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1
Rahayu, Anik Cahyaning. "THREE CRITICAL APPROACHES IN LITERARY CRITICISM: AN EXAMPLE ANALYSIS ON MATTHEW ARNOLD’S DOVER BEACH." ANAPHORA: Journal of Language, Literary and Cultural Studies 2, no. 2 (March 9, 2020): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/anaphora.v2i2.3366.
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To approach a work of literature can be done in different ways. Some approaches can be used to analyze a literary work, such as psychological, historical, sociological, etc. To analyze one literary work, more than one approach can be applied. This article is an example of analyzing a poem, Mattew Arnold's Dover Beach from three different critical positions, the formalist, the sociological, and psychoanalytical. The formalist critics view work as a timeless aesthetic object. We may find whatever we wish in the work as long as what we find is in the work itself The sociological critic views that to understand Arnold’s ‘Dover Beach’, we must know something about the major intellectual social current of Victorian England and how Arnold responded to them. All psychoanalytic critics assume that the development of the psyche in humans is analogous to the development of the physique. ‘Dover Beach’ is richly suggestive of the fundamental psychic dilemma of man in civilization.
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INOUE, Toshifumi. "Tunnelling Machine for the Franco-England Dover Tunnel Project : Japan's Technology realized Napoleon Dream." Journal of the Society of Mechanical Engineers 106, no. 1015 (2003): 482–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1299/jsmemag.106.1015_482.
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Coggan, R. A., and P. R. Dando. "Movements of juvenile Dover sole, Solea solea (L.), in the Tamar Estuary, South-western England." Journal of Fish Biology 33, sa (December 1988): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-8649.1988.tb05571.x.
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Hutton, R. "The Making of the Secret Treaty of Dover, 1668–1670." Historical Journal 29, no. 2 (June 1986): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018756.
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Few international agreements have provoked more controversy among historians than that concluded at Dover, on 22 May 1670, by representatives of the English and French Crowns. Its main provisions were for an offensive war against the Dutch republic of the United Provinces, leading to its destruction as a European power, and for the public profession by the English king, Charles II, of the Roman Catholic faith, which had been regarded by most English people for a hundred years as the bitterest enemy of their own church. The existence of this treaty was concealed not only from the other European states and the subjects of the respective monarchs, but from the greater number of their own ministers. The motives of Charles in making this amazing pact have remained a mystery. In the present century, they have been represented by Sir Keith Feiling as an attempt to unite Catholics and Protestant dissenters as a foundation for a stronger monarchy; by Cyril Hartmann, K. H. D. Haley, David Ogg and Lady Antonia Fraser as a decision to hitch England to the fortunes of Europe's strongest state, France; by Sir Arthur Bryant as a wish to ensure his country a share of the Spanish empire and his throne a dependable group of supporters in the form of the Catholics; by Maurice Lee and J. R. Jones as a grand design to make himself independent of his subjects in general and of parliament in particular; and by John Miller as a desire for vengeance upon the Dutch.
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LEARY, P. N., G. A. CARSON, M. K. E. COOPER, M. B. HART, D. HORNE, I. JARVIS, A. ROSENFELD, and B. A. TOCHER. "The biotic response to the late Cenomanian oceanic anoxic event; integrated evidence from Dover, SE England." Journal of the Geological Society 146, no. 2 (March 1989): 311–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1144/gsjgs.146.2.0311.
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Paul, C. R. C., S. Mitchell, M. Lamolda, and A. Gorostidi. "The Cenomanian-Turonian Boundary Event in northern Spain." Geological Magazine 131, no. 6 (November 1994): 801–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016756800012875.
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AbstractA sparse but moderately diverse nannoflora is recorded through the Cenomanian-Turonian Boundary Event (CTBE) at Menoyo, Spain and allows recognition of the late Cenomanian Eiffellithus turriseiffelii Zone and the early Turonian Quadrum gartneri Zone, as well as five significant nannofossil bioevents associated with the CTBE. Carbon isotopes record a modest excursion which lasted 250–270 thousand years (ka) in three phases, buildup (105 ka), plateau (126 ka) and recovery (42 ka). Acid insoluble residue values imply that sea level rose through the buildup phase, indicated by a reduction in the accumulation rate of siliciclastic sediment. However, oceanic productivity apparently declined through the CTBE, indicated by reduction in accumulation rates of total carbonate and intact coccoliths to less than a quarter of their initial values. These patterns are very similar to those found through the CTBE at Dover, England and reflect widespread not local effects. A combination of lithological changes, seven key bioevents, and details of the δ13C curve, allows us to suggest a bed-by-bed correlation through the CTBE between Dover and Menoyo, demonstrating the practicality of cyclostratigraphy for international correlation at a precision of ± 10 ka. Graphic correlation produces a straight line fit despite wide fluctuations in sediment accumulation rates at both localities. This can only occur if changes were in phase and of similar magnitudes at both localities, again suggesting widespread, perhaps global, control.
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Walvin, James. "John Benson. The Working Class in England, 1875-1914. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 214. $27.50." Albion 17, no. 4 (1985): 519–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049456.
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Jeans, C. V., D. Long, M. A. Hall, D. J. Bland, and C. Cornford. "The geochemistry of the Plenus Marls at Dover, England: evidence of fluctuating oceanographic conditions and of glacial control during the development of the Cenomanian–Turonian δ13C anomaly." Geological Magazine 128, no. 6 (November 1991): 603–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016756800019725.
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AbstractThe sediments and organic calcite geochemistry (Fe2+, Mn2+, Sr, Mg, δ18O, δ13C) of the Plenus Marls at Dover (southeast England) reflect the changing oceanographic conditions associated with the development of the late Cenomanian-early Turonian S1SC excursion.The Plenus Marls of Dover consist of five marl-chalk couplets with a total thickness of up to 3 m. The sediments were deposited in an increasingly shallowing sea during a major regressional phase of the Chalk Sea over Europe. Each marl horizon was deposited in slightly cooler water of lower productivity and higher energy level than the overlying chalk, and represents a phase of enhanced regression. Inoceramus prisms and shell fragments from the marls have enhanced Mg values, whereas all the biogenic calcite from the chalks is enriched in Fe2+. The high clay content of the Plenus Marls probably originated from the post-depositional argillization of unstable silicate detritus (possibly of volcanoclastic origin) introduced into the regressing sea by rejuvenated river systems. The δ18O values of individual planktic and benthic foraminifera species have been lightened by diagenetic reaction; however they demonstrate (1) the presence of a constant temperature gradient in the water column with warmer surface waters relative to the bottom waters, and (2) the association of a marked temperature drop with the appearance of Jefferies' cold water occidental fauna and the development of a Mn2+ anomaly (Bed 5) in the average calcite skeletons of all particle size fractions. The δ13C values of individual planktic and benthic foraminifera species show that a normal oceanic gradient existed except at two levels (Beds 3, 5), where this is reversed with heavier values shown by the benthic forms. The normal δ13C gradient steepened rapidly as the water shallowed and the δ13C excursion reached maximum values. Dysaerobic and anaerobic water conditions were completely absent and the level of oxygenation (macrofaunal diversity) increased in parallel with the shallowing and the enhanced δ13C excursion.Comparison with the Plenus Marls section at Flixton (east Yorkshire), which shows evidence of restricted faunas and deposition under anoxic conditions (black bands rich in terrestrial organic matter), demonstrates that between these two localities there is unequivocal correlation of the δ13C excursion and the temperature drop associated with Jefferies' cold water occidental fauna. Anomalous geochemical features of the Dover Plenus Marls are explained by the redeposition of Flixton-type coccolith-rich chalk (very low Fe2+ content) and by the occasional introduction of cold northern bottom waters enriched in 13C.The status of the Cenomanian-Turonian oceanic anoxic event and its supporting evidence is discussed and is considered to be untenable on present evidence. An alternative hypothesis based upon a glacial mechanism is put forward; this is supported by evidence of widespread regression, restricted ocean circulation, lower ocean temperatures, enhanced input of terrestrial organic matter, and the presence of dropstones.
