty competition, this paper focuses on how they are undermined from within by factional conflict. Through an overview of dominant party systems in the postwar world, we show that most of the ruling parties suffered from major splits that significantly reduced their electoral strengths before their final electoral defeat. In order to explain why large groups of politicians decide to leave dominant parties that are likely to remain in power, we develop simple game-theoretic models of intraparty bargaining between party factions over the distribution of benefits from office. Our results suggest two mechanisms through which dominant parties break up. First, factional defections from dominant parties are likely to occur when they are experiencing a significant decline in public support. Second, factional defections are likely to occur when a non-mainstream faction is rapidly losing its bargaining power against the party leadership. Importantly, our results show that under certain conditions, dominant parties will break up even when their electoral prospects are much better than the opposition. We briefly discuss how these mechanisms can be applied to actual cases of dominant party systems.
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Langfield, Danielle. "Opposition Growth in Dominant Party Systems: Coalitions in South Africa." Government and Opposition 49, no. 2 (2013): 290–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2013.31.

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What is responsible for the decline of democratically dominant parties and the corresponding growth of competitive party systems? This article argues that, despite a ruling party's dominance, opposition forces can gain by winning important subnational offices and then creating a governance record that they can use to win new supporters. It focuses on South Africa as a paradigmatic dominant party system, tracing the increased competitiveness of elections in Cape Town and the surrounding Western Cape province between 1999 and 2010. These events show how party strategies may evolve, reflecting how party elites can learn from forming coalitions.
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Kovacevic, Despot. "The impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems: A comparative analysis of the countries of the former SFRY." Sociologija 62, no. 3 (2020): 354–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2003354k.

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Party systems represent parts of political systems which arise as a result of interactions between political parties. Party relations produce characteristics which place a particular party system within the typology of party systems. A number of factors can be considered in explaining the nature of party competition, most often placed within the categories of institutional and sociostructural factors. This paper analyses the impact of full and partial social cleavages on party systems. Given that the theory of social cleavages has proved insufficient in explaining party differences and the dynamics of party systems, especially in new democracies, we will improve the analysis by including the concept of partial social cleavages. This research shows the unequivocal influence of dominant social cleavages on the situation and changes in party systems. Although in some cases no changes in the type of party system have occurred, it can be concluded that exactly in those cases there exist permanent and ingrained social cleavages, but also partial cleavages which affect the relations in the party system at the given time. Identity issues stand out as the dominant topic in political competition, especially in the countries where ethnic relations have not been resolved.
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Ishiyama, John, and Anna Batta. "The emergence of dominant political party systems in unrecognized states." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (2012): 123–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.03.006.

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In this paper, we address the question of why in some de facto states something like “dominant party” politics has emerged, whereas in others there at least appears some form of real political competition. We empirically assess some of the commonly cited factors that affect the character of politics within de facto states (the wealth of the entity, the militarization of society, the level of ethnic homogeneity, and political institutional features). Using Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), a method developed specifically to deal with the “small N problem” in empirical inquiry, we apply this framework to 13 post-secessionist unrecognized states.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Cole, Eric Jacobson. "Do southern Africa’s dominant-party systems affect popular attitudes?" Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13665.

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Among the most distinctive features of Southern African politics is the region’s preponderance of one-party dominant systems. Considerable effort has been made to explain the unusual phenomenon with some analysts emphasizing the potential of such imbalances of power to undermine the effectiveness of a democracy’s institutions. However, political science has only just begun to study the repercussions the status quo may have for political culture in the region. Using survey data collected across the continent, this paper shifts the focus to this unexplored link between dominance and culture, aiming to shed some light on the relationship by studying the effect dominant party systems have on three specific political attitudes in Africa: demand for democracy, evaluation of the supply of democracy, and pluralism. The academic literature on Southern Africa’s dominant party systems has produced a theoretical distinction between two types of dominance. On the one hand is simple dominance, characterized only by long-term electoral success by a single party. On the other hand is dominance by parties who emerged from national liberation movements. Some analysts have argued that the ideological orientation of liberation parties and their unique claim to the right to rule renders them incompatible with essential features of democracy. This paper investigates the possibility that these distinct varieties of dominance have distinct effects on political attitudes. The results of the analyses conducted here offer strong evidence that dominant party systems do have implications for mass attitudes. Further, this research finds strong support for the argument that the nature of a party’s dominance matters, as means comparisons and regression analyses showed that the effects of dominance on popular attitudes were considerably stronger in systems where the dominant party was descended from a national liberation movement.
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Langfield, Danielle. "Harbingers of Change? Subnational Politics in Dominant Party Systems." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1281844841.

