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Journal articles on the topic 'Donald Black'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Kalinowska-Żeleźnik, Anna. "Wykorzystanie Twittera w kampanii wyborczej Donalda Trumpa." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.017.13181.

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Use of twitter in the Donald Trump election campaign The article presents the problem of using Twitter as a tool of the so-called “Black PR” used during the election campaign on the example of the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. An attempt was made to characterize “black PR”, identified ways in which Donald Trump used Twitter in “black PR” activities in the 2016 presidential campaign, and highlighted the Twitter, which turned out to be a tool to gain more support during the elections. The article uses the desk research method, which made it possible to analyse the content of posts posted by Donald Trump on his official Twitter profile.

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Kalinowska-Żeleźnik, Anna. "Wykorzystanie Twittera w kampanii wyborczej Donalda Trumpa." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (9) (2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.20.017.13181.

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Use of twitter in the Donald Trump election campaign The article presents the problem of using Twitter as a tool of the so-called “Black PR” used during the election campaign on the example of the presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016. An attempt was made to characterize “black PR”, identified ways in which Donald Trump used Twitter in “black PR” activities in the 2016 presidential campaign, and highlighted the Twitter, which turned out to be a tool to gain more support during the elections. The article uses the desk research method, which made it possible to analyse the content of posts posted by Donald Trump on his official Twitter profile.

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3

Pies, Ingo. "Donald Blacks Moralsoziologie." Journal for Markets and Ethics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jome-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article aims at introducing the sociology of morals by Donald Black to a broader German-speaking public. The reconstruction draws on graphical visualizations that help to follow the basic arguments and to understand the systematicity of Black’s line of thought. Furthermore, Black’s approach is illustrated by highlighting several propositions he derives. This article thus clarifies Black’s relevance for foundational research in ethics as well as for research in the field of business ethics.

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Almeida, Dulce Filgueira de, and Craig Cook. "The Black Body in Donald Pierson’s Thesis “Negroes in Brazil”." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 9, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 269–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v9i2.120806.

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This article aims to present the way the black body is approached in Donald Pierson’s (1900-1995) doctoral thesis. The question to be investigated is: how does one of the first studies on racial issues carried out in Brazil treat the black body? The theoretical framework was defined by authors from the social sciences. The thesis was considered as a historical document. A content analysis was made based on the following codes: the work’s physical structure, notes on the second and the first introductions, and approaches about the body. The results suggest that the black body did not properly qualify as an object of study, but it reveals an element that identifies both biological aspects and the movement of black bodies. It is concluded that resuming the investigation initiated by Pierson about blacks in Bahia is relevant because it allows the understanding of black body markers in the Brazilian context.

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Towler, Christopher C., and Christopher S. Parker. "Between Anger and Engagement: Donald Trump and Black America." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 3, no. 1 (February 27, 2018): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2017.38.

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AbstractHistory suggests that social movements for change are often met with powerful counter-movements. Relying upon movement counter-movement dynamics, this paper examines whether or not contemporary reactionary conservatism—in this case Donald Trump's candidacy in 2016, offers an opportunity for African-American mobilization. Today, the reactionary right presents a threat to racial progress and the black community as it has grown from direct opposition to the election of President Obama, immigration reform, and gay and lesbian rights. With conditions ripe for a movement in response to the right, we examine the mobilizing effect on African-Americans of the threatening political context symbolized by Donald Trump. If African-Americans are to retain political relevance beyond the Obama era, then black turnout will need to reach rates similar to the historic 2008 election. Using the 2016 Black Voter Project (BVP) Pilot Study, we explore African-American political engagement in the 2016 election, a time void of President Obama as a mobilizing figure. We find that African-Americans who hold strong negative opinions of Trump in 2016 voted at rates similar to the historical turnout of 2008, offering a possible strategy to mobilize blacks beyond Obama's presidency. Moreover, the threat that Trump represents significantly drives blacks to engage in politics beyond voting even after accounting for alternative explanations. In the end, Trump and the reactionary movement behind him offers a powerful mobilizing force for an African-American population that can no longer look toward the top of the Presidential ticket for inspiration.

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Carter, Niambi, and Tyson King-Meadows. "Perceptual Knots and Black Identity Politics: Linked Fate, American Heritage, and Support for Trump Era Immigration Policy." Societies 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9010011.

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Since the 2016 U.S. presidential election, much ado has been made about how racial anxiety fueled White vote choice for Donald Trump. Far less empirical attention has been paid to whether the 2016 election cycle triggered black anxieties and if those anxieties led blacks to reevaluate their communities’ standing relative to Latinos and immigrants. Employing data from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey, we examine the extent to which race consciousness both coexists with black perceptions of Latinos and shapes black support for anti-immigrant legislation. Our results address how the conflation of Latino with undocumented immigrant may have activated a perceptional and policy backlash amongst black voters.

