Academic literature on the topic 'Droit constitutionnel – Maroc'

RÉSUMÈ: La constitution marocaine de 2011 a été saluée pour les avancées importantes qu'elle réalisait en ce qui concerne l'Etat de droit et la sécurité juridique: Le Pouvoir judiciaire s'est substitué à l'autorité judiciaire d'antan et d'autre part la constitution promet la gestion du territoire dans le cadre d'une régionalisation effective permettant d'aboutir en cohérence avec action de l'Etat à la réalisation d'une équité territoriale qui actuellement n'est qu'un leurre comme l'a démontré hélas le séisme de septembre 2023 dans le haut Atlas .Or sur ces deux points la réalité apporte un démenti aux dispositions constitutionnelles. Pour le premier démenti il s'agit de la persistance d'un phénomène, ancien, la spoliation immobilière, malgré la protection constitutionnelle de la propriété privée qui existe dans toutes les constitutions depuis 1962; ce phénomène est lié à l'existence d'une véritable mafia composée d'agents immobiliers, des membres des professions judiciaires et oara-judiciaires, sans oublier sans doute de personnel de diverses administrations, notamment la Conservation foncière, le tout sur fond de corruption, maladie endémique au Maroc.

RESUMO:O presente artigo tem por tema a história da Constituição do Império do Brasil de 1824, objetivando abrir um flanco de análise por meio das suas relações com o sistema escravocrata brasileiro então vigente. O problema de pesquisa se concentra exatamente numa aparente contradição entre um texto de uma constituição de modelo liberal econômico e o funcionamento de um sistema econômico privado incompatível, a princípio, com aquelas declarações. Parte-se da hipótese de que o problema não pode ser analisado numa relação de separação entre teoria e prática, mas, ao contrário, através de uma interpenetração dessas instancias através da Lei e do funcionamento efetivo das instituições estatais. O marco teórico adotado no texto para a análise é o materialismo histórico e os autores que serviram de base para a pesquisa se inscrevem nesse contexto. O método escolhido foi o dedutivo e o artigo está dividido em introdução, capítulo analítico, considerações finais e referenciais bibliográficos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE:Direitos Fundamentais; Relações Privadas; Constitucionalismo; Liberdade; Escravidão.ABSTRACT:The subject of this article is the history of the constitution of the Empire of Brazil, in 1824, aiming to open an analytical side thrugh its relations with the brazilian enslave system current then. The research problem is concentrate precisely in an apparent contradition between a text of a constitution of economic liberal model and the operation of private economic system incompatible, initially, with those statements. It started from the hypothesis that the problem can´t be analyzedin a relationship of separation between theory and practice, but, instead, by an interpenetration of this instances through the law and the effective functioning of state institutions. The theoretical framework adopted in the text for analysis in the historical materialism and the authors used as a basis for research are inscribed in this context. The deductive method was chosen analytical chapter, final considerations and bibliografic references.KEYWORDS:Fundamental Rights; Private Relations; Constitutionalism; Freedom; Slavery.RÉSUMÉ: Cet article est soumis l'histoire de la Constitution de l'Empire du Brésil, visant à ouvrir un côté analytique à travers ses relations avec le système esclavagiste brésilien alors en vigueur. Le problème de la recherche se concentre précisément dans une apparente contradiction entre un texte d'une constitution du modèle libéral économique et le fonctionnement du système économique privé incompatible, en commençant par ces déclarations. Il a commencé à partir de l'hypothèse que le problème ne peut pas être analysé dans une relation de séparation entre la théorie et la pratique, mais plutôt par une interpénétration de ces instances par la loi et le fonctionnement efficace des institutions de l'Etat. Le cadre théorique adopté dans le texte pour l'analyse est le matérialisme historique et les auteurs ont utilisé comme base pour la recherche sont inscrits dans ce contexte. La méthode choisie a été le déductive et l'article est divisé en introduction, chapitre analytique, les conclusions et les références bibliographiques.MOTS-CLÉS: Droits Fondamentaux; Relations Privées; Constitutionnalisme; Liberté; Esclavage.