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Al-Azzawi, Fathl A. Ahmad. "The party systems in the Third World countries : a study of the phenomenon of the dominant party system, with special reference to the Tunisian experience." Thesis, Keele University, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306115.

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Oseni, Babatunde Adetayo. "One-party dominant systems and constitutional democracy in Africa : a comparative study of Nigeria and South Africa." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14212.

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Democratization is a fragile process, easily reversed when and where its advance is most recent. African countries present particular challenges to democratization, given generally low levels of economic and social development, often combined with ethnic and cultural fractionalization. Debates about democratization have not been sufficiently developed with the African context in mind. In particular, assessment of the effects of presidential systems on democratization has not been sensitively applied to African cases where most regimes are Presidential. Moreover, a particular feature of African democracy, the dominant party within a multi-party system, also raises questions that have not been so pertinent elsewhere. Debates about the merits and demerits of electoral system options for democratic consolidation also require more empirical analysis in Africa. This study is based on the assumption that debates about the relationship between political institutions and democratization in Africa can only be advanced by recognition of the interactions that can be identified between the institutions of presidential, parliamentary and party systems, particularly within the dynamics of one-party dominance. Empirical leverage takes advantage of an important case with a parliamentary system and proportional representation: South Africa. The most appropriate comparator from the Presidential and majoritarian camp is Nigeria. These are the two largest and most important states in Africa, sharing a British colonial heritage and a federal system and each dominated by a single party for about two decades. The thesis conceptualizes democratization in terms of legitimation and institutionalization. Legitimation focuses on the micro-level: the quality of elections and the voting process, the presence or absence of government-sponsored violence or coercion, the extent of public confidence in politicians and public support for democratic principles and practices. Institutionalization is focused at the macro-level: elite compliance to constitutional norms, political accountability, and the absence of violent intervention against the state, by the military or other internal forces. The thesis finds that leadership transitions within the parties take place with more accountability in South Africa than Nigeria. While corruption is a problem in both countries, it is more pervasive and there are more incentives to generate it in Nigeria due to a combination of the candidate-centred nature of politics, the country’s great dependence on oil exports, and its lower accountability in leadership transitions. Mechanisms to promote consensus politics differ in both countries and within-party arrangements call into question an assumption that one-party government is necessarily majoritarian. Although the process of legitimation has advanced well in both countries, they share many problems associated with lack of development. The main threat to democracy in Nigeria lies partly in the mutual distrust occasioned by the unsettled issues of ‘power rotation’, ‘resource sharing’ as well as the widening economic disparity between regional blocs of the principally Islamic North and largely Christian South with possible central state responses that might increase rather than reduce the conflicts, while in South Africa the threat lies in the high level of inequality between the white and black communities. Radical political action to address this inequality might increase the already high level of violence in the country. Such tension could ultimately lead to the break-up of the ANC, but an end to dominant-party politics in South Africa could as well destabilise rather than consolidate democracy. Similarly, in Nigeria, a break-up of the PDP, which has been nearly made possible due to a crisis of confidence in an ‘elite consensus’ on power rotation among the regional blocs, could as well constitute a threat to democratic consolidation and national integration.
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Rosenzweig, Leah R. "Community carrots and social sticks : why the poor vote in a dominant-party system." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118219.