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Cerulo, Karen A., and Donald Black. "The Behavior of Culture . . . Courtesy of Donald Black." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 6 (November 2002): 652. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089912.

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Savage, S. P. "The geometry of law: An interview with Donald Black." International Journal of the Sociology of Law 30, no. 2 (June 2002): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0194-6595(02)00020-5.

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Vidyapramatya, Nurindria Naharista. "HILANGNYA KEADILAN DALAM PENEGAKAN HUKUM MENURUT TEORI DISKRIMINASI." Jurnal Hukum dan Pembangunan Ekonomi 8, no. 2 (July 16, 2021): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/hpe.v8i2.49763.

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<p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>The Indonesian nation is currently experiencing a crisis of justice in law enforcement. This </em> <em>happens because it is only concerned with the aspects of legal certainty and formal-legality rather than justice. The law cannot be enforced if there are no credible, competent and independent law enforcement officers. Legal discrimination is a way for law enforcement officials to differentiate in the imposition of sanctions against someone who is influenced by that person’s ability both in the economic and power fields. This study discusses how discriminatory law enforcement is when viewed from Donald Black’s theory. The author will compare two cases with the same type of crime but different decisions. Then studied through Donald Black’s theory of legal discrimination. The purpose of this study was to determine the existence of discrimination in law enforcement from two similar cases but with different decisions which were reviewed through Donald Black’s theory of legal discrimination. The research method used by the author in this study is a normative juridical research method. The preparation of this research is analytical descriptive with a conceptual approach. The conceptual approach needs to examine legal principles that can be found from the perspective of scholars or legal doctrine. The results of this research are indeed proven that there is legal discrimination that occurs, this can be seen from the study of Donald Black’s theory. The suggestion for law enforcers is to be fair in any case, do not favoritism and discriminate, because all citizens are the same, equally need justice.</em></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>Bangsa Indonesia saat ini sedang mengalami krisis keadilan dalam penegakan hukum. Hal ini terjadi karena semata-mata hanya mementingkan aspek kepastian hukum dan legalitas-formal daripada keadilan. Hukum tidak dapat ditegakkan apabila tidak ada aparat penegak hukum yang berkredibilitas, berkompeten dan independen. Diskriminasi hukum merupakan cara aparat penegak hukum yang membedakan dalam pemberian sanksi terhadap seseorang yang dipengaruhi oleh kemampuan orang tersebut baik dalam bidang ekonomi maupun kekuasaan. Penelitian ini membahas tentang bagaimana diskriminasi penegakan hukum jika ditinjau dari teori milik Donald Black. Penulis akan membandingkan dua kasus dengan jenis tindak pidana yang sama namun putusan yang berbeda. Lalu dikaji melalui teori diskriminasi hukum milik Donald Black. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui adanya diskriminsi dalam penegakan hukum dari dua kasus yang serupa tetapi memiliki putusan yang berbeda yang ditinjau melalui teori diskriminasi hukum milik Donald Black. Metode penelitian yang digunakan penulis dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Penyusunan penelitian ini bersifat diskriptif analitis dengan pendekatan konseptual. Pendekatan konseptual perlu mengkaji prinsip-prinsip hukum yang dapat ditemukan dari pandangan sarjana ataupun doktrin hukum. Hasil dari penelitian ini memang terbukti adanya diskriminsinasi hukum yang terjadi, hal ini dapat dilihat dari kajian teori Donald Black. Saran bagi para penegak hukum adalah bersikap adil terhadap kasus apapun jangan pilih kasih dan membeda-bedakan, karena semua warga negara adalah sama, sama sama butuh keadilan.</p>

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Starr, June. ": Toward a General Theory of Social Control, Volume 1: Fundamentals . Donald Black. ; Toward a General Theory of Social Control, Volume 2: Selected Problems . Donald Black." American Anthropologist 88, no. 4 (December 1986): 975–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1986.88.4.02a00350.

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11

Tupitsyn, Margarita. "From Black Square to Room Square." Journal of Visual Culture 16, no. 1 (April 2017): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412917690969.

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Fried’s assertion that Constructivism was a source for Minimalism is supplemented by Donald Judd’s interest in Suprematism. By reading Judd’s review of Kazimir Malevich’s 1973 exhibition in the Guggenheim Museum, this article locates similarity between the two artists’ fascination with painting’s inbuilt objectness that drove them into three-dimensional art. Judd’s reading of Malevich’s work that the author supplements with her own historical analysis reveals that Fried’s characterizations of Minimalism as theatrical, reliant on a viewer, and not interested in ritualizing a single painting, was accurate. Another theme of this article is Judd’s realization – shortly before his death – that damaged Soviet objecthood, a leftover of the Suprematist Utopia, was an antithetical partner to ‘Specific Objects’.