While in the past environmental sustainability has been given a lower priority within the overall development policy of the Kingdom of Morocco, the situation has changed significantly in the last decade. Under the reign of King Mohamed VI and already by the end of his father’s regency (King Hassan II) substantial legal, institutional and political developments took place. On the one hand the change is due to drought, the economic crisis, and the recent transitions in the Arab world (“Arab Spring”). On the other hand, international treaties have influenced developments with the effect that laws are being adjusted to a level comparable to those set up by European legislations. This article traces the changes and provides insights into the current situation. With regard to recent constitutional evolutions and their impacts, the rights of citizens to a healthy environment was recognised and institutionalised in an executive authority. Notably, due to a charter environmental matters are now available to a public debate giving public authorities, civil society organisation, the private sector and citizens a right to engage. Currently, the charter awaits its transposition into laws which will be carried out in the coming years. The high significance of international cooperation in environmental – as well as other – matters is acknowledged in the preamble of the Moroccan constitution, with the effect that international treaties, for example the Kyoto Protocol, the Stockholm POP Convention and the Cartagena Protocol, were negotiated and ratified in the national context during recent years. There have also been significant legal developments nationally. While 10 years ago there were hardly any laws addressing the environment in Morocco, today a large number of sectoral regulations acknowledge the value of the different environmental media, defining environmental quality targets as well as addressing authorisation procedures which foresee environmental impact assessment. Further developments involve, for example, the implementation of public participation and access to environmental information, which have already been introduced in some sectoral laws, but will gradually be subject to other sectors, too. These legal developments were followed by institutional changes that generally strengthen the actions of the Moroccan Environmental Department, which itself operates dynamically to fulfil its duties. Nevertheless, the role of local departments needs to be improved since they are still weak in terms of enforcement of the laws. This article concludes with a critical evaluation of the developments by criticising the absence of a strategic evaluation of the environmental situation and the shortcomings in the field of citizens’ rights and enforcement possibilities due to a lack of personnel and financial resources. Moreover, the lack of coordination between the sectors and unintended effects are addressed.

AFONSO DA SILVA, Virgílio. O proporcional e o razoável. Revista dos tribunais, São Paulo, n. 798, p. 23-50. 2002. ALEXY, Robert. Zur Struktur der Rechtsprinzipien. In: Schilcher, Bernd/ Koller, Peter/ Funk, Bernd-Christian (Hg.), Regeln, Prinzipien und Elemente im System des Rechts. Wien: Verlag Osterreich. 2000. p. 31-52. ALBRECHTUSLUND, Anders. Online social networking as participatory surveillance. Peer-Reviewed Journal on the Internet, first monday, volume 13, number 3, 3 march, 2008. ANDREJEVIC, Mark. The Work of Watching One Another: Lateral Surveillance, Risk, and Governance. Surveillance & Society, volume 2, number 4, pp. 479-497. ARENDT, Hannah. A condição humana. São Paulo: Editora forense, 2016. ÁVILA, Humberto. Teoria dos Princípios: da definição à aplicação dos princípios jurídicos. 19. ed. São Paulo: Malheiros Editores, 2019. BALDI, Vania. A construção viral da realidade: ciberpopulismo e polarização dos públicos em rede. Observatório Special Issue, 2018, pp. 04-20. BAMBINI DE ASSIS, Luiz Gustavo. O absolutismo e sua influência na formação do Estado Brasileiro. Revista dos Tribunais, São Paulo, vol. 105, n. 969, p. 01-24, julho. 2016. BAPTISTA, Patrícia. KELLER, Clara Iglesias. Por que, quando e como regular as novas tecnologias? Os desafios trazidos pelas inovações disruptivas. RDA – Revista de Direito Administrativo, Rio de Janeiro, v. 273, p. 123-163, set/dez 2016. BARCELLOS, Ana Paula de. A eficácia jurídica dos princípios constitucionais: o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana. Rio de Janeiro: Renovar, 2002. BAUMAN, Zygmunt. Modernidade Líquida. São Paulo: Zahar, 2001. BENTHAM, Jeremy. O Panóptico. 2. ed. São Paulo: Autêntica Editora, 2019. BINENBOJM, Gustavo. Da supremacia do interesse público ao dever da proporcionalidade: um novo paradigma para o Direito Administrativo. RDA – Revista de Direito Administrativo. Rio de Janeiro, n. 239, p. 1-31, jan./mar. 2005. BINENBOJM, Gustavo. Poder de Polícia, Ordenação, Regulação: Transformações político-jurídicas, econômicas e institucionais do direito administrativo ordenador. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Fórum, 2016. BINENBOJM, Gustavo. Uma teoria do Direito Administrativo: Direitos Fundamentais, Democracia e Constitucionalização. 3. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Renovar, 2014. BODIN DE MORAES, Maria Celina. Danos à pessoa humana: uma leitura civil-constitucional dos danos morais. Rio de Janeiro: Renovar, 2003. BUCKLEY, Chris. MOZUR, Paul. How China uses high-tech surveillance to subdue minorities. The New York Times, 2019. Disponível em: <https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/22/world/asia/china-surveillance-xinjiang.html>. Acesso em 04 de jun. de 2020. BRASIL, Superior Tribunal de Justiça. REsp 817.534/MG. Relatoria do Ministro Mauro Campbell Marques. Segunda turma. DJe 10/12 /2009. BRASIL. Supremo Tribunal Federal. ADI 1856-RJ. Relatoria do Ministro Celso de Mello. j. em 26/05/2009. BRASIL, Supremo Tribunal Federal. ADI 2310/DF. 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La protection de la Constitution par le Conseil constitutionnel au Maroc qui a été rendue possible par la révision constitutionnelle de 1992 s’inscrit dans le cadre des réformes engagées par le Roi pour renforcer l’État de droit. A la différence de sa devancière, la Chambre constitutionnelle de la Cour suprême, qui était faiblement armé pour contrôler la constitutionnalité, le Conseil constitutionnel semble être une technique sérieuse de garantie de la suprématie constitutionnelle car s’il a hérité des attributions dévolues à l’ancienne Chambre, il s’est également vu reconnaître une nouvelle compétence, celle de contrôler la constitutionnalité des lois ordinaires. La présente thèse tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse à la question de savoir si le Conseil constitutionnel marocain, qui a été conçu sur le modèle français de contrôle de constitutionnalité, peut durablement s’implanter et fonctionner dans un système politique fondé sur la tradition et la religion. Cette problématique sera abordée sous l’angle de la légitimité et de l’efficacité du Conseil constitutionnel. La présente thèse estime que le Conseil constitutionnel souffre d’un déficit de légitimité qui l’empêche de s’enraciner dans le terreau juridique et politique. Elle considère également que la Haute juridiction n’est pas suffisamment armée pour mener à bien sa mission de gardien de la Constitution
The protection of the Constitution by the constitutional Council in Morocco, possible thanks to the constitutional revision of 1992, joins the reforms started by King Hassan II to strengthen the State under the rule of law. Unlike its predecessor (the constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court which was not in good conditions to control the constitutionality), the constitutional Council seems to be a serious guarantee of the constitutional ascendancy. In addition of having inherited the former Chamber’s contribution, it also has been attributed the role of controlling the constitutionality of the common laws. The purpose of this thesis is to know if the Moroccan constitutional Council, which was based on the French model, can, in the long term, be effective in a political system supported by traditions and religion. The issue will be approached by pointing out the legitimacy and the efficiency of the constitutional Council. This thesis considers that the constitutional Council suffers from a deficit of legitimacy which prevents it from taking root in the legal political compost. It also considers that the High jurisdiction evolves in an environment which prevents it from carrying its mission as guardian of the Constitution