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Slater, Miriam. "Clare Gittings. Death, Burial and the Individual in Early Modern England. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1984. Pp. 269. $34.50." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048711.
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Hodgetts, Michael. "Campion in the Thames Valley, 1580." Recusant History 30, no. 1 (May 2010): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200012619.
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Between July and October 1580, Robert Persons and Edmund Campion, who had landed at Dover in June, ‘passed through the most part of the shires of England, preaching and administering the sacraments in almost every gentleman's and nobleman's house that we passed by, whether he was Catholic or not, provided he had any Catholics in his house to hear us’. Between Christmas 1580 and Whitsun 1581 Campion went on a similar journey to the North, the itinerary of which can be recovered in fair detail from entries in the Acts of the Privy Council and from a summary of the subsequent examinations which was annotated by Lord Burghley. The mission of Campion and Persons (and of the dozen or so others who accompanied them from Rome) has rightly been regarded as a pivotal event in the story of Elizabethan recusancy. But no serious attempt has ever been made to reconstruct their itineraries in 1580.
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Stinton†, T. C. W. "Sophocles, Trachiniae 94–102." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (December 1986): 337–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012106.
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Some years ago, Sir Kenneth Dover suggested a new interpretation of καρ⋯ξαι. Prima facie, the chorus ask the sun to proclaim where Heracles is, and this sense is supported by such passages as Il. 3.277 Ή⋯λιóς θ', ὃς π⋯ντ' ⋯ɸορᾷς, Od. 9.109 Ήελ⋯ου, ὅς π⋯ντ' ⋯ɸορᾷ (cf A. PV 91, S. OC 869), Od. 8.270–1 ἄɸαρ δ⋯ οἱ ἄγγελος ἧλθεν | Ή⋯λιος, and especially (‘a passage…which comes very close to Sophocles in spirit’) h. Cer. 69ff., where ‘Demeter visits the Sun and implores him, “you who look down on all earth and sea…tell me truly of my dear child, if you have seen her anywhere, who has gone off with her…”.’ This is the way καρ⋯ξαι in Trach. 97 has always been taken. Dover points out, however, that κηρ⋯ττειν also has a special, technical sense: to make proclamation inquiring about a missing person's whereabouts, as the town-crier used to do a century ago England and elsewhere, and the media do now. The model is not that of h. Cer. 69ff., but rather S. Aj. 845ff.: ‘Sun, when you see my native land, draw near and tell (ἄγγειλον) my aged father…of my fate.’The examples he cites are enough to demonstrate the ‘interrogative’ use of κηρ⋯ττω, though his first example, Ar. Ach. 748 ⋯γὼν δ⋯ καρυξ⋯ Δικαιóπολιν ὅπᾳ, will not do: if sound, it means not ‘I will find out by κ⋯ρυξ where Dicaeopolis is’ (he is present in the next line), but ‘I will summon Dicaeopolis to where (the sale is)’. The normal ‘interrogative’ use is to enquire by herald (town-crier) the whereabouts of a Crminal (Andoc. 1.112, D. 25.56, Antiphon ii γ 2 with ib. δ 6) or a runaway slave (Lucian,Fug. 27).
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Heiser, Richard R. "Castles, Constables, and Politics in Late Twelfth-Century English Governance." Albion 32, no. 1 (2000): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s009513900006419x.
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By 1190, King Richard I of England (1189-1199) had departed for the Third Crusade and had settled on William Longchamp, royal chancellor and bishop of Ely, as the chief justiciar, the king’s regent during the royal absence. But before Richard had even left the European continent, Longchamp’s justiciarship had provoked a powerful reaction from those subjected to it. The hue and cry lifted against the chief justiciar by leaders of the revolt that ousted him included accusations that Longchamp filled England and its offices with “foreigners and unknown men” and that he ruled without the appares, associates whom Richard had included in the regency to assist the chief justiciar. Recent research has shown that the latter charge is patently untrue but the former, utilizing foreigners and others unfamiliar with England and its government, was fundamentally true, at least with regard to justice and the shrievalties. Does Longchamp’s style of management repeat itself with castles and what were the implications for him, the kingdom, and the king? A cursory glance at events during his justiciarship shows that castles played a large role in the narrative, from the massacre of the Jews at York Castle to the arrest of Archbishop Geoffrey at Dover Castle. Though the evidence is of a more tentative nature than that for judicial activity and shrievalties, Longchamp employed in this critical position men close to him, both personal dependents and tested curial servants, a pattern of appointment markedly different from that of the king. Richard I’s practices benefited the baronage, but the chancellor’s determination to bring as many castles as possible under his direct control worked to alienate the chief justiciar from his subjects and disastrously eroded his power base.
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Paz, D. G. "Phil Gardiner. The Lost Elementary Schools of Victorian England: The People's Education. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1984. Pp. viii, 296. $38.50." Albion 17, no. 3 (1985): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048985.
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Doll, William E., Carol D. Rea, John E. Ebel, Sandra J. Craven, and John J. Cipar. "Analysis of Shallow Microearthquakes in the South Sebec Seismic Zone, Maine, 1989–1990." Seismological Research Letters 63, no. 4 (October 1, 1992): 557–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1785/gssrl.63.4.557.
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Abstract Fifteen years of regional monitoring by the New England Seismic Network indicated a locally high level of seismicity near South Sebec, between the towns of Milo and Dover-Foxcroft in central Maine. Most of the events were located in a diffuse zone south of the distinctive, ENE trending Harriman Pond Fault (HPF) which is indicated by brittle deformation in outcrop and is represented as a depression in topographic maps and satellite images. A portable network consisting of both digital and analog instruments was deployed during the summers of 1989 and 1990 in order to characterize the pattern of the microearthquakes and to determine high-resolution epicenters, depths, and fault plane solutions. Seventy-three events were detected during the experiment, of which 28 could be located. Many of the events south of the fault lie along a NNW trending line which has no major expression in the surface geology. Only, a few of the events are subparallel to the HPF. The first motion data were insufficient for the determination of any fault plane solutions.
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Steele, Ian K. "Communicating an English Revolution to the Colonies, 1688–1689." Journal of British Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1985): 333–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385838.