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Benediktov, Kirill S. "Black Swan. Political Biography of Donald Trump (Chapters from the book)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism”, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/2409-2517-2016-1-141-165.

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Correia, Alice. "Self-Portraiture and Representations of Blackness in the Work of Donald Rodney." Nka Journal of Contemporary African Art 2019, no. 45 (November 1, 2019): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10757163-7916880.

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This article considers the role of self-portraiture within the work of British artist Donald Rodney (1961–98). The text investigates the ways in which Rodney used the self-portrait, not to visualize himself, but to animate issues associated with the dominant framings of black men as delinquent, sexually deviant, and a menace to society. The work of Rasheed Araeen is discussed, with particular relevance to his influential use of self-portraiture. The author also discusses mainstream media’s construction of the black male deviant with respect to aspects of the newspaper coverage of the “rioting” that took place in Rodney’s home town, Birmingham, in the mid-1980s.

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14

Hinds, Donald. "The West Indian Gazette: Claudia Jones and the black press in Britain." Race & Class 50, no. 1 (July 2008): 88–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968080500010602.

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The West Indian Gazette, edited by Claudia Jones, and on which Donald Hinds was a writer, was one of the most influential pioneers of a genuinely independent black press in Britain. To say that Claudia herself was a communist, feminist and anti-imperialist does not express the dynamism and humanity of her politics, or their innovative nature — including the introduction of the first black carnival in Britain. She, and the Gazette, were immensely important in the creation of the black community in Britain from the late 1950s onwards, as it was beset by an ongoing and crude racism, including the riots of Notting Hill and Nottingham.

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Hawkins, D. F. "Sociological Justice. By Donald Black. Oxford University Press, 1989. 179 pp. $19.95." Social Forces 69, no. 1 (September 1, 1990): 316–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/69.1.316.

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Bastos, Marco, and Johan Farkas. "“Donald Trump Is My President!”: The Internet Research Agency Propaganda Machine." Social Media + Society 5, no. 3 (July 2019): 205630511986546. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119865466.

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This article presents a typological study of the Twitter accounts operated by the Internet Research Agency (IRA), a company specialized in online influence operations based in St. Petersburg, Russia. Drawing on concepts from 20th-century propaganda theory, we modeled the IRA operations along propaganda classes and campaign targets. The study relies on two historical databases and data from the Internet Archive’s Wayback Machine to retrieve 826 user profiles and 6,377 tweets posted by the agency between 2012 and 2017. We manually coded the source as identifiable, obfuscated, or impersonated and classified the campaign target of IRA operations using an inductive typology based on profile descriptions, images, location, language, and tweeted content. The qualitative variables were analyzed as relative frequencies to test the extent to which the IRA’s black, gray, and white propaganda are deployed with clearly defined targets for short-, medium-, and long-term propaganda strategies. The results show that source classification from propaganda theory remains a valid framework to understand IRA’s propaganda machine and that the agency operates a composite of different user accounts tailored to perform specific tasks, including openly pro-Russian profiles, local American and German news sources, pro-Trump conservatives, and Black Lives Matter activists.

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Adelakun. "Black Lives Matter! Nigerian Lives Matter!: Language and Why Black Performance Matters." Genealogy 3, no. 2 (April 14, 2019): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020019.

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This essay explores performance as a language by looking at its appropriation by other cultures, and the associated history of the crafted phrases that are borrowed along. I start by noting that to create awareness of the massacres that have recently occurred in some parts of Nigeria, commentators, both in and out of the country, and activist-cum-protesters created the term “Nigerian Lives Matter.” They appropriated from “Black Lives Matter,” the American-originated advocacy movement that campaigns against violence and brutality against black people. I show that these forms of lexical interchange are possible because of non-Americans’ familiarity with America’s racial history, and black performance liberation expressivity, which they have been acculturated into as a result of their long exposure to American culture. Beyond phrases however, I argue that black performance itself is a language that has a global resonance among minorities. To illustrate this further, I do a close reading of This is Nigeria, a recent music video released by Nigerian lawyer turned artist, Folarin Falana (Falz), alongside a version of the original production, This is America, also recently released by Donald Glover (Childish Gambino). Both songs continue in the older tradition of African and African American transatlantic political relations through music, the shared understanding of the similarities of anti-black oppression, and the formation of aesthetics that mediate the advocacy of black liberation. The songs are also a pointer to how black advocacy might continue to unfold in contemporary era.

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Wyn Evans, Neil. "Donald Lynden-Bell. 5 April 1935— 6 February 2018." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 69 (July 22, 2020): 333–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2020.0008.

