Academic literature on the topic 'Donald Black'

Use of twitter in the Donald Trump election campaign The article presents the problem of using Twitter as a tool of the so-called “Black PR” used during the election campaign on the example of the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. An attempt was made to characterize “black PR”, identified ways in which Donald Trump used Twitter in “black PR” activities in the 2016 presidential campaign, and highlighted the Twitter, which turned out to be a tool to gain more support during the elections. The article uses the desk research method, which made it possible to analyse the content of posts posted by Donald Trump on his official Twitter profile.

Use of twitter in the Donald Trump election campaign The article presents the problem of using Twitter as a tool of the so-called “Black PR” used during the election campaign on the example of the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. An attempt was made to characterize “black PR”, identified ways in which Donald Trump used Twitter in “black PR” activities in the 2016 presidential campaign, and highlighted the Twitter, which turned out to be a tool to gain more support during the elections. The article uses the desk research method, which made it possible to analyse the content of posts posted by Donald Trump on his official Twitter profile.

Abstract This article aims at introducing the sociology of morals by Donald Black to a broader German-speaking public. The reconstruction draws on graphical visualizations that help to follow the basic arguments and to understand the systematicity of Black’s line of thought. Furthermore, Black’s approach is illustrated by highlighting several propositions he derives. This article thus clarifies Black’s relevance for foundational research in ethics as well as for research in the field of business ethics.

This article aims to present the way the black body is approached in Donald Pierson’s (1900-1995) doctoral thesis. The question to be investigated is: how does one of the first studies on racial issues carried out in Brazil treat the black body? The theoretical framework was defined by authors from the social sciences. The thesis was considered as a historical document. A content analysis was made based on the following codes: the work’s physical structure, notes on the second and the first introductions, and approaches about the body. The results suggest that the black body did not properly qualify as an object of study, but it reveals an element that identifies both biological aspects and the movement of black bodies. It is concluded that resuming the investigation initiated by Pierson about blacks in Bahia is relevant because it allows the understanding of black body markers in the Brazilian context.

AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.

Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, much ado has been made about how racial anxiety fueled White vote choice for Donald Trump. Far less empirical attention has been paid to whether the 2016 election cycle triggered black anxieties and if those anxieties led blacks to reevaluate their communities’ standing relative to Latinos and immigrants. Employing data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine the extent to which race consciousness both coexists with black perceptions of Latinos and shapes black support for anti-immigrant legislation. Our results address how the conflation of Latino with undocumented immigrant may have activated a perceptional and policy backlash amongst black voters.

<p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The Indonesian nation is currently experiencing a crisis of justice in law enforcement. This </em> <em>happens because it is only concerned with the aspects of legal certainty and formal-legality rather than justice. The law cannot be enforced if there are no credible, competent and independent law enforcement officers. Legal discrimination is a way for law enforcement officials to differentiate in the imposition of sanctions against someone who is influenced by that person’s ability both in the economic and power fields. This study discusses how discriminatory law enforcement is when viewed from Donald Black’s theory. The author will compare two cases with the same type of crime but different decisions. Then studied through Donald Black’s theory of legal discrimination. The purpose of this study was to determine the existence of discrimination in law enforcement from two similar cases but with different decisions which were reviewed through Donald Black’s theory of legal discrimination. The research method used by the author in this study is a normative juridical research method. The preparation of this research is analytical descriptive with a conceptual approach. The conceptual approach needs to examine legal principles that can be found from the perspective of scholars or legal doctrine. The results of this research are indeed proven that there is legal discrimination that occurs, this can be seen from the study of Donald Black’s theory. The suggestion for law enforcers is to be fair in any case, do not favoritism and discriminate, because all citizens are the same, equally need justice.</em></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Bangsa Indonesia saat ini sedang mengalami krisis keadilan dalam penegakan hukum. Hal ini terjadi karena semata-mata hanya mementingkan aspek kepastian hukum dan legalitas-formal daripada keadilan. Hukum tidak dapat ditegakkan apabila tidak ada aparat penegak hukum yang berkredibilitas, berkompeten dan independen. Diskriminasi hukum merupakan cara aparat penegak hukum yang membedakan dalam pemberian sanksi terhadap seseorang yang dipengaruhi oleh kemampuan orang tersebut baik dalam bidang ekonomi maupun kekuasaan. Penelitian ini membahas tentang bagaimana diskriminasi penegakan hukum jika ditinjau dari teori milik Donald Black. Penulis akan membandingkan dua kasus dengan jenis tindak pidana yang sama namun putusan yang berbeda. Lalu dikaji melalui teori diskriminasi hukum milik Donald Black. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui adanya diskriminsi dalam penegakan hukum dari dua kasus yang serupa tetapi memiliki putusan yang berbeda yang ditinjau melalui teori diskriminasi hukum milik Donald Black. Metode penelitian yang digunakan penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Penyusunan penelitian ini bersifat diskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan konseptual. Pendekatan konseptual perlu mengkaji prinsip-prinsip hukum yang dapat ditemukan dari pandangan sarjana ataupun doktrin hukum. Hasil dari penelitian ini memang terbukti adanya diskriminsinasi hukum yang terjadi, hal ini dapat dilihat dari kajian teori Donald Black. Saran bagi para penegak hukum adalah bersikap adil terhadap kasus apapun jangan pilih kasih dan membeda-bedakan, karena semua warga negara adalah sama, sama sama butuh keadilan.</p>