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The America of Boston, bound from its home port to London in December of 1688, began taking soundings that were political as well as nautical as it approached England. Two weeks before an English port was reached, the first news was heard from a shipmaster returning from Barbados, who shared what he had heard earlier from an English vessel out of Galloway. The passengers of the America were told that William of Orange had landed at Torbay early in November, that the prince had taken England, and that King James was dead. The truth, the guess, and the false rumor all came aboard with equal credibility. They were only four days from port before they learned that the king was not dead, though the source was a five-week-old report from the Canary Islands. The occupants of the America could still be buffeted by strange and disturbing tales when they were only one day from Dover. The master of a pink that was two weeks out of Liverpool gave the date of the prince's landing as three weeks later than the event, gave William's force as an astounding 50,000 men and 600 ships, and told the apprehensive colonials that the drowned bodies of Englishmen were being found tied back-to-back and that French men-of-war were cruising with commissions from King James II. All this worrisome “news” proved erroneous but accompanied an account that would prove correct, that the king was not dead but had fled to France.
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Haslett, S. K., and E. A. Bryant. "Historic tsunami in Britain since AD 1000: a review." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 8, no. 3 (June 30, 2008): 587–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-8-587-2008.
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Abstract. The British coast is not considered at particular risk from tsunami, a view that is supported by a number of recent government reports. However, these reports largely ignore some written historic records that suggest southern Britain has experienced a number of events over the past 1000 yrs. This study briefly assesses these records and recognises four groups of events: 1) sea disturbance and coastal floods in southeast England linked to earthquakes in the Dover Straits (e.g. 1382 and 1580), 2) far-field tsunami reaching the coast of the British Isles, for example, from earthquakes along the Azores-Gibraltar Fault Zone offshore Portugal (e.g. 1755), 3) tsunami associated with near-coastal low magnitude earthquakes (e.g. 1884 and 1892), and 4) a flood event in AD 1014 that has been linked to comet debris impact. The seismogenic events range from minor water disturbance, through seismic seiching, to small and "giant" waves, suggesting near-coastal, low-magnitude, shallow earthquakes may be capable of triggering disturbance in relatively shallow water, as supported by similar occurrences elsewhere, and that the British tsunami risk requires a more careful evaluation.
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Langford, Paul. "British Politeness and the Progress of Western Manners: An Eighteenth-Century Enigma." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 7 (December 1997): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679270.
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IN March 1802, the peace treaty of Amiens was signed, resulting in a two-way flow of travellers across the English Channel. Among those arriving at Dover was Joseph Fiévée, printer by trade,littérateurby vocation, and latterly politican by profession. It is said that he was commissioned by Bonaparte himself to report on affairs in London. In any event, his findings were published in theMercureand reprinted in a work whose title,Lettres sur l'Angleterre, et réflexions sur la philosopkie du XVIIIe siècle, challenged comparison with the most famous of French commentaries on England, that of Voltaire. It reads as polemic rather than analysis, confronting what Fiévée took to be serious errors made by his countrymen when they wrote about Britain. But little of the book was what one might expect of such a work. Fiévée was not primarily interested in British politics, law and government, but in the character and manners of the people. His conclusions may be summed up in one of his many generalizations. ‘If civilization … is the art of rendering society pleasing, agreeable and congenial, the English constitute the least civilised nation of Europe.’
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Levy, F. J. "G. Lloyd Jones. The Discovery of Hebrew in Tudor England: A Third Language. Dover, N.H.: Manchester University Press. 1938. Pp. vi, 311. $35.00." Albion 17, no. 4 (1985): 489–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049436.
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Bouveroux, Thibaut, James J. Waggitt, Anissa Belhadjer, Pierre W. Cazenave, Peter G. H. Evans, and Jeremy J. Kiszka. "Modelling fine-scale distribution and relative abundance of harbour porpoises in the Southern Bight of the North Sea using platform-of-opportunity data." Journal of the Marine Biological Association of the United Kingdom 100, no. 3 (April 24, 2020): 481–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025315420000326.
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AbstractOver the last 25 years, the harbour porpoise (Phocoena phocoena) has made a significant return to the Southern Bight of the North Sea and the English Channel due to a shift in distribution from northerly regions. Although the ecological drivers of this return are unclear, this species faces multiple threats in the region, including by-catch and habitat degradation. Ferry-based surveys were conducted year-round between November 2011 and June 2014 to assess the influence of environmental parameters upon the spatiotemporal distribution and relative abundance of harbour porpoises in the Southern Bight of the North Sea. A total of 1450 sightings of harbour porpoises were recorded during the 100 round-trip surveys carried out between Dunkirk (France) and Dover (England). Inter-annual and monthly variations in group size were observed, with largest groups recorded in 2014 (mean = 2.02) and in January (mean = 2.32). The relative abundance showed significant seasonal variation, with peaks recorded during winter months. An inter-annual increasing relative abundance was recorded during the study period. There was a seasonally dependent association with environmental variables, particularly depth, seabed roughness and current speed. Finally, predictions suggest large increases of the relative abundance in offshore habitats during winter months and over the study period.
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Stoyle, Mark. "“The Gear Rout”: The Cornish Rising of 1648 and the Second Civil War." Albion 32, no. 1 (2000): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000064206.
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In July 1648 John Bond, Master of the Savoy, delivered a thanksgiving sermon to the House of Commons, in which he praised God for the series of victories that the New Model Army had recently won in many parts of England and Wales. The tangled, multi-layered conflict known to posterity as the Second Civil War was still raging, rebel forces were holding out in Colchester and the Scottish army of the Engagement was marching south, but Bond—anxious to buoy up the Army’s allies and to cast down the spirits of its enemies—did everything he could to emphasise the universality of the recent successes. “The garment of gladnesse reacheth all over…the Land,” he declaimed, “the robe [of victory] reacheth from…Northumberland in the North, to…Sussex in the South…[and] from Dover…in the East, to Pensands, the utmost part of Cornwall, in the West.” Bond’s reference to Penzance would have struck a chord with many of his listeners, for accounts of an insurgent defeat in the little Cornish town had been read out in the House some weeks before. Yet, from that day to this, the rising at Penzance—and indeed the entire “Western dimension” of the Second Civil War have been largely forgotten.
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Bohstedt, John. "James Walvin. English Urban Life, 1776-1851. (Hutchinson Social History of England.) Dover, N.H.: Hutchinson Education. 1984. Pp. vii, 216. $21.00 cloth $10.95 paper." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 107–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048724.
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Willen, Diane. "Lindsey Charles and Lorna Duffin, editors. Women and Work in Pre-Industrial England. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 212. $29.00 cloth, $13.50 paper." Albion 19, no. 1 (1987): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049685.
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Lamolda, M. A., A. Gorostidi, and C. R. C. Paul. "Quantitative estimates of calcareous nannofossil changes across the Plenus Marls (latest Cenomanian), Dover, England: implications for the generation of the Cenomanian-Turonian Boundary Event." Cretaceous Research 15, no. 2 (April 1994): 143–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/cres.1994.1007.