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Donald Lynden-Bell's many contributions to astrophysics encompass general relativity, galactic dynamics, telescope design and observational astronomy. In the 1960s, his papers on stellar dynamics led to fundamental insights into the equilibria of elliptical galaxies, the growth of spiral patterns in disc galaxies and the stability of differentially rotating, self-gravitating flows. Donald introduced the ideas of ‘violent relaxation’ and ‘the gravothermal catastrophe’ in pioneering work on the thermodynamics of galaxies and negative heat capacities. He shared the inaugural Kavli Prize in Astrophysics in 2008 for his contributions to our understanding of quasars. His prediction that dead quasars or supermassive black holes may reside in the nuclei of nearby galaxies has been confirmed by multiple pieces of independent evidence. His work on accretion discs led to new insights into their workings, as well as the realization that the infrared excess in T Tauri stars was caused by protostellar discs around these young stars. He introduced the influential idea of monolithic collapse of a gas cloud as a formation mechanism for the Milky Way Galaxy. As this gave way to modern ideas of merging and accretion as drivers of galaxy formation, Donald was the first to realize the importance of tidal streams as measures of the past history and present-day gravity field of the Galaxy. Though primarily a theorist, Donald participated in one of the first observational programmes to measure the large-scale streaming of nearby galaxies. This led to the discovery of the ‘Great Attractor’. The depth and versatility of his contributions mark Donald out as one of the most influential and pre-eminent astronomers of his day.

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Elgersman Lee, Maureen. "Under the North Star: Black Communities in Upper Canada By Donald G. Simpson." Ontario History 99, no. 1 (2007): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1065803ar.

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Hitlin, S. "Moral Time By Donald Black Oxford University Press. 2011. 304 pages. $29.95 paper." Social Forces 93, no. 3 (November 16, 2012): e74-e74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sos171.

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Robinson, R. V. "Moral Time By Donald Black Oxford University Press. 2011. 304 pages. $29.95 paper." Social Forces 93, no. 4 (February 5, 2013): e101-e101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/sot003.

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22

Jackson, Tambra O., and Natasha C. Flowers. "Much to lose: Black mother educators respond to Donald Trump’s comments about schools." International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 30, no. 10 (November 14, 2017): 994–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2017.1312609.

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Smith, Stuart Tyson. "From Slave to Pharaoh: The Black Experience of Ancient Egypt. Donald B. Redford." Near Eastern Archaeology 71, no. 3 (September 2008): 190–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/nea20361375.

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Qureshi, Bilal. "Elsewhere." Film Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2017.70.3.63.

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Ava DuVernay's Queen Sugar arrives at a defining moment in American cultural life, as politics and art converge in an unprecedented moment for black creativity. The unapologetic emergence of full-fledged black subjectivity onscreen runs parallel to a new chapter in the civil rights movement. Black Lives Matter has propelled long-overdue conversations about policing, the prison-industrial complex, inequality, and structural barriers into the mainstream. The ongoing renaissance in television enabled by streaming platforms and new revenue models has opened doors for artists to explore these issues with revived creative freedom. The feisty sitcoms and criminal dramas that have contained black lives for far too long have been surpassed in quality by works more ambitious, aesthetically daring, and politically relevant. Whether it is FX's Atlanta created by and starring Donald Glover, Marvel's Luke Cage on Netflix, or the intergenerational family politics of Queen Sugar, there isn't a more exciting time to watch black lives matter and shimmer on American screens.

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Williams, Janelle L., Robert T. Palmer, and Brandy J. Jones. "“Where I Can Breathe”: Examining the Impact of the Current Racial Climate on Black Students’ Choice to Attend Historically Black Colleges and Universities." Journal of Black Studies 52, no. 8 (August 19, 2021): 795–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219347211039833.

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While some in the higher education community have used anecdotal evidence to argue that Black students were attending historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) because of the broader racial climate due to Donald Trump’s rise as a political figure, few studies have provided empirical evidence to support this notion. Therefore, in this current study, we interviewed 80 Black students, who were engaged in the college search process in 2016 to 2018 to understand to what extent, if any, did the racial climate under Trump’s presidency influence their choice to enroll in HBCUs. Data were collected in the Fall 2018 and Spring 2019 from across four diverse HBCUs. Findings indicate that the racial climate under President Trump played a salient role in participants’ selection of HBCUs. Implications for research and practice are provided for both HBCUs and PWIs.

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Ridwan, Mohammad. "PENGARUH POLITIK LUAR NEGERI TERHADAP STRUKTUR MASYARAKAT HUKUM INTERNASIONAL DAN PARADIGMA HUKUM POSITIF BERKEMANUSIAAN." Jurnal Hukum & Pembangunan 41, no. 2 (June 3, 2011): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.21143/jhp.vol41.no2.248.