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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 167-176).
In dominant-party states, why do individuals vote in elections with foregone conclusions when they are neither bought nor coerced? It is especially curious in these cases why the rural poor decide to cast their ballots. I posit that communities that collectively rely on the government for public services foster social norms of voting to influence turnout. Motivated by the perception that regimes reward high turnout areas with public goods, communities use esteem "carrots" and social "sticks" to overcome free-rider incentives and increase the likelihood of receiving services. The norm is strongest in less politically-competitive areas, precisely where the puzzle of participation is most obvious. At the individual level, those who rely on their local community for non-material goods, such as information and kinship, are more likely to comply with the norm in order to secure their access to these social benefits. Findings from a lab-in-the-field voting experiment in rural Tanzania indicate a strong influence of the social norm of voting. In the experiment, when turnout is public to their neighbors, respondents are 11 percentage points more likely to vote, compared to when they are in private. The theory, which applies broadly to many patronage-based regimes, explains how communities sustain social norms of voting even when elections lack legitimacy, elucidating the paradox of high turnout in dominant-party systems.
by Leah R. Rosenzweig.
Ph. D.
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Wilkins, Sam. "The dominant party system in Uganda : subnational competition and authoritarian survival in the 2016 elections." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cba1f2e5-cc83-4c9d-a0f3-ca065da0b98f.

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This thesis studies the authoritarian dominant party system in Uganda during the 2016 general election. It focuses on how subnational competition within the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) prolongs the tenure of its leader, 30-year incumbent President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. In three districts where the NRM has been historically strong - Kyenjojo, Kayunga, and Bugiri - the thesis traces three processes to this end: the decentralisation and localisation of accountability politics away from the regime and toward expendable local politicians (H1); the relationship between local elite rivalry and the NRM's collective mobilisation for Museveni's simultaneous re-election (H2); and how competitive electoral pressures on NRM MPs alter the national elite bargain in the president's favour (H3). It concludes that in strong NRM areas, the fractious divisions that characterise intra-party competition are not a by-product of its near monopolistic domination of politics, but the very basis of that dominance. This emphasis on subnational intra-party competition brings a new variable into a literature on non-democratic survival that tends to focus on more narrowly coercive and clientelist regime strategies. The thesis presents this argument in a qualitative single case study driven by an open and inductive fieldwork component throughout the 2016 election period. Its three hypotheses are built on data from interviews (with voters and elites), ethnographic observations, official data, and secondary sources. This data is used in a process-tracing design before its conclusions are fortified by a subnational comparative analysis of the election results in the three case districts.
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Chaverri, Iván Anselmo Acuña. "Poder e conflito na estrutura organizacional do Partido Liberación Nacional da Costa Rica : 1990 a 2010." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1011.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5118.pdf: 2349984 bytes, checksum: f7f2dd9acdf4457bdb79a46f937a8405 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-24
Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos
The project aims to investigate the distribution of power, their reproduction and their implications in the organization of the National Liberation Party (PLN) in Costa Rica, during the period 1990-2010. In a context characterized by changes in the party system and the electoral system in Costa Rica, the PLN was affected by deep divisions, motivated by personal and ideological interests. The intraparty struggle for control of the lines of authority meant a challenge to the power structure and the party's electoral aspirations. In front of the crisis, the dominant coalition that takes control of the party manages to reverse the situation, making to adapt the party to environmental conditions by controlling areas of uncertainty, and co-opting groups that confronted the intraparty fight. Strengthening the party organization, the dominant coalition succeeded to secure their survival and organizational stability.
O projeto tem como objetivo investigar a distribuição do poder, sua reprodução e as implicações destas na organização do Partido Liberación Nacional (PLN) da Costa Rica, durante o período 1990-2010. Em um contexto marcado por mudanças no sistema partidário e no sistema eleitoral costarriquenho, o PLN foi afetado por divisões profundas, motivadas por interesses pessoais e ideológicos. A luta intrapartidária pelo controle das linhas de autoridade significou um desafio para a estrutura de poder e para as aspirações eleitorais do partido. Em frente da crise, a coalizão dominante que toma o controle do partido consegue reverter a situação, conseguindo adaptar o partido às condições ambientais, controlando as zonas de incerteza, e cooptando os grupos que confrontou na luta intrapartidária. Fortalecendo a organização partidária, a coalizão dominante conseguiu garantir sua sobrevivência e estabilidade organizativa.
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Hällstrand, Dorcas. "Master’s Thesis in Political Science Democratization in southern Africa: Process and Challenges : A case study of Zimbabwe’s divergent path in its democratic transition." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-35030.