Le Maroc s’inscrit dans une perspective résolument moderne. Ce constat nous renvoie vers la pertinence de cette thématique dans un pays à forte identité constitutionnelle, porté par une extension remarquable des fondements de ses droits et libertés.La nouvelle Constitution de 2011 est un acte fondateur qui cristallise les aspirations légitimes des citoyens. Elle constitue à travers ses dispositions, la revalorisation de droits de l’homme, de justice et de liberté. Ainsi, la justice constitutionnelle, nouveau concept crée par l’actuelle Constitution, représente un élément incontournable à l’enracinement de la démocratie. Ce projet vise à établir une renaissance institutionnelle, ce qui confirme le choix irréversible de l’État démocratique dans lequel s’affirme le Maroc.Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de l’État de droit au Maroc depuis l’adoption de sa nouvelle Constitution. Ce thème apparait d’emblée paradoxal en raison de l’existence de nuances entre théories et pratiques. Nous avons tenté, à travers nos recherches, de comprendre cette évolution dans sa réponse aux exigences de protection des droits et libertés fondamentaux. En Outre, nous avons pu remarquer l’apparition consécutive d’autres mécanismes après l’entrée en vigueur de la présente Constitution, tels que la question préjudicielle de constitutionnalité. Et, il est certain qu’aujourd’hui le Maroc a décidé de prendre une franche orientation vers une approche constitutionnelle de la justice, où la nouvelle Cour est désormais la garante de la suprématie de la Constitution par le biais du contrôle a posteriori. Ces éléments ont ainsi amené le Maroc à adopter sa nouvelle Constitution de 2011, ce qui constitue un tournant pour le pays enclin à une transformation de la notion de l’État dans son concept traditionnel, vers un État moderne, où l’État est soumis au droit. C’est avec cette orientation que le Maroc a souhaité faire du droit une norme de référence suprême.Le Maroc ne cesse donc de mener une politique de changements constitutionnels, par de nombreux mécanismes portant un souffle de démocratie moderne
Morocco is in a decidedly modern perspective. This observation brings us back to the relevance of this theme in a country with a strong constitutional identity, driven by a remarkable extension of the foundations of its rights and freedoms.The new Constitution created in 2011 in Morocco is a founding act that crystallizes the legitimate aspirations of citizens. It constitutes through its provisions, the revaluation of human rights, justice and freedom. Thus, constitutional justice, a new concept created by the current Constitution, is an essential element in the rooting of democracy. This project aims to establish an institutional revival, which confirms the irreversible choice of the democratic state in which Morocco asserts itself.This thesis focuses on the evolution of the state governed by law in Morocco since the adoption of its new Constitution. This theme immediately appears paradoxical because of the existence of nuances between theories and practises. Throughout our research, we have tried to understand this evolution in its response to the requirements for the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Furthermore, following the entry into force of this Constitution we have seen the successive apparition of other mechanisms, such as the interlocutory question of constitutionality. Therefore, it is a certain fact that today Morocco seems to be oriented towards a constitutional approach of justice, where the new Court is henceforth the guarantor of the supremacy of the Constitution through a posteriory oversight.These elements led Morocco to adopt its new Constitution, which is a turning point for the country inclined to a transformation of the notion of the state in its traditional concept, towards a modern state, where the state is subject to the law. This is the direction that Marocco has chosen in order to make of the law the supreme point of reference. Morocco therefore continues to change its constitutional system through many mechanisms which reflect the rise of modern democracy