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AbstrakDalam perspektif sosiologi hukum inlernasional, dengan pendekatan critical legalstudies dan sociological jurisprudence (seperti Behavior of Law dari Donald Black),ternyata bisa ditemukan kebenaran artikulatif yang terbentuk oleh kepentingan-kepentinganpolitik yang dipaksakan secara internasional, sehingga membentuk kebenaran salah kaprah yang kemudian menjadi kebenaran normatif. Perilaku politik predominan negara dalam ranah internasional, memerlukan pengembangan hukum politik yang imperatif, dan ini memerlukan kesungguhan itikad baik politik negara adidaya (yang muskil terjadi).

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Sari, Fibrie Permata, Bambang Yudi Cahyono, and Aulia Apriana. "Conceptual Metaphor Analysis of Donald Trump's Recognition of Jerusalem in Al Jazeera's News Articles." JoLLA: Journal of Language, Literature, and Arts 1, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 178–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um064v1i22021p178-189.

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Abstract: This study investigates the conceptual metaphor of Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in Al-Jazeera’s news articles which were published online through its website. To achieve the objective of this study, the researcher referred to the general notion of metaphor and Lakoff and Johnson’s Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT). Using a descriptive qualitative approach, the researcher obtained 10 news articles reporting about the topic. However, 6 articles were randomly picked to be examined further. Two stages of Charteris-Black’s method (2004) namely Identification and Interpretation were adopted to examine the data. MIP were employed in the Identification stage to determine which lexical units were metaphorical. The results show that there are 4 conceptual metaphors which represent the US recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. From the results of the present study, it can be concluded that Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem is conceptualized into different kinds of domain. Regarding the theoretical framework, it can also be concluded that both frameworks provide a foundation in understanding the application of metaphors in news articles. Keywords: conceptual metaphor, Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem, Al-Jazeera, news articles Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyelidiki metafora konseptual tentang pengakuan Donald Trump atas kota Yerusalem sebagai ibu kota Israel pada artikel berita yang dipublikasikan oleh situs web Al-Jazeera. Beberapa teori seperti teori umum metafora dan Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT) dijadikan sebagai acuan untuk mencapai tujuan penelitian. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif, 10 artikel berita dengan topik terkait kemudian dikumpulkan sebagai data. Enam artikel berita diambil secara acak untuk dianalisis lebih dalam. Dua tahap analisis, yaitu Identification dan Interpretation dari Metode Charteris-Black (2004), dipakai untuk menganalisis data penelitian. Pada tahap Identification, prosedur MIP digunakan untuk menganalisis unit leksikal mana yang termasuk metaforik. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ada 4 konseptual metafora yang merepresentasikan pengakuan Donald Trump atas Yerusalem sebagai ibukota dari Israel. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian, dapat disimpulkan bahwa pengakuan Donald Trump atas Yerusalem dikonseptualisasikan ke dalam domain yang berbeda-beda. Mengenai hubungannya dengan kerangka teori, teori umum metafora dan Conceptual Metaphor Theory keduanya memberikan landasan dalam memahami aplikasi metafora dalam artikel berita. Kata kunci: metafora konseptual, pengakuan Donald Trump atas Yerusalem, Al-Jazeera, artikel berita

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Hatch, Anthony Ryan. "Du Boisian Propaganda, Foucauldian Genealogy, and Antiracism in STS Research." Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 6 (January 8, 2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2020.311.

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This essay explores the relationships between the “new” anti-science formation under Trump and the kinds of anti-Black racisms we are experiencing at present. What appears at first glance to be a new anti-science formation, isn’t new at all, but old wine in new cloth, all dressed up to confound and distract our gaze from power. The vast majority of Black and Brown people are not surprised nor fooled by Donald Trump and the danger he represents to truth, to our lives, to our precious Earth. For that matter, how are STS scholars working to produce anti-racist knowledge that directly benefits Black people? In this commentary, I briefly respond to these questions by exploring how wildly contrasting accounts of propaganda, truth, and science by W.E.B. Du Bois and Michel Foucault might help STS scholars make sense of the relationship between anti-Black racism and the current anti-science moment in American society.

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Ahmed, Mervat Ahmed Abdallah. "Racism and Xenophobia: The Crisis of Black Asylum Seekers in Donald O’Kelly’s Asylum ! Asylum !" مجلة البحث العلمی فی الآداب 5, no. 3 (July 1, 2019): 502–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jssa.2019.42860.

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Riley, Emmitt Y., and Clarissa Peterson. "I Can’t Breathe." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 4 (October 2020): 496–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.4.496.