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Despite promising prospects to transition towards a democracy after attaining its independence in 1980, Zimbabwe somehow fell into authoritarian rule and became increasingly undemocratic compared to other countries in southern Africa. Therefore, this thesis seeks to understand why a “most likely” case of democratization in the region failed and instead slipped into authoritarianism between 1980 and 2000. The single case study investigates a set of elite level dynamics, using components of process tracing and case study techniques. The analysis is built upon a theoretical framework focusing on dimensions of power dynamics in terms of Bratton’s power capture, power division and power sharing along with Svolik’s politics of authoritarian rule and the dominant party system. The research indicates that the political party Zanu-Pf, under the leadership of Mugabe, has dominated the political arena since the first democratic elections of 1980. With the help of the party’s majority, the ruling elites captured, divided, shared and controlled power; to serve authoritarian ends that ensured regime survival at the expense of democracy.
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Hsu, Chia-Yu. "The Development of Dominant Parties and Party Systems – Taiwan as a Case Study." Thesis, 2012. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/974812/6/Hsu_MA_F2012.pdf.

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Of the emerging democracies in the 20th century, Taiwan demonstrates itself as a distinguished case as its pre-authoritarian party, the Kuomintang (KMT), was able to prolong its rule in the government after regime transition from authoritarian regime to democracy. According to scholars of dominant parties and party systems, Taiwan's dominant party, the KMT, existed in a dominant party system because it was able to defeat the opposition party, the DPP, until 2000 even after martial law was lifted in 1987. The existing literature investigates the factors of the development of political parties and how it links to the literature which discusses the development of dominant parties and party systems. From the discussion, I argue five factors are the cause of the development of the KMT one-party dominance including 1) social influence from the U.S., 2) the KMT’s ability of crisis management in 1971 event, 3) the development of voting behaviors affected by generational social experiences, 4) the effect of SNTV system on the development of political parties, 5) the effect of the leadership, Lee Teng-Hui, on the KMT’s party internal structure. We found that these five factors confirm our suggesting theories
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De, Jager Nicola. "Voice and accountability in one party dominant systems : a comparative case study of Mexico and South Africa." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24736.

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This thesis examines the impact of one party dominant systems on liberal democracy in developing countries. It is insufficient to argue that one party dominant systems – systems where one party dominates over a prolonged period - need not be further scrutinised because they occur within democracies. Instead it is contended that the term ‘democracy’ is but one public virtue in a political system and thus needs to be prefixed for it to have meaning beyond a method of government selection. The importance of this is highlighted when looking at two major trends in the understanding of democracy. The first is democracy as rule by the people -a non-authoritarian democracy- where governmental control is limited, and agents of voice and accountability are protected. Voice and accountability refers to citizens being able to exercise power over the process of decision-making and not merely power to select decision-makers. The second type of democracy is rule for the people -an authoritarian democracy- where governmental control extends over all spheres of society, and the operating space for agents of voice and accountability is constrained. Since unchecked centralisation is the anti-thesis of a non-authoritarian democracy, the observed tendency of dominant parties to use their predominant position to further consolidate their control is a concern. The apprehension is, as power is centralised so the operating space of agents of voice and accountability (including political and civil society) is constrained. Despite differences in the type of one party dominant system, whether they be hegemonic (Mexico) or dominant (South Africa) the ruling dominant/ hegemonic party uses similar methods of consolidating dominance – they essentially centralise power through the establishment of (1) economic, (2) political, and sometimes (3) ideological monopolies. These monopolies are established using internal and external methods of control (centralising of political power; party controlled process of political leadership selection; institutional arrangements and electoral amendments, which favour the ruling party; patronage and corporatism), which in turn effectively close down or limit the operating space of civil and political society, especially in developing countries which do not have histories of liberal-constitutionalism, and have vast socio-economic inequalities making them especially susceptible to the manipulation of ruling elites. Although one party dominant systems may initially have a uniting, stabilising effect, if continued they tend to lead towards either the entrenchment of authoritarianism or the establishment of authoritarianism, since dominance is achieved at the expense of competition, and independent and alternative voices. Uncompetitive democracies result in unresponsive governments. Pursuing a liberal democracy, while simultaneously monopolising power is to indulge in serious programmatic contradictions. Eventually something has to give and it is usually liberal democracy. Voice and accountability inevitably become inhibited in one party dominant systems due to the mechanisms of internal and external control used by the dominant or hegemonic party. These mechanisms of control culminate in, as they did in Mexico, there being ‘no life outside the ruling party’. Only when the economic, political and ideological monopolies are dismantled through either economic liberalisation, opposition maintaining its integrity, civil society keeping its independence and societies refusing to be drawn into relationships of patronage, can the space for voice and accountability be prised open again. In the interests of its citizens and the future success of its country, the ruling party of a one party dominant system needs to recognise that it is not the sole channel for the voice of its citizens and to acknowledge the space for agents of voice and accountability. Ensuring that non-authoritarian democracy remains the only game in town in a one party dominant system requires responsive and accountable government and effective agents of voice and accountability.
Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Books on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Simutanyi, Neo R. One-party dominance and democracy in Zambia: Studies on political parties and democracy. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2008.