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Shephard, Robert. "John C. Chandler, editor. John Leland's Itinerary: Travels in Tudor England. Dover, N.H.: Alan Sutton. 1993. Pp. xxxvi, 601. $50.00. ISBN 0-86299-957-X." Albion 26, no. 3 (1994): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052613.
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Kilroy, Gerard. "“Paths Coincident”." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 4 (July 9, 2014): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00104014.
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Edmund Campion arrived in Dublin on August 25, 1570, on a travelling fellowship from St. John’s College, Oxford. This five-year leave of absence enabled him to postpone ordination in the Elizabethan church. Campion was invited to stay with the Recorder of Dublin, James Stanihurst, whose library was to satisfy his academic needs, and who was hoping that Campion might help with the university that formed a key part of the program of reform in Ireland. Campion had ignored calls from friends already at the English college in Douai to join them. Dublin was meant to be a quiet pause, allowing Campion to stay quietly within the establishment. It was not to be like that. This article argues that Ireland was the beginning and, thanks to the disastrous invasion in July 1579 by Nicholas Sander, the end of Campion’s troubles; that the rebellion stirred by Sander in Munster created such fear of an invasion in England that the Jesuit missionaries were doomed from the moment they landed at Dover one year later; that the radical arguments in favor of papal power to depose monarchs expressed in De visibili monarchia (1571), not the theological arguments for the Catholic and apostolic church in Rationes decem (1581), were at the center of Campion’s interrogations on the rack; and that the parallel lives of Campion and Sander reveal two completely contrasting views of the papacy, and of Rome.
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Jarvis, I., and K. Jarvis. "Geochemistry of the Cenomanian/Turonian (upper cretadeous) boundary at Dover England: A study using Inductively Coupled Plasma-Atomic Emission and ICP-Mass Spectrometry (ICP-AES & ICP-MS)." Chemical Geology 70, no. 1-2 (August 1988): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0009-2541(88)90199-4.
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Bridgland, D. R., and P. L. Gibbard. "Quaternary River Diversions in the London Basin and the Eastern English Channel." Paléoréseaux hydrographiques quaternaires : centenaire W.M. Davis 51, no. 3 (November 30, 2007): 337–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/033132ar.
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ABSTRACT The principal river of the London basin, the Thames, has experienced a number of course changes during the Quaternary. Some, at least, of these are known to result directly from glaciation. In the early Quaternary the river flowed to the north of London across East Anglia to the north coast of Norfolk. By the early Middle Pleistocene it had changed its course to flow eastwards near the Suffolk - Essex border into the southern North Sea. The Thames valley to the north of London was blocked by ice during the Anglian/Elsterian glaciation, causing a series of glacial lakes to form. Overflow of these lakes brought the river into its modern valley through London. It is thought that this valley already existed by the Anglian in the form of a tributary of the north-flowing River Medway, which joined the old Thames valley near Clacton. Also during the Anglian/Elsterian glaciation. British and continental ice masses are thought to have joined in the northern part of the North Sea basin, causing a large lake to form between the east coast of England and the Netherlands. It is widely believed that the overflow from this lake caused the first breach in the Weald-Artois Ridge, bringing about the formation of the Strait of Dover. Prior to the glaciation the Thames, in common with rivers from the continent (including the Rhine and Meuse), flowed into the North Sea Basin. It seems that, after the lake overflow, these rivers together drained southwards into the English Channel. Whether this southern drainage route was adopted during all later periods of low sea level remains to be determined, but it seems certain that this was the case during the last glacial.
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H. P. "R. H. Johnson (ed.) 1985. The Geomorphology of North-west England. 421 pp. Manchester, Dover, New Hampshire: Manchester University Press. Price £49.95 (hardback); £14.95 (paperback). ISBN 0 7190 1745 9 (hardback); 0 7190 1790 4 (paperback)." Geological Magazine 123, no. 4 (July 1986): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0016756800033641.
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Macdonald, Charlotte. "Land, Death and Dower in the Settler Empire: the Lost Cause of "The Widow's Third" in Nineteenth-Century New Zealand." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 41, no. 3 (November 6, 2010): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v41i3.5218.
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Exploration of dower right or the 'widow's third' in 1840s-70s New Zealand provides an additional perspective on marriage and property history to the better known story of late 19thC married women's property reform. New Zealand practice broadly followed the curtailed dower history of the 1833 Dower Act (England) with further acceleration driven by the desire to rapidly disencumber land title in order to free property in land for easy sale and exchange. Several dower cases are traced, revealing the circumstances of widows in the social and economic fabric of colonial communities. Debates in the settler parliament in the 1870s reveal increasingly divergent set of understandings around land as property, about inheritance and a concern for the situation of women within, but not beyond, marriage.
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Dickinson, Tania M. "Dover: the Buckland Anglo-Saxon Cemetery. By Vera I. Evison. 30.5×22 cm. Pp. 412, 170 figs, (inc. col.), 55 tables, 16 pls (inc. 4 col.). London: Historic Buildings and Monuments Commission for England (Archaeological Report, 3), 1987. ISBN 1-85074-090-9. £45.00." Antiquaries Journal 68, no. 1 (March 1988): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500022861.
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Seabourne, Gwen. "Coke, the statute, wives and lovers: routes to a harsher interpretation of the Statute of Westminster II c. 34 on dower and adultery." Legal Studies 34, no. 1 (March 2014): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lest.12010.
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In the Statute of Westminster II (1285) c. 34, it was enacted that a widow could lose her action of dower, and the possibility of claiming the usual proportion of her deceased husband's real property, if, while he was alive, she had left him for a lover, and the married couple had not been reconciled during the husband's life. This new exception to the action of dower represented an important change in the balance between a widow and her husband's heir, or others with an interest in lands she might claim as her dower, and is therefore of great significance to the history of women, law and property in the common law world. The exception remained part of the law of England until dower itself was abolished in 1925, but, although the early years of the exception have been explored, its later history is less well known. As this paper will show, there was a slow and contested move away from the early literal and relatively ‘widow-friendly’ interpretation of c. 34 to a purposive, more moralising and much more ‘widow-unfriendly’ view, influenced by the opinion of Sir Edward Coke (1552–1634), and encouraged by a number of other legal and social factors.
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Brand, Paul. "‘Deserving’ and ‘Undeserving’ Wives: Earning and Forfeiting Dower in Medieval England." Journal of Legal History 22, no. 1 (April 2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440362208539623.
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Wiener, Martin J. "Christopher Harding, Bill Hines, Richard Ireland and Philip Rawlings. Imprisonment in England and Wales: A Concise History. Dover, N. H.: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. xiii, 308. $43.00. - Philip Priestley. Victorian Prison Lives: English Prison Biography 1830-1914. London and New York: Methuen & Co.1985. Pp. xii, 311. $25.00." Albion 18, no. 3 (1986): 521–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050014.
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Meron, Theodor. "Shakespeare: A Dove, a Hawk, or Simply a Humanist?" American Journal of International Law 111, no. 4 (October 2017): 936–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.85.