During the last decade the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has brought increased attention to the issues pertaining to police brutality and the systemic discrimination of black Americans. At the same time as the movement has experienced growing support, its opposers have also consolidated. Among them president Donald Trump has proved to be one of the staunchest critics of Black Lives Matter. This has further strengthened the movement's oppositional role in relation to the US government. Therefore this bachelor's thesis examines what role the Trump-administration plays in the portrayal of Black Lives Matter. Using the Essex School of discourse analysis the statements of Trump and his administration towards the movement are examined, and through them discourses opposed to BLM are identified. Through the theoretical lenses of postcolonialism and post-marxism the Trump-administration’s statements can be shown to portray BLM as a violent and extremist socialist movement. The statements have the effect of rendering BLM as distinct from regular americans and as opposed to american values in various ways. This has the additional effect of creating division among the supporters of BLM themselves as they are torn between allegiance to the movement and the nation. The Trump-administration’s statements towards BLM are concluded to stem from the discourses of “American Exceptionalism”, “Neoliberalism” and “Law and Order”. This indicates that previously mentioned discourses are in opposition to BLM.

The present article studies the case of the black donada Ursula de Jesus (Lima, 1604-1666), whose exceptional religiosity was described by a Franciscan friar and nun, both anonymous. She spent the greater part of her life inside the convent of Santa Clara, which she entered as the slave of a nun of the black veil. Later she obtained her liberty and, supported by certain nuns, entered as a donada. She went on to write a Spiritual Diary in which she described her everyday life in the convent and the vicissitudes of her spirituality. While we know of other Afro-descendants who were recognized for their piety, we know them only through the dominant discourse that shaped their individual experiences to make them fit the models of Western sanctity. In this case, it is the opposite: the Spiritual Diary allows us to hear the voice of an Afro-descended woman. Through an analysis of the Spiritual Diary, written between 1650 and 1661 and published in Lima in 2004, this article studies the identity that Ursula de Jesus constructs in her text, which reinterprets the reigning Catholic dogma and constructs a Black mystical spirituality.
El presente artículo estudia el caso de la donada negra Úrsula de Jesús (Lima, 1604-1666), cuya excepcional religiosidad ha sido retratada por un franciscano y una clarisa anónimos. Ella vivió la mayor parte de su vida al interior del monasterio de Santa Clara, al cual ingresó como esclava de una monja de velo negro. Posteriormente, consiguió su libertad y, apoyada por algunas monjas, profesó como donada y, además, escribió un Diario Espiritual en el que contó su vida cotidiana en el monasterio y las vicisitudes de su espiritualidad. Si bien se tiene conocimiento de otros afrodescendientes que fueron reconocidos por su piedad católica, solo los conocemos a través del discurso dominante que moldeó sus particulares experiencias espirituales para hacerlas calzar con los modelos de santidad occidentales. En este caso, sucede lo contrario: el Diario Espiritual nos permite oír la voz de una mujer afrodescendiente. Por ello, por medio del análisis de su Diario Espiritual, escrito entre 1650 y 1661, y publicado en Lima en el 2004, este artículo estudiará la identidad que construye Úrsula de Jesús en su texto, la cual reinterpreta el dogma católico imperante y construye una espiritualidad mística negra.

碩士
輔仁大學
英國語文學系
95
This thesis discusses twenty-three kinds of Barthelmeian black humor along with techniques and functions of black humor from Barthelme’s Sixty Stories. Throughout these chapters, I focus on how Barthelme relates his criteria and attitudes toward the dark sides of society and life. Humor is his technique to express his concerns. Chapter One deals with the distorted human relationships in which estrangement, hypocrisy and lies are uppermost. Nine main kinds of black humor are discussed through different relationships in the stories, “For I’m the Boy,” “Will You Tell Me?” and “Views of My Father Weeping.” Chapter Two discusses the special point of view of the first-person narrator in dealing with bizarre societal phenomena and attitudes. “The Balloon,” “The President” and “The Rise of Capitalism” are stories discussed in this chapter. Thirteen kinds of black humor are presented effectively in using the first person narrator as a role in the story and then offering a special perspective on society and life. Chapter Three, with different approach, deals with techniques and functions of black humor. By parodying classical tales, Barthelme smashes our conceptions of fairy tales and their figures. “The Emerald,” “The Glass Mountain” and “Heroes” are stories discussed in this chapter. This chapter will show how Barthelme’s black humor is exemplified in putting tale figures in a contemporary milieu and mocking both the characters’ and the readers’ reactions. In conclusion, Barthelme’s black humor in Sixty Stories exposes the problems and absurdity in society and life. In a humorous way, Barthelme ridicules the incompatibility between the milieu and the consciousness of human beings. He exaggerates the miserable and then distorts it and jests about it. Emotionally, he helps both characters in the story and readers get through their problems.