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Aalen, Lovise. Ethnic federalism in a dominant party state: The Ethiopian experience 1991-2000. Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2002.

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, ed. Party systems in the SADC Region: In defence of the dominant party system. Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2004.

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Nafey, Abdul. Dominant party democracy: Political process in Mexico. Trans Asia Publications, 1987.

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1957-, Rimanelli Marco, ed. Comparative democratization and peaceful change in single-party-dominant countries. St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. Public policies and elections: An empirical analysis of voters-parties relationship under one party dominance. Dept. of Japanese Studies, National University of Singapore, 1989.

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Simutanyi, Neo R. The tendency towards one-party dominance: Democratic struggles and the electoral process in Zambia. s.n., 1997.

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Friend or foe?: Dominant party systems in Southern Africa : insights from the developing world. United Nations University Press, 2013.

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Csizmadia, Ervin. Uralkodó párt: A Fidesz nemzetközi és hazai történeti összehasonlításban. Gondolat, 2021.

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One-party dominance in African democracies. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Makgala, Christian John, and Shane Mac Giollabhuí. "Botswana: Presidential Ambitions, Party Factions and the Durability of a Dominant Party." In Party Systems and Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137011718_4.

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van Eerd, Jonathan. "Explanations for Different Opposition Competitiveness Degrees in African Dominant Party Systems." In The Quality of Democracy in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50838-2_3.

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Hackenesch, Christine. "The Initial Puzzle: Why Governments in Dominant Party Systems Engage with the EU on Good Governance Reform, or Not." In The EU and China in African Authoritarian Regimes. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63591-0_2.

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Berhanu, Kassahun. "Parliament and Dominant Party System in Ethiopia." In African Parliaments. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403979308_9.

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Smyth, Regina. "State intervention and Russia's frozen dominant party system." In Routledge Handbook of Russian Politics and Society, 2nd ed. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003218234-13.

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Díaz-Cayeros, Alberto, and Beatriz Magaloni. "Mexico: Designing Electoral Rules by a Dominant Party." In The Handbook of Electoral System Choice. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522749_6.

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Dochartaigh, Niall Ó. "Beyond the dominant party system: the transformation of party politics in Northern Ireland." In The Politics of Conflict and Transformation. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003220909-2.

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Khator, Renu. "The Political Party System of India: From One-Party Dominance to No-Party Dominance." In Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries. Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-38515-7_13.

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Khator, Renu. "The Political Party System of India: From One-Party Dominance to No-Party Dominance." In Comparative Democratization and Peaceful Change in Single-Party-Dominant Countries. Palgrave Macmillan US, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312292676_13.

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van Eerd, Jonathan. "The Conceptualization of Opposition Competitiveness and Its Significance for Dominant Party System Responsiveness." In The Quality of Democracy in Africa. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50838-2_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Cao Jie and Pan Peng. "Recognize the most dominant person in multi-party meetings using nontraditional features." In 2010 IEEE International Conference on Intelligent Computing and Intelligent Systems (ICIS 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icicisys.2010.5658665.

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Grudinin, Nikita. "THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF THE UNITED RUSSIA PARTY AS A PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY PARTY." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practices. Publishing Center RIOR, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02090-6-0-45-51.