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For readers whose first introduction to Shakespeare was through the widely seen film Henry V by Laurence Olivier, it is not surprising that Shakespeare was regarded as a patriotic, nationalistic and militaristic, rather pro-war playwright. Olivier's Henry V, as Ton Hoenselaars points out in his “Out-Ranting the Enemy Leader”: Henry V and/as World War II Propaganda, was entrenched in the British propaganda effort even before the thought of the film version of the war epic had occurred. Indeed, the film resulted from an invitation to produce it for the Churchill government. According to William Shaw, Olivier's film produced uplifting, patriotic propaganda for a war-weary England. It was the first Shakespeare play produced in Technicolor.
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WEIMERSKIRCH, P. "STRUIK, D. J. Yankee science in the making. Science and engineering in New England from colonial times to the civil war. (“unabridged, slightly revised republication of 1961 revised edition”). Dover Publications & Constable & Co., New York & London: “1991” [1992]. Pp 544. Price: £ 11.95. ISBN: 0-486-26927-2." Archives of Natural History 21, no. 1 (February 1994): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.1994.21.1.133.
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Woodfield, James. "Michael Sanderson. From Irving to Olivier: A Social History of the Acting Profession in England 1880-1983. New York: St. Martin's Press. 1984. Pp. xii, 375. $27.50. - James C. Robertson. The British Board of Film Censors: Film Censorship in Britain, 1896-1950. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 213. $29.00." Albion 18, no. 2 (1986): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050368.
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Ristić, Milica. "Pojedini aspekti građanskopravnog položaja udatih žena u srednjovjekovnoj Engleskoj." Vesnik pravne istorije 1, no. 2/2020 (June 15, 2021): 38–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.51204/hlh_20202a.
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The arrival of the Norman tribes in the territory of England inevitably meant the influence of the customs of these tribes on the formation of a new legal system, known as „common law”. Soon after, this system established the judicial precedent as the basic source of law, which made it significantly different from European continental legal systems. However, when it came to the position of women, the common law world was the same as the continental legal systems. It was the male world, as evidenced by the famous Blackstone’s thought that husband and wife are one, and that one is the husband. In the moment of marriage, the wife would lose her legal capacity, and her personality would be drowned in her husband’s power over her and her property. Considering many other restrictions on women’s rights that will be addressed in the paper, it is not surprising that widows enjoyed the best status in medieval England, mostly owing to the institute of dower. This injustice was corrected by the emergence of the justice system and especially the trust institute. This paper is dedicated to the stages of development of the rights of married women in medieval England from complete denial to their affirmation, and especially to the contribution of the institutions of equity law to that development.
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Karn, Nicholas. "England’s trade with the Continent in the early thirteenth century: customs and the port of Dover." Journal of Medieval History 46, no. 3 (March 24, 2020): 306–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2020.1744032.
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Jenkins, Rachel. "England's policy on severe mental illness." Epidemiologia e Psichiatria Sociale 5, no. 1 (April 1996): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1121189x00003912.
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RIASSUNTOLa Gran Bretagna ha messo a punto una comprovata strategia sulla salute mentale che include dove e come le persone sono curate e con quali obiettivi. Ha assicurato che la politica sanitaria sia basata sull'epidemiologia dei disturbi psichici e che sia incentrata non solo sui disturbi psichici gravi, che necessitano di trattamenti specifici, ma anche sui disturbi meno gravi in medicina di base, nelle carceri e sul posto di lavoro ed inoltre sull'integrazione e interfaccia tra i servizi di salute mentale ed altre agenzie.Ha basato la politica sanitaria su un quadro coerente di promozione della prevenzione della salute mentale (prevenzione primaria, secondaria e terziaria e prevenzione della mortalita) conduce questa politica quantificando l'esito in termini di salute mentale, nonche gli imputs ed i processi.
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Biancalana, Joseph. "The Writs of Dower and Chapter 49 of Westminster I." Cambridge Law Journal 49, no. 1 (March 1990): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197300106919.
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The growth of royal justice in England consisted in part in the development of writs to begin proceedings in royal, county, or seignorial court. In the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries the King's court seldom created entirely new substantive rules and entitlements. Rather, the growth of royal justice consisted in the reinstitutionalisation of customary norms and entitlements in the legal mechanism of royal government. The available writs and the rules governing their use—especially writs which began proceedings directly in the King's court—constituted the structure of royal justice in that they determined which norms and entitlements would be shaped in the King's court and would have the power and authority of royal government behind them. Bracton's ideal that there ought to be a writ for every case requiring a remedy motivated the proliferation of royal writs—both the creation of new writs and the division of existing writs into two or more variants—from the forty-five writs found in Glanvill (1187–9) to the 886 writs found in an early fourteenth-century register of writs. Each new writ brought a new social situation within the ken of royal government or changed the terms in which royal government recognised and enforced social norms. The division of a single writ into two or more variants meant a refinement of the legal structure. Changes in the rules governing the use of a writ also changed the interaction between royal government and social life. The reinstitutionalisation of customary norms and entitlements created additional subjects for argument. In addition to the customary norms as recognised in the King's court, persons could also argue about the writs and rules of the King's court itself. Substantive issues could thus be suppressed and transposed into procedural issues that deter-mined the boundaries to the royal judicial power to affirm and to effectuate customary norms. In 1176, the King asserted royal jurisdiction over the customary entitlement known as dower. This essay traces the development of the writs of dower from their creation to Chapter 49 of the Statute of Westminster I (1275), which changed the rule for using thepraecipe writ of dower.
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HIX, SIMON, BJØRN HØYLAND, and NICK VIVYAN. "From doves to hawks: A spatial analysis of voting in the Monetary Policy Committee of the Bank of England." European Journal of Political Research 49, no. 6 (September 14, 2010): 731–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01916.x.
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Sheridan Walker, Sue. "‘Litigant Agency’ In Dower Pleas in The Royal Common Law Courts In Thirteenth and Early Fourteenth Century England1." Journal of Legal History 24, no. 3 (December 2003): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440362408539665.
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Dixon, Nick, and Edward J. A. Drewitt. "A 20-year study investigating the diet of Peregrines, Falco peregrinus, at an urban site in south-west England (1997–2017)." Ornis Hungarica 26, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/orhu-2018-0027.
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Abstract Until relatively recently Peregrines have been regarded as a rural bird. As their populations have increased over the past 20 years, Peregrines have increasingly become urban birds. One of the earliest locations to be occupied by Peregrines in the UK was on a church in Exeter, in the county of Devon. Over the past 20 years we have studied their diet, collecting prey remains on a regular basis. The results reveal that Feral Pigeons Columba livia comprise one third of the diet by frequency and just over half of the diet when measured by mass. The remainder of the diet comprises a wealth of other species including wading birds, other doves and pigeons, ducks, gulls and terns, and rails. A selection of species eaten by the Peregrines reveal that they are hunting at night, taking certain wading birds, rails and grebes, that would be difficult to catch by day and are known to migrate at night. This study is the most comprehensive to date and reveals that while the Feral Pigeon is an important part of the diet, contrary to public opinion, it is by no means the only species that Peregrines eat. In fact, the remaining half of the diet, by mass, comprised 101 other species of bird and three species of mammal. Such dietary studies help dispel myths about peregrines feeding habits and ensure that their conservation and protection is based on evidence.
