Academic literature on the topic 'Drinking of alcoholic beverages – Ethiopia'

This chapter presents an analysis of what consumer in Europe drink and why they drink what they drink. The concept of drinking motives is developed and defined, and analysis of data on drinking motives shows that these can be grouped into two major classes: self-expressive and functional. This distinction is universal and hence applies across Europe. However, the importance of self-expressive as compared to functional motives, as well as the way in which these relate to different beverages, does differ across Europe. Both dimensions are relevant for the motives for drinking non-alcoholic drinks, whereas the self-expression dimension dominates reasons for drinking alcoholic drinks. The Eastern European countries have generally higher scores on the self-expression dimension, indicating that such motives play a bigger role there compared to the other regions. No clear geographical pattern emerged with regard to the functional dimension. Beer and spirits are the alcoholic drinks and tea, water, and juice the non-alcoholic drinks that are related to high scores on the self-expression dimension. Water and juice are the drinks scoring highest on functionality, being mainly related to health, availability, and quenching one’s thirst. The non-alcoholic products scoring low on functionality are coffee, tea, soft drinks, and energy drinks. Analysis of socio-demographic differences resulted in only a few effects. Men, lower education groups, and lower income groups are more likely to drink alcohol for reasons other than self-expression motives (such as to quench one’s thirst). Also, the health motive plays a larger role for older people, and the self-expressive and social motives play a larger role for younger people. The chapter closes with recommendations for the marketing of drink products in Europe.

Feasting (the social consumption of food and alcoholic beverages) has long been a feature of human social life. Although the fermentation of alcoholic beverages probably dates back only as long as substantive vessels have been available (and hence probably much less than 100 000 years), it is likely that social feeding first emerged around 400 000 years ago when humans first mastered control over fire. It seems that feasting activates the same neurobiological mechanism that underpins social bonding in primates and humans, thereby adding to the list of behaviours that humans use for these purposes. The chapter presents data from two national stratified surveys (one for eating socially and the other for drinking socially) and show that both play an important role in facilitating our social networks, our sense of satisfaction with life, and engagement with our local communities. Since social networks are the single most important factor influencing our happiness, health, and well-being, feasting is likely to play a crucial role by determining the size of our social networks.

This chapter explores the ways that presidents have used beverages as either subterfuge or a symbol for their presidency. This chapter shows how the power of the U.S. temperance movement in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries affected the public drinking habits of presidents and the presence of alcoholic drinks at White House functions. Such power also affected public acknowledgement of a wine cellar in the White House and to what extent such cellar was stocked with wine. This chapter chronologically profiles Arthur Brooks (White House wine cellar custodian), Charles Ficklin (White House wine steward), and Alonzo Fields. The chapter elaborates on presidential drinkways through a succession of beverages: wine, punch, eggnog, cocktails, and beer. The chapter ends with recipes for Inauguration punch, White House eggnog, and White House honey ale.

The taste for alcohol is not exclusive to humans, as some other animal species are attracted to ripe fruits and nectar due to the natural occurrence of ethanol. However, what makes Homo sapiens different is their capacity to produce alcoholic beverages. From the Neolithic, if not earlier, the production of alcoholic drinks is documented, and this production ensured the supply of alcohol. Consequently, alcohol consumption was no longer sporadic and occasional. This process ran in parallel to the development of specific alcohol-related equipment, and organized drinking patterns gradually became more and more formalized. Its use has depended not only on its effects, mainly its capacity to enhance sociability, but also on historical, economic, and religious factors. The aim of this chapter is to search for the origins of this dynamic in prehistoric Europe from an archaeological perspective in order to explore the foundations of the cultural construction of alcohol.

Dolores puts her foot down and takes control of Jack’s drinking. While shooting a retake for the film Counsellor at Law, Jack goes up in his lines fifty-four times. Dolores tricks him into going to the hospital, where she has him temporarily committed for psychiatric evaluation. Jack is fired from his next picture because he can’t memorize his lines, and Dolores again takes drastic action. Before departing on a long sea voyage, she removes the alcoholic beverages from Jack’s boat. Deprived of liquor, he goes berserk, breaking his nurse’s nose and roughing up Dolores. Convinced she’s plotting again to have him committed, he absconds to the East Coast abruptly in a panicked attempt to get as far away from his wife as possible.

Approximately 8 out of every 10 persons living in Europe and the Americas would report consuming alcoholic beverages in their lifetime, and the norm is for drinking to start in adolescence: in 2003 the average age of first drink in the United States was 14 years old. Also in the year 2003, 79.3 per cent of persons aged 15 years or more in Canada reported to be current users of alcohol, and 22.6 per cent admitted to having exceeded the country's safe drinking guidelines (i.e. no more than 14 units/week for males and 12 units/week for females). The same survey elicited a rate of ‘hazardous drinkers’ of 13.6 per cent, defined as all respondents who scored 8+ on the AUDIT screening questionnaire.Epidemiological data in the United States indicates that roughly one in seven persons who start drinking will develop an alcohol dependence disorder in the course of their lives. The figure is higher among men when compared to women. Of course it is also higher if other clinical forms of alcohol misuse (i.e. alcohol abuse/harmful drinking) are included in the rates in addition to dependence. A moderate level of alcohol use appears to be relatively harmless; and there exist public health guidelines on ‘safe’ drinking practices. The recommendations vary considerably from country to country, but they all assume a greater vulnerability to alcohol effects in the female gender. In the United Kingdom, for instance, hazardous drinking is thought to start at 21 units/week for men and 16 units/week for women; and in the United States the equivalent guidelines are 14 and 7 drinks per week. It is among alcohol users who exceed such guidelines that the prevalence of dependence is the highest; up to 40 per cent of the more frequent violators. The expression ‘alcohol problems’ encompasses a wide range of untoward occurrences, from maladaptive, impaired, or harmful behaviour, to health complications and the condition of alcohol dependence. Alcohol problems are not incurred just by chronic excessive drinkers, but also by persons who drink heavily on isolated occasions (e.g. accidents, violence, poisoning, etc.). Given their high frequency and social costs, these consequences of acute inebriation represent the most significant public health burden of drinking. This section focuses rather on the causes of problems of a clinical nature, the ones presented by individuals who engage in patterns of repeated excessive drinking, i.e. ‘alcohol dependence’ and ‘alcohol abuse’ (DSM-IV nomenclature) or ‘harmful drinking’ (ICD-10 nomenclature).