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Since 2014, public opinion data suggests that whites have become more supportive of the Black Lives Movement. The recent murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor have prompted a national debate about the need to address systemic racism in policing within the United States. Recent studies have shown how racial resentment has spilled over into a wide range of political issues that are not associated with race; however, no current research examines how racial resentment might shape whites’ views toward Black Lives Matter. Employing the racial reaction theory and the 2016 American Election Study Survey, we hypothesize and confirm that whites with high levels of racial resentment, conservative ideology, and those who indicated support for Donald Trump hold negative attitudes toward the Black Lives Matter movement. Our results also show that Asians and Hispanics hold negative attitudes toward the Black Lives Matter movement, but that whites have the highest racial resentment levels. The results raise doubts about whether the recent shift in white public opinion is sustainable. Given that racial resentment is a predictor of support for Black Lives Matter, scholars and activists should approach white support for Black Lives Matter with caution because it is likely that increased racial resentment may lead to sustained white opposition to the movement.

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Lewis, Gail. "Once More With My Sistren: Black Feminism and the Challenge of Object Use." Feminist Review 126, no. 1 (October 22, 2020): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778920944372.

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Recent years have seen an increased interest in black feminism. Whether thinking of the explosion of activism, the reprinting of classics such as Heart of the Race (Bryan, Dadzie and Scafe, 2018 [1985]) and Finding a Voice (Wilson, 1978) or the numerous journalistic or scholarly inquiries into black feminist formations in Britain in the 1970s–1990s, black feminism is a topic of interest once again. Sometimes it goes under other names: POC feminism, Womanism, Fugitive Feminism—each of which offers a specific inflection of this thing I am calling black feminism. Given this context, my aim in this article is to consider how black feminism might be conceived—what kind of an object it is, but more importantly how it might be ‘used’ and utilised as a vibrant and well-honed tool in the armory with which we attempt to craft a politics of ethical freedom. I attempt to draw together work from the theoretical archive of black women’s writing with that of psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott and his theorisation of ‘object use’ and ‘play’, as foundation stones in the development of a capacity for ethical relating based on the detoxification of racism’s effects on ‘self’, ‘other’ and the intersubjective field that the space between these constitutes. In my mind, the piece is a ‘call’ hoping for a ‘response’, the chorus is ‘black feminism’.

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Admire, Amanda, and Dinur Blum. "Moral Time. By Donald Black. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. 288 pp. $29.95 cloth." Law & Society Review 49, no. 2 (May 13, 2015): 546–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lasr.12146.

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Jackall, R. "The Social Structure of Right and Wrong. By Donald Black. Academic Press, 1993. 224 pp." Social Forces 73, no. 3 (March 1, 1995): 1176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/73.3.1176.

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Kannan, Menaka, Rhys Hall, and Matthew W. Hughey. "Watching Moonlight in the Twilight of Obama." Humanity & Society 41, no. 3 (July 20, 2017): 287–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597617719889.

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Now months into the already turbulent presidency of Donald Trump, and in the wake of both the Obama presidency and Moonlight’s awkward ceremonial win for “Best Picture” at the 2017 Academy Awards, what are the meanings of Moonlight? We contend that the film’s polysemy both reproduces and challenges the continuing fight for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer; racial; class; and gender equality and representational struggles of marginalized peoples on the silver screen. With complexity, the film trades in and tests racial stereotypes and understandings of black families; relishes in the heterogeneity of black and Latinx identities; displays cultural contradictions at the heart of racism, heteronormativity, and hegemonic masculinity; and refuses to shy away from topics of love, lust, and loss. Together, the film is an epic—a sweeping homage to social transformation and to the nobility and negativity of the human condition.

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Inwood, Joshua. "White supremacy, white counter-revolutionary politics, and the rise of Donald Trump." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 37, no. 4 (July 26, 2018): 579–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654418789949.

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To understand and contextualize Donald Trump's election as President of the United States, we must place his election in the context of a white counter-revolutionary politics that emerging from the specific geographic configurations of the US racial state. While academics and political commentators have correctly located the election of Trump in the context of white supremacy, I argue we need to coordinate our understanding of white supremacy and the electoral politics that fueled Trump's rise in the context of anti-Black racism by examining how the US racial state turns to whiteness to prevent change. Throughout the development of the United States, whiteness has long stood as a bulwark against progressive and revolutionary change so much so that when the US racial state is in economic and political crisis, bourgeoisie capitalism appeals to the white middle and working classes to address that crisis.

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Sarat, Austin. "Donald Black Discovers Legal Realism: From Pure Science to Policy Science in the Sociology of Law." Law & Social Inquiry 14, no. 04 (1989): 765–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1989.tb00004.x.

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Vorobyev, Dmitry N. "Black voters matter: President Donald Trump's relationship with the African-American community (2016-2020)." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760014719-7.

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Bateson, Regina. "Strategic Discrimination." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (September 16, 2020): 1068–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759272000242x.