"Reading the Street" chronicles the rise of black pulp fiction in the post-civil rights era from the perspective of its urban readership. Black pulp fiction was originally published in the late 1960s and early 1970s; it consisted of paperback novels about tough male characters navigating the pitfalls of urban life. These novels appealed mainly to inner-city readers who felt left out of civil rights' and Black Power's promises of social equality. Despite the historic achievements of the civil rights movement, entrenched structural inequalities led to America's ghettos becoming sites of concentrated poverty, rampant unemployment, and violent crime. While mainstream society seemed to turn a blind eye to how these problems were destroying inner-city communities, readers turned to black pulp fiction for the imaginative resources that would help them reflect on their social reality. In black pulp fiction, readers found confirmation that America was not on the path toward extending equal opportunities to its most vulnerable citizens, or that the rise of Black Power signaled a change in their fortunes. Yet in black pulp fiction readers also found confirmation that their lives as marginalized subjects possessed a value of its own, and that their day-to-day struggles opened up new ways of "being black" amid the blight of the inner city.

Dissertation

Black Radio is a window into the most famous radio show you never heard of. The Tom Joyner Morning Show is a quarter-century-old syndicated black morning radio show reaching more than eight million adult, largely working-class listeners. It offers progressive political talk, soul music, humor, advice, philanthropy, and celebrity gossip. But the TJMS is not just an adult “old-school music” radio show: it is an on-air organizer, fusing progressive politics and aesthetics. It focuses on specific political issues affecting and enraging African Americans. Black Radio analyzes the TJMS’s rise in the Clinton era, and its coverage of key events—9/11, Hurricane Katrina, President Obama’s elections and terms, the murders of unarmed black Americans and the rise of Black Lives Matter, and the shocking 2016 Donald Trump electoral triumph. It showcases the varied, contentious, and blackly humorous voices of anchors, guests, and audience members. Finally, it investigates the new synergistic set of cross-medium ties and political connections now affecting print, broadcast, and online politics in anti-racist directions. Despite the dismal present, this new multiracial progressive public sphere has extraordinary potential for shaping future American politics. Black Radio, then, is more than the project of making the invisible visible, bringing to light a major counterpublic phenomenon unjustly ignored for reasons of color, class, generation, and medium. It tunes us in to an alternative understanding of the black public sphere in the digital age. Like the show itself, Black Radio is politically progressive, music-drenched, angry, and blisteringly funny.

Bartholomew of San Concordio translated his Documenta antiquorum into the vernacular presumably around 1297-1302, during his stay at the convent of Santa Maria Novella. Cesare Segre suggested such a date based on the dedication of the translation to Geri Spini, a Florentine banker and politician who was a supporter of the Black Guelfs and a close friend of Corso Donati. However, the relationships between the Dominican Friar and the Commune of Florence, as well as the potential connections between Bartholomew’s self-translation and Florentine political contingencies, are still to be investigated.

This coda briefly addresses the election of Donald Trump and the implications of an increasingly visible white nationalist movement on the arguments of the book. The coda also analyzes elements of the Black Lives Matter movement to argue that while much of the optimism of the post era has been mitigated, several of its major theoretical strains—the emphasis on individual agency over racial identity, the turn towards racial identity as performance—remain critical to understanding current activism. It also explains the influence of theoretical frameworks such as intersectionality and Afropessimism on current movements. The coda also looks briefly towards growing and ongoing trends in African American literature, like Afrofuturism.

Taking measurements for agriculture purposes is a challenge that this project tackles. A UAV and some sensors are being used to monitor a big field. The target of this project is to design a fully autonomous system that covers the area of planted land. The system collects information and sends what is collected directly to the base station. Furthermore, the design is divided into two parts: plane design and ground design. The plane design includes a temperature sensor, a CO2 sensor, a NoIR camera, a regular camera and a 4G dongle. The ground design, however, has one soil moisture sensor, one H2S sensor and a GSM module. The plane takes a trip around the field to record real time data and transmits, while the on-ground black box sends data to the base station. Finally, data is analysed, and reports are sent to the base station and the mobile application created for this cause. The plane has carried tests in the airport in Al-Khor city. The tests were to make sure the UAV flies properly and they were successful.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.