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The multiparty system in Russia continues to develop, but the status of the parliamentary majority political party has not yet been legally regulated. The aim of the study is to substantiate the expediency of developing a multi-party system in Russia with one dominant party, as well as to consolidate the constitutional and legal status of «United Russia» as the parliamentary majority party. As a result of the research the conclusion is made that the parliamentary majority party should be defined as a political party that has an absolute or constitutional majority in the State Duma of the current convocation. Such a party, according to the author of the article, should get a real opportunity to determine at least half of personal composition of ministers of the Government of the Russian Federation.
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Kuba, Ondřej, and Jan Stejskal. "The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study." In 2nd International Conference on Business, Management and Finance. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icbmf.2019.11.776.

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In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.
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Jeglic, Franci. "Analysis of Ruptures and Trends on Major Canadian Pipeline Systems." In 2004 International Pipeline Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/ipc2004-0272.

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The number of ruptures per year is one of the National Energy Board’s (the Board) measures of safety performance of the federally regulated oil and gas pipelines. This measure was examined and analyzed over twenty, ten, and five years with respect to the rupture causes, ignitions, fatalities, injuries, pipeline age, in-line inspections, and the Board’s safety interventions. There were forty-six ruptures over the twenty-year period, twenty-three over the ten-year period, and seven over the five-year period (Ref. 1 and 2) on the 43,000 km of the regulated pipelines. The average time from the pipeline installation to the time of rupture for the time-dependent rupture mechanisms is twenty-eight years. There were three fatalities and fourteen injuries caused by the ruptures of the federally regulated pipelines over the past twenty years. Ruptures associated with fires of the gas and high vapour pressure pipelines caused most of the fatalities and injuries. The dominant rupture causes are external corrosion, stress corrosion cracking, and third-party damage in this order of magnitude. The pipelines that ruptured during the last five years were internally inspected. The in-line inspection tools could not properly detect the defects that caused the ruptures. Regulatory interventions, such as public inquires, Board Orders, and regulatory requirements, have reduced the number of ruptures due to the targeted cause. The number of ruptures and safety consequences associated with them have decreased over the last ten years.
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DOMLESKY, ANYA. "Infrastructure Corridors: Leveraging Linear Systems for Public Life." In 2021 AIA/ACSA Intersections Research Conference. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.21.33.

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The community benefits of public open space were made ever more apparent during lockdowns in U.S. cities during the COVID-19 pandemic. Parks and open streets became outdoor living rooms, birthday party venues, protest sites, meeting places, date spots, restaurants, and safe group gathering locations. Their function as necessary social infrastructure in the sense that sociologist Eric Klinenberg has defined it, became visible daily. At the same time a racial reckoning and climate emergency pressed for action while municipal budgets strained to meet basic needs. We know public space provision is key to democratic life for both dissent and community building. We also know we need to densify cities and make urban spaces livable and desirable if we want to reduce climate impacts and individual carbon footprints. Developing linear parks and open space systems that take advantage of existing infrastructure corridors is one promising option to meet these goals. These spaces utilize infill sites either by reuse or co-use of transportation infrastructure and due to their long form, have lots of edge which provides access to a greater number of people than a traditional parcel. And also, like all parks, they have the capacity to mitigate adverse urban impacts like heat, noise, and flooding. Our practice- based research group has studied four infrastructure types that were generated from the dominant transportation infra- structures of past waves of economic activity: port, river, rail, and road. Looking at over 400 precedent projects across the globe, we have distilled out five main strategies that inform the design, development, and use of these corridors and their associated storage areas. Contextualizing urban design and open space projects through the lens of their originating infrastructural footprint has not been attempted to date. This research paves the way for understanding the catalysts for infrastructure reuse or co-use, the unique benefits of linear systems, lessons learned from accompanying development patterns, exclusive funding streams, and political returns of investing in this type of open space. The research has been impactful in making the case for linear parks and systems as high-benefit, lower cost method of open space provision for American metro areas.
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Peovski, Filip, Igor Ivanovski, and Sulejman Ahmedi. "EMPIRICAL REVISITING OF THE MACEDONIAN MTPL INSURANCE CASE AND THE UNDERLYING FACTORS OF INFLUENCE." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2022.0011.