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Why are women and people of color under-represented in U.S. politics? I offer a new explanation: strategic discrimination. Strategic discrimination occurs when an individual hesitates to support a candidate out of concern that others will object to the candidate’s identity. In a series of three experiments, I find that strategic discrimination exists, it matters for real-world politics, and it can be hard to overcome. The first experiment shows that Americans consider white male candidates more electable than equally qualified Black and white women, and to a lesser extent, Black men. These results are strongly intersectional, with Black women rated less electable than either Black men or white women. The second experiment demonstrates that anti-Trump voters weigh Democratic candidates’ racial and gender identities when deciding who is most capable of beating Donald Trump in 2020. The third experiment finds that while some messages intended to combat strategic discrimination have no effect, diverse candidates can increase their perceived electability by showing that they have a path to victory. I conclude by arguing that strategic discrimination is especially salient in contemporary U.S. politics due to three parallel trends: increasing diversity among candidates, growing awareness of sexism and racism, and high levels of political polarization.

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LAZIER, BENJAMIN. "NATURAL RIGHT AND LIBERALISM: LEO STRAUSS IN OUR TIME." Modern Intellectual History 6, no. 1 (April 2009): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001984.

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Not long ago, the actor and playwright Tim Robbins directed a production in New York and Los Angeles calledEmbedded. The play is strange, but nowhere more so than in one, infamous scene: a black mass in honor of the deceased political philosopher Leo Strauss, conducted by candlelight by advisers to President Bush in the run-up to the Iraq war. Characters who are transparent representations of Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz and Condoleezza Rice masturbate with abandon, all the while yelping “hail Leo Strauss!” beneath an outsized portrait of his face. The scene reaches a climax with this verbal ejaculation from “Woof” (Wolfowitz): “I'm hard! I'm rock hard!”

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Lavelle, Katherine L. "No Room for Racism." Communication & Sport 4, no. 4 (July 24, 2016): 424–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2167479515584046.

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The National Basketball Association (NBA) has a conflicted history navigating issues of race and Black identity. When audiotapes were released with Los Angeles Clippers owner Donald Sterling making racist comments, fans and players threatened to boycott playoff games. Within 4 days, the new NBA Commissioner Adam Silver banned Sterling for life. While Silver was lauded for his decision, coverage ignored the underlying structural issues that uphold inequality in the NBA. This article reviews recent communication and sport scholarship examining race and the NBA. By examining Silver’s decision using Kenneth Burke’s Terms of Order (1961), this article argues that the NBA continues to ignore how racism operates in the league.

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Cooney, Mark, and Scott Phillips. "When Will Academics Contest Intellectual Conflict?" Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311771309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117713099.

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Academics have conflicts over ideas with some regularity, yet they contest only some of them. When will they do so? We draw on a theory of conflict management developed by Donald Black and others to explain the response to intellectual conflict. Drawing on interviews with 70 professors at two universities, we find that the contestation of intellectual conflicts is predicted by their social geometry. Academics are more likely to contest conflicts over the validity, ownership, and production of ideas when the conflict spans greater distances in relational and functional space, originates from a lower elevation in vertical space, and is a larger actual or potential change in vertical space.

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Lopez Bunyasi, Tehama. "The Role of Whiteness in the 2016 Presidential Primaries." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 3 (August 21, 2019): 679–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719001427.

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Donald Trump initiated his run for president by framing the United States as a nation in descent. Adopting the slogan “Make America Great Again,” he set his campaign against a backdrop of loss and declared a mission for reclamation. Numerous analysts claim that his candidacy and rhetoric galvanized white voters who feel left behind by changing times, but few have been able to provide direct evidence of a racialized sense of disadvantage, and most polls were not prepared to ask such specific questions prior to the Iowa Caucus. Using data from the National Study of Color-Blindness and Race-Consciousness—a unique nationally-sampled dataset fielded two weeks before the beginning of the 2016 primary election season—I demonstrate that Trump was not only the most popular candidate among white voters, but that he was especially supported by whites who think that their racial group fares worse in the job market than do black Americans, who feel that being white has been personally detrimental to their job prospects; who believe that there are generally more disadvantages to being white than there are advantages; and who disagree with the notion that systematic racism mainly benefits whites. My analysis argues that how whites think about whiteness mattered for their likelihood to support Donald Trump.

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Godard, Ellis. "Black, Donald, 2011, Moral Time. Oxford: Oxford University Press, xiii + 304pp., ISBN 978-0199737147, £18.99/$29.95 (pb)." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 4 (2013): 579–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341276.

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Human, H. "Karakterskepping in die rolprent Cry Freedom - ’n analise." Literator 11, no. 2 (May 6, 1990): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v11i2.798.