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SPEIGHT, JAMES G. "A Review of: Dovers, S. (Editor). “Sustainable Energy Systems”. ISBN 0-521-43099-2. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 248 pp. $59.95." Energy Sources 18, no. 6 (September 1996): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00908319608956229.
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Falchi, Federica. "Democracy and the rights of women in the thinking of Giuseppe Mazzini1." Modern Italy 17, no. 1 (February 2012): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.640084.
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Addressing Italian workers in his Doveri dell'uomo of 1860, Mazzini unequivocally laid out his thoughts on women's rights. The thinker from Genoa, all the more after his encounters with other political philosophers from different national environments such as Britain and France, saw the principle of equality between men and women as fundamental to his project of constructing first the nation, and second a democratic republic. In his ideas regarding emancipation Mazzini, who spent a good 40 years of his life in exile, was one of a small group of European thinkers who in challenging the established customs and prevailing laws not only hoped for the end of women's social and judicial subordination, but also held that changes to the position of women were essential to the realisation of their political projects. Thanks to this respected group of intellectuals, the issue of female emancipation found a place in the nineteenth-century European debate regarding democracy and the formation of national states. The closeness of the positions of these thinkers, and their commitment in practice as well as theory, mean that it can legitimately be argued that in the course of the nineteenth century a current of feminist thinking took shape. This was born of the encounters between and reflections of various intellectuals who met first in France and then in England, and who came to see women's rights not just as a discrete issue for resolution but as fundamental to their projects for the regeneration of nations, or, as in the Italian case, for the construction and rebirth of a nation.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1995): 315–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002642.
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-Dennis Walder, Robert D. Hamner, Derek Walcott. New York: Twayne Publishers, 1993. xvi + 199 pp.''Critical perspectives on Derek Walcott. Washington DC: Three continents, 1993. xvii + 482 pp.-Yannick Tarrieu, Lilyan Kesteloot, Black writers in French: A literary history of Negritude. Translated by Ellen Conroy Kennedy. Washington DC: Howard University Press, 1991. xxxiii + 411 pp.-Renée Larrier, Carole Boyce Davies ,Out of the Kumbla: Caribbean women and literature. Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, 1990. xxiii + 399 pp., Elaine Savory Fido (eds)-Renée Larrier, Evelyn O'Callaghan, Woman version: Theoretical approaches to West Indian fiction by women. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. viii + 126 pp.-Lisa Douglass, Carolyn Cooper, Noises in the blood: Orality, gender and the 'vulgar' body of Jamaican popular culture. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. ix + 214 pp.-Christine G.T. Ho, Kumar Mahabir, East Indian women of Trinidad & Tobago: An annotated bibliography with photographs and ephemera. San Juan, Trinidad: Chakra, 1992. vii + 346 pp.-Eva Abraham, Richenel Ansano ,Mundu Yama Sinta Mira: Womanhood in Curacao. Eithel Martis (eds.). Curacao: Fundashon Publikashon, 1992. xii + 240 pp., Joceline Clemencia, Jeanette Cook (eds)-Louis Allaire, Corrine L. Hofman, In search of the native population of pre-Colombian Saba (400-1450 A.D.): Pottery styles and their interpretations. Part one. Amsterdam: Natuurwetenschappelijke Studiekring voor het Caraïbisch Gebied, 1993. xiv + 269 pp.-Frank L. Mills, Bonham C. Richardson, The Caribbean in the wider world, 1492-1992: A regional geography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. xvi + 235 pp.-Frank L. Mills, Thomas D. Boswell ,The Caribbean Islands: Endless geographical diversity. New Brunswick NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1992. viii + 240 pp., Dennis Conway (eds)-Alex van Stipriaan, H.W. van den Doel ,Nederland en de Nieuwe Wereld. Utrecht: Aula, 1992. 348 pp., P.C. Emmer, H.PH. Vogel (eds)-Idsa E. Alegría Ortega, Francine Jácome, Diversidad cultural y tensión regional: América Latina y el Caribe. Caracas: Nueva Sociedad, 1993. 143 pp.-Barbara L. Solow, Ira Berlin ,Cultivation and culture: Labor and the shaping of slave life in the Americas. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993. viii + 388 pp., Philip D. Morgan (eds)-Andrew J. O'Shaughnessy, Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Providence Island, 1630-1641: The other puritan colony. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. xiii + 393 pp.-Armando Lampe, Johannes Meier, Die Anfänge der Kirche auf den Karibischen Inseln: Die Geschichte der Bistümer Santo Domingo, Concepción de la Vega, San Juan de Puerto Rico und Santiago de Cuba von ihrer Entstehung (1511/22) bis zur Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Immensee: Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, 1991. xxxiii + 313 pp.-Edward L. Cox, Carl C. Campbell, Cedulants and capitulants; The politics of the coloured opposition in the slave society of Trinidad, 1783-1838. Port of Spain, Trinidad: Paria Publishing, 1992. xv + 429 pp.-Thomas J. Spinner, Jr., Basdeo Mangru, Indenture and abolition: Sacrifice and survival on the Guyanese sugar plantations. Toronto: TSAR, 1993. xiii + 146 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Lila Gobardhan-Rambocus ,Immigratie en ontwikkeling: Emancipatie van contractanten. Paramaribo: Anton de Kom Universiteit, 1993. 262 pp., Maurits S. Hassankhan (eds)-Juan A. Giusti-Cordero, Teresita Martínez-Vergne, Capitalism in colonial Puerto Rico: Central San Vicente in the late nineteenth century. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1992. 189 pp.-Jean Pierre Sainton, Henriette Levillain, La Guadeloupe 1875 -1914: Les soubresauts d'une société pluriethnique ou les ambiguïtés de l'assimilation. Paris: Autrement, 1994. 241 pp.-Michèle Baj Strobel, Solange Contour, Fort de France au début du siècle. Paris: L'Harmattan, 1994. 224 pp.-Betty Wood, Robert J. Stewart, Religion and society in post-emancipation Jamaica. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992. xx + 254 pp.-O. Nigel Bolland, Michael Havinden ,Colonialism and development: Britain and its tropical colonies, 1850-1960. New York: Routledge, 1993. xv + 420 pp., David Meredith (eds)-Luis Martínez-Fernández, Luis Navarro García, La independencia de Cuba. Madrid: MAPFRE, 1992. 413 pp.-Pedro A. Pequeño, Guillermo J. Grenier ,Miami now! : Immigration, ethnicity, and social change. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1992. 219 pp., Alex Stepick III (eds)-George Irving, Alistair Hennessy ,The fractured blockade: West European-Cuban relations during the revolution. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. xv + 358 pp., George Lambie (eds)-George Irving, Donna Rich Kaplowitz, Cuba's ties to a changing world. Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner, 1993, xii + 263 pp.-G.B. Hagelberg, Scott B. MacDonald ,The politics of the Caribbean basin sugar trade. New York: Praeger, 1991. vii + 164 pp., Georges A. Fauriol (eds)-Bonham C. Richardson, Trevor W. Purcell, Banana Fallout: Class, color, and culture among West Indians in Costa Rica. Los Angeles: UCLA Center for Afro-American studies, 1993. xxi + 198 pp.