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Motor third-party liability insurance (MTPL) remains one of the dominant insurance classes in the Macedonian economy even besides the government regulated tariff system imposed. Pinpoint the key variables of interest has spurred debates for a prolonged period but without growing results in global literature, decreasing the ability to observe relationships important for the future liberalized system. Through a fixed effects panel regression this paper estimates the impact of MTPL premiums, claims, number of contracts, and market share on MTPL premium dynamics during the 2012-2021 period. The Macedonian empirical case suggests that the previous period number of contracts is not a significant determinant, unlike others. A positive impact is noted for the number of claims per contract, one period lagged MTPL premium per contract and MTPL concentration of the market. Adverse influence is found for the share of MTPL insurance in total GWP per company, one period lagged claims per contract and the market concentration of MTPL claims. Such observations help us understand the underlying forces in a non-liberalized MTPL market and propose business expectations for the future.
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Šturanović, Petar. "NARODNA SKUPŠTINA PO VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.221s.

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The author gives his view of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes of 1921, pointing out its importance at that time, but also its shortcomings. The choice of a centralist, unitary state system is recognized as one of the basic aspirations of the constitution-maker, that resulted in the king's dominant position as an integrative element, which made it impossible to establish (un)wanted balances between the king and parliament. In institutional terms, orleans parliamentarism is analyzed as an established type of parliamentary system of government, and also its functioning in practice. The author analyzed the constitutional position of the National assembly, emphasizing its weakness in relations with the king, explaining instruments such as the absolute legislative veto, through which the king exercised supremacy in the legislative sphere despite the constitutional proclamation to exercise legislative competence jointly. The unlimited right to dissolve the assembly, despite the undivided opinion of the constitutional theory on the prohibition of successive dissolution, further weakened the position of the National assembly, and established the king as an inviolable arbiter in resolving parliamentary crises, which may ultimately confront the people's will. The king's unrestricted right to dissolve parliament usurped the budgetary right of the National assembly, as one of the foundations of the parliamentary system, which further made it possible for the executive to rule without a budget. Constrained by the constitutional arrangement, insufficient representative functions, burdened by the democratic deficit, the National assembly proved to be weak in articulating various political interests, but was the scene of party and national tensions.
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Reports on the topic "Dominant-party systems"

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Leis and Hopkins. L52013 Mechanical Damage Gaps Analysis. Pipeline Research Council International, Inc. (PRCI), 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.55274/r0010248.

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Pipelines fail due to various causes. The "outside forces" incident category includes acts of man (such as impact damage by earth moving machinery) but it also embraces acts of nature. Outside forces has been the dominant incident category in most Western World oil and gas transmission pipeline systems. Incidents due to outside forces have been the leading cause of significant failures on transmission pipelines in the USA since formal record keeping and trend analysis of incidents began in the 1970's. This trend remains currently, with these results reflecting incident experience for 2002. While this situation is not expected to change in the near term, the recent data from 2002 indicate corrosion is overtaking outside force as the main failure cause. The objectives of this report are to evaluate current state of knowledge concerning assessment and management of mechanical damage to pipelines, and identify outstanding issues or gaps to be addressed by the industry. Motivation for such an evaluation and gaps analysis lies in several factors, including much work done has been recently done worldwide. Third-party damage is typically the largest incident category, with the largest consequences, and pending regulatory actions are consequence based, and will require a management strategy to deal with mechanical damage.
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Auers, Daunis. The Russia-Ukraine War and Right-Wing Populism in Latvia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0023.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted Latvia’s politics, economy and society. It also moved Latvia’s political centre to the right and mainstreamed many of the core policy positions of the dominant Radical Right National Alliance (NA), such as squeezing the Russian language from the public sphere, dismantling the publicly-funded Russian-language school system, and demolishing Soviet-era monuments. This policy shift has been made possible by the NA’s gradual political mainstreaming over the last decade (it has been in a governing coalition since 2011) and long-standing opposition to Putin’s regime, as well as existing contacts and support for Ukrainian nationalist groups. As a result, there is a public perception that the NA was “right” about Russia. As the NA has mainstreamed and abandoned its populist rhetoric, new populist parties have emerged in Latvia. Parliamentary elections in October 2022 saw new “Latvian” (the Latvia First Party, LPV) and “Russian” (Stability! or S!) populist parties elected to parliament. The LPV largely refused to engage with the war, focusing on domestic economic issues, while S! has capitalized on the “we are for peace” niche left open by other parties’ denunciation of Russia’s invasion.
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