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This article looks critically at the aspect of charactarisation in the film Cry Freedom. A model is introduced for the analysis of characterisation in feature films. The model analyses the main characters in the film as symbols of the intended message. The aim is to determine the meaning of the message and to place the response to the film in perspective. Particular attention is paid to the following aspects of the process of character creation: character formation, character revelation and character development. The author comes to the conclusion that the main character in the film is the scriptwriter Donald Woods, and not the black activist, Steve Biko as has generally been accepted.

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Luttig, Matthew D., Christopher M. Federico, and Howard Lavine. "Supporters and opponents of Donald Trump respond differently to racial cues: An experimental analysis." Research & Politics 4, no. 4 (October 2017): 205316801773741. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017737411.

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A number of recent studies suggest that individuals who exhibit high levels of racial animosity strongly support Donald Trump, while racial liberals strongly oppose him. This paper provides a new experimental analysis of the extent to which supporters and opponents of Trump respond differently to race-related stimuli. Specifically, we examine whether attitudes toward Trump moderate the political impact of racial cues in the environment. We find that white Trump supporters randomly exposed to a black (versus a white) man in the context of soliciting their support for a housing-assistance policy were more opposed to the policy, angrier about the policy, and more likely to blame beneficiaries for their situation. The opposite pattern prevailed among whites with unfavorable opinions of Trump. Our results help provide new insight into how Trump supporters and opponents differ in their responses to the salience of race in American politics.

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Pinto Neto, Moysés. "Política na era da visibilidade total: observações conjunturais a partir do episódio The Waldo Moment, de Black Mirror." Galáxia (São Paulo), no. 45 (December 2020): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-25532020344574.

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Resumo O presente texto é um ensaio estético-político que procura articular categorias filosóficas que permitem correlacionar o episódio The Waldo Moment, da série Black Mirror, com a conjuntura política mundial contemporânea, tomando especialmente o caso Donald Trump como paradigma. Para tanto, pensa a entrada em cena de Waldo como um sinal que indica, ao mesmo tempo e contraditoriamente, a positivação integral do espetáculo e a revolta antissistêmica. A partir da leitura do cinismo em Vladimir Safatle, busca compreender um discurso que torce a diferença entre constativo e performativo e se afirma por meio do humor brutal, permitindo a entrada na esfera pública de elementos que até então eram vedados. Finalmente, faz uma análise discursiva estrutural das oposições que alimentam as “guerras culturais” a partir da visibilidade total que as redes sociais produzem, dissolvendo a diferença entre público e privado.

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Evelyn, Evelyn, and Sautma Ronni Basana. "EFFECT OF 2008 AND 2016 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN THE INDONESIAN STOCK MARKET." Jurnal Manajemen dan Kewirausahaan 20, no. 1 (April 3, 2018): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.9744/jmk.20.1.16-22.

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The U.S. Presidential election was an event that received widespread attention across the globe. In the 2008 presidential campaign, Barrack Obama nominated to be the first black President. In 2016, Hillary Clinton potentially becomes the first woman President in American history, while the other candidate, Donald Trump, made some unpopular and controversial proposals. The purpose of this paper is to analyse whether the 2008 and 2016 election were considered as the relevant information in the Indonesian Stock Market (IDX). The daily closing prices of all all share listed in IDX would be examined used event study method. The results provide insight about the responsiveness of IDX participants to the U.S. Presidential election event that could be used in decision making.

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Rivers, Damian J., and Andrew S. Ross. "Interviewing for accountability." Language and Dialogue 8, no. 3 (November 2, 2018): 390–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00023.riv.

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Abstract During the National Policy Institute’s national conference in Washington D.C. on Saturday November 19th, 2016, Richard Spencer delivered a speech in praise of the election victory of President Donald Trump. Shortly after the conference, Spencer was an invited guest on the News One Now programme in which he participated in a 32-minute interview with black journalist, host and managing editor Roland Martin. Drawing attention to the ideological aspects of the Martin/Spencer interview performance, we adopt the analytical lens of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Musolff 2014; Reisigl and Wodak 2009; Wodak 2001, 2009) to explore argumentation as a discursive strategy through topoi or argumentative warrants (Reisigl and Wodak 2009; Wodak 2009, 2011, 2015; Wodak and Boukala 2015).

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Macinnes, Allan I. "EVELINE CRUICKSHANKS and JEREMY BLACK (eds.), The Jacobite Challenge. (Edinburgh, John Donald, 1988, pp. viii and 199, £20.00)." Scottish Economic & Social History 10, no. 1 (May 1990): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sesh.1990.10.10.98.

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Andrew Sargent. "Representing Prison Rape: Race, Masculinity, and Incarceration in Donald Goines’s White Man’s Justice, Black Man’s Grief." MELUS: Multi-Ethnic Literature of the U.S. 35, no. 3 (2010): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mel.2010.0000.

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