-Gertrude Fraser, George Gmelch, Double Passage: The lives of Caribbean migrants abroad and back home. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992. viii + 335 pp.-Gertrude Fraser, John Western, A passage to England: Barbadian Londoners speak of home. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992. xxii + 309 pp.-Trevor W. Purcell, Harry G. Lefever, Turtle Bogue: Afro-Caribbean life and culture in a Costa Rican Village. Cranbury NJ: Susquehanna University Press, 1992. 249 pp.-Elizabeth Fortenberry, Virginia Heyer Young, Becoming West Indian: Culture, self, and nation in St. Vincent. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993. x + 229 pp.-Horace Campbell, Dudley J. Thompson ,From Kingston to Kenya: The making of a Pan-Africanist lawyer. Dover MA: The Majority Press, 1993. xii + 144 pp., Margaret Cezair Thompson (eds)-Kumar Mahabir, Samaroo Siewah, The lotus and the dagger: The Capildeo speeches (1957-1994). Port of Spain: Chakra Publishing House, 1994. 811 pp.-Donald R. Hill, Forty years of steel: An annotated discography of steel band and Pan recordings, 1951-1991. Jeffrey Thomas (comp.). Westport CT: Greenwood, 1992. xxxii + 307 pp.-Jill A. Leonard, André Lucrèce, Société et modernité: Essai d'interprétation de la société martiniquaise. Case Pilote, Martinique: Editions de l'Autre Mer, 1994. 188 pp.-Dirk H. van der Elst, Ben Scholtens ,Gaama Duumi, Buta Gaama: Overlijden en opvolging van Aboikoni, grootopperhoofd van de Saramaka bosnegers. Stanley Dieko. Paramaribo: Afdeling Cultuurstudies/Minov; Amsterdam: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, 1992. 204 pp., Gloria Wekker, Lady van Putten (eds)-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Chandra van Binnendijk ,Sranan: Cultuur in Suriname. Amsterdam: Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen/Rotterdam: Museum voor Volkenkunde, 1992. 159 pp., Paul Faber (eds)-Harold Munneke, A.J.A. Quintus Bosz, Grepen uit de Surinaamse rechtshistorie. Paramaribo: Vaco, 1993. 176 pp.-Harold Munneke, Irvin Kanhai ,Strijd om grond in Suriname: Verkenning van het probleem van de grondenrechten van Indianen en Bosnegers. Paramaribo, 1993, 200 pp., Joyce Nelson (eds)-Ronald Donk, J. Hartog, De geschiedenis van twee landen: De Nederlandse Antillen en Aruba. Zaltbommel: Europese Bibliotheek, 1993. 183 pp.-Aart G. Broek, J.J. Oversteegen, In het schuim van grauwe wolken: Het leven van Cola Debrot tot 1948. Amsterdam: Muelenhoff, 1994. 556 pp.''Gemunt op wederkeer: Het leven van Cola Debrot vanaf 1948. Amsterdam: Muelenhoff, 1994. 397 pp.
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Thaning, Kaj. "Hvem var Clara? 1-3." Grundtvig-Studier 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 11–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v37i1.15940.
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Who was Clara?By Kaj ThaningIn this essay the author describes his search for Clara Bolton and her acquaintance with among others Benjamin Disraeli and the priest, Alexander d’Arblay, a son of the author, Fanny Burney. He gives a detailed account of Clara Bolton and leaves no doubt about the deep impression she made on Grundtvig, even though he met her and spoke to her only once in his life at a dinner party in London on June 24th 1830. Kaj Thaning has dedicated his essay to Dr. Oscar Wood, Christ Church College, Oxford, and explains why: “Just 30 years ago, while one of my daughters was working for Dr. Oscar Wood, she asked him who “Mrs. Bolton” was. Grundtvig speaks of her in a letter to his wife dated June 25th 1830. Through the Disraeli biographer, Robert Blake, Dr. Wood discovered her identity, so I managed to add a footnote to my thesis (p. 256). She was called Clara! The Disraeli archives, once preserved in Disraeli’s home at Hughenden Manor but now in the British Museum, contain a bundle of letters which Dr. Wood very kindly copied for me. The letters fall into three groups, the middle one being from June 1832, when Clara Bolton was campaigning, in vain, for Disraeli’s election to parliament. Her husband was the Disraeli family doctor, and through him she wrote her first letter to Benjamin Disraeli, asking for his father’s support for her good friend, Alexander d’Arblay, a theology graduate, in his application for a position. This led to the young Disraeli asking her to write to him at his home at Bradenham. There are therefore a group of letters from before June 1832. Similarly there are a number of letters from a later date, the last being from November 1832”.The essay is divided into three sections: 1) Clara Bolton and Disraeli, 2) The break between them, 3) Clara Bolton and Alexander d’Arblay. The purpose of the first two sections is to show that the nature of Clara Bolton’s acquaintance with Disraeli was otherwise than has been previously assumed. She was not his lover, but his political champion. The last section explains the nature of her friendship with Alex d’Arblay. Here she was apparently the object of his love, but she returned it merely as friendship in her attempt to help him to an appointment and to a suitable lifelong partner. He did acquire a new position but died shortly after. There is a similarity in her importance for both Grundtvig and d’Arblay in that they were both clergymen and poets. Disraeli and Grundtvig were also both writers and politicians.At the age of 35 Clara Bolton died, on June 29th 1839 in a hotel in Le Havre, according to the present representative of the Danish Institute in Rouen, Bent Jørgensen. She was the daughter of Michael Peter Verbecke and Clarissa de Brabandes, names pointing to a Flemish background. On the basis of archive studies Dr. Michael Hebbert has informed the author that Clara’s father was a merchant living in Bread Street, London, between 1804 and 1807. In 1806 a brother was born. After 1807 the family disappears from the archives, and Clara’s letters reveal nothing about her family. Likewise the circumstances of her death are unknown.The light here shed on Clara Bolton’s life and personality is achieved through comprehensive quotations from her letters: these are to be found in the Danish text, reproduced in English.Previous conceptions of Clara’s relationship to Disraeli have derived from his business manager, Philip Rose, who preserved the correspondence between them and added a commentary in 1885, after Disraeli’s death. He it is who introduces the rumour that she may have been Disraeli’s mistress. Dr. Wood, however, doubts that so intimate a relationship existed between them, and there is much in the letters that directly tells against it. The correspondence is an open one, open both to her husband and to Disraeli’s family. As a 17-year-old Philip Rose was a neighbour of Disraeli’s family at Bradenham and a friend of Disraeli’s younger brother, Ralph, who occasionally brought her letters to Bradenham. It would have been easy for him to spin some yarn about the correspondence. In her letters Clara strongly advocates to Disraeli that he should marry her friend, Margaret Trotter. After the break between Disraeli and Clara it was public knowledge that Lady Henrietta Sykes became his mistress, from 1833 to 1836. Her letters to him are of a quite different character, being extremely passionate. Yet Philip Rose’s line is followed by the most recent biographers of Disraeli: the American, Professor B. R. Jerman in The Young Disraeli (1960), the English scholar Robert Blake, in Disraeli (1963) and Sarah Bradford in Disraeli (1983). They all state that Clara Bolton was thought to be Disraeli’s mistress, also by members of his own family. Blake believes that the originator of this view was Ralph Disraeli. It is accepted that Clara Bolton 7 Grundtvig Studier 1985 was strongly attracted to Disraeli, to his manner, his talents, his writing, and not least to his eloquence during the 1832 election campaign. But nothing in her letters points to a passionate love affair.A comparison can be made with Henrietta Sykes’ letters, which openly burn with love. Blake writes of Clara Bolton’s letters (p. 75): “There is not the unequivocal eroticism that one finds in the letters from Henrietta Sykes.” In closing one of her letters Clara writes that her husband, George Buckley Bolton, is waiting impatiently for her to finish the letter so that he can take it with him.She wants Disraeli married, but not to anybody: “You must have a brilliant star like your own self”. She writes of Margaret Trotter: “When you see M. T. you will feel so inspired you will write and take her for your heroine... ” (in his novels). And in her last letter to Disraeli (November 18th 1832) she says: “... no one thing could reconcile me more to this world of ill nature than to see her your wife”. The letter also mentions a clash she has had with a group of Disraeli’s opponents. It shows her temperament and her supreme skill, both of which command the respect of men. No such bluestockings existed in Denmark at the time; she must have impressed Grundtvig.Robert Blake accepts that some uncertainty may exist in the evaluation of letters which are 150 years old, but he finds that they “do in some indefinable way give the impression of brassiness and a certain vulgarity”. Thaning has told Blake his view of her importance for Grundtvig, and this must have modified Blake’s portrait. He writes at least: “... she was evidently not stupid, and she moved in circles which had some claim to being both intellectual and cosmopolitan.”He writes of the inspiration which Grundtvig owed to her, and he concludes: “There must have been more to her than one would deduce by reading her letters and the letters about her in Disraeli’s papers.” - She spoke several languages, and moved in the company of nobles and ambassadors, politicians and literary figures, including John Russell, W.J.Fox, Eliza Flower, and Sarah Adams.However, from the spring of 1833 onwards it is Henrietta Sykes who portrays Clara Bolton in the Disraeli biographies, and naturally it is a negative portrait. The essay reproduces in English a quarrel between them when Sir Francis Sykes was visiting Clara, and Lady Sykes found him there. Henrietta Sykes regards the result as a victory for herself, but Clara’s tears are more likely to have been shed through bitterness over Disraeli, who had promised her everlasting friendship and “unspeakable obligation”. One notes that he did not promise her love. Yet despite the quarrel they all three dine together the same evening, they travel to Paris together shortly afterwards, and Disraeli comes to London to see the them off. The trip however was far from idyllic. The baron and Clara teased Henrietta. Later still she rented a house in fashionable Southend and invited Disraeli down. Sir Francis, however, insisted that the Boltons should be invited too. The essay includes Blake’s depiction of “the curious household” in Southend, (p. 31).In 1834 Clara Bolton left England and took up residence at a hotel in the Hague. A Rotterdam clergyman approached Disraeli’s vicar and he turned to Disraeli’s sister for information about the mysterious lady, who unaccompanied had settled in the Hague, joined the church and paid great attention to the clergy. She herself had said that she was financing her own Sunday School in London and another one together with the Disraeli family. In her reply Sarah Disraeli puts a distance between the family and Clara, who admittedly had visited Bradenham five years before, but who had since had no connection with the family. Sarah is completely loyal to her brother, who has long since dropped Clara. By the time the curious clergyman had received this reply, Clara had left the Hague and arrived at Dover, where she once again met Alexander d’Arblay.Alex was born in 1794, the son of a French general who died in 1818, and Fanny Burney. She was an industrious correspondent; as late as 1984 the 12th and final volume of her Journals and Letters was published. Jens Peter .gidius, a research scholar at Odense University, has brought to Dr Thaning’s notice a book about Fanny Burney by Joyce Hemlow, the main editor of the letters. In both the book and the notes there is interesting information about Clara Bolton.In the 12th volume a note (p. 852) reproduces a letter characterising her — in a different light from the Disraeli biographers. Thaning reproduces the note (pp. 38-39). The letter is written by Fanny Burney’s half-sister, Sarah Harriet Burney, and contains probably the only portrait of her outside the Disraeli biographies.It is now easier to understand how she captivated Grundtvig: “very handsome, immoderately clever, an astrologer, even, that draws out... Nativities” — “... besides poetry-mad... very entertaining, and has something of the look of a handsome witch. Lady Combermere calls her The Sybil”. The characterisation is not the letter-writer’s but that of her former pupil, Harriet Crewe, born in 1808, four years after Clara Bolton. A certain distance is to be seen in the way she calls Clara “poetry-mad”, and says that she has “conceived a fancy for Alex d’Arblay”.Thaning quotes from a letter by Clara to Alex, who apparently had proposed to her, but in vain (see his letter to her and the reply, pp. 42-43). Instead she pointed to her friend Mary Ann Smith as a possible wife. This is the last letter known in Clara’s handwriting and contradicts talk of her “vulgarity”. However, having become engaged to Mary Ann Alex no longer wrote to her and also broke off the correspondence with his mother, who had no idea where he had gone. His cousin wrote to her mother that she was afraid that he had “some Chére Amie”. “The charges are unjust,” says Thaning. “It was a lost friend who pushed him off. This seems to be borne out by a poem which has survived (quoted here on p. 45), and which includes the lines: “But oh young love’s impassioned dream /N o more in a worn out breast may glow / Nor an unpolluted stream / From a turgid fountain flow.””Alex d’Arblay died in loneliness and desperation shortly afterwards. Dr. Thaning ends his summary: “I can find no other explanation for Alexander d’Arblay’s fate than his infatuation with Clara Bolton. In fact it can be compared to Grundtvig’s. For Alex the meeting ended with “the pure stream” no longer flowing from its source. For Grundtvig, on the other hand the meeting inspired the lines in The Little Ladies: Clara’s breath opened the mouth, The rock split and the stream flowed out.”
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"john benson, editor. The Working Class in England, 1875–1914. Dover, N.H.: Croom Helm. 1985. Pp. 214. $27.50." American Historical Review, December 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/90.5.1200-a.
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"eric kerridge. Textile Manufactures in Early Modern England. Dover, N.H.: Manchester University Press. 1985. Pp. ix, 428. $50.00." American Historical Review, February 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/93.1.149.
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"Copley, S., Literature and the Social Order in Eighteenth Century England. Pp. viii + 202 (World and Word Series). London, Sydney, and Dover, New Hampshire: Croom Helm, 1984. Hardbound £17.95; paperbound £8.95." Notes and Queries, March 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/33.1.118.
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