Pour comprendre les logiques de la constitutionnalisation de l'Islam dans les paysarabes, cette étude propose, dans la première partie, de mettre en évidence la permanence del'influence constitutionnelle de l'Islam. En effet, toutes les constitutions des Etats arabes, àl'exception de celle du Liban, se réfèrent à l'Islam. La place prééminente qu'occupe cettereligion dans les textes fondamentaux arabes influe effectivement sur la structure etl'organisation de l'Etat, mais également la protection des droits fondamentaux, en particuliercelle relative à la liberté religieuse.Dans la seconde partie, on a essayé de mettre en exergue les voies qui permettent aux Etatsarabes de dépasser la vision théologique sur laquelle repose leur droit constitutionnel.L'accent est mis sur deux tendances : la sécularisation progressive du pouvoir politique àtravers la marginalisation du référent religieux et la consécration du pouvoir étatique d'unepart, et la rationalisation constitutionnelle à travers le renforcement du rôle de la justiceconstitutionnelle et l'éveil de la société civile d'autre part. En définitive, ces développementsposent les clés de compréhension de l'actualité juridique et politique. A l'heure du« Printemps arabe », ces deux référents, Islam et Droit constitutionnel, s'imbriquent pourformer la trame de la vie politique et juridique des peuples arabes. Leur dialogue semblenécessaire ou évident d'autant plus que les Révolutions n'ont pas abouti à la consécrationd'un modèle laïc et la place de l'Islam se trouve maintenue, voire renforcée
To understand the logics of the constitutionalization of the Islam in the Arab world,this study suggests, at first, highlighting the continuity of the constitutional influence of theIslam. Indeed, all the constitutions of Arab states, with the exception of that of the Lebanon,refer to the Islam. The important constitutional role of that religion actually affects thestructure and organization of the state, but also the determination of the protection offundamental liberties of man, especially that relating to freedom of religion.Secondly, it is advisable to highlight the ways which allow Arab States to overtake thetheological vision of the constitutional law. The accent is put on two trends: the progressivesecularization of the political power through the marginalization of the religious referent andthe consecration of the state power on one hand, and the constitutional rationalization throughthe strengthening of the role of the constitutional justice and the awakening of the civil societyon the other hand. After all, these developments put the keys of understanding of the legal andpolitical current events. At the time of the "Arab Spring", these two referents, Islam andConstitutional law, are linked to form the political and legal life of the Arabic peoples. Theirdialogue seems necessary or obvious especially as the Revolutions did not end in theconsecration of a laic model and the place of the Islam is maintained, even strengthened

Au lendemain de l'independance, le royaume cherifien s'est vu dote d'une constitution liberale et d'institutions democratique du type occidental. Certains considerent cette transposition comme une suite logique de l'oeuvre acculturative jadis entame, reprochant par la au droit constitutionnel, l'extremite, l'ineffectivite et l'instabilite. Cependant, l'etude de la pratique constitutionnelle et des regles d'agen cement du pouvoir, permet d'une part, d'affirmer l'existence d'une coexistence harmonieuse entre les regles constitutionnelles traditionnelles et d'autres modernes et d'autre part d'ecarter toute idee d'extraneite essentielle qu'on tend de peindre au droit constitutionnel, en meconnaissance ou par ignorance de son particularisme que peut traduire en grande partie cette composante essentielle du droit public marocain. Par ailleurs la reference inconditionnelle a la tradition et l'attachement indefectible aux pratiques ancestrales en matiere de gestion de la chose publique, ne fait que souligner davantage avec toute nettete la singulari -teconstitutionnelle marocaine, ou les regles vont au dela du droit exprime et trouvent leur definition dans la tradition. En guise de conclusion, l'acculturation n'est en aucun cas signe de crise ou symptome de faiblesse, mais l'expression d'une richesse et d'une dimension syncretique, source d'epanouissement
This essay illustrates researche's worry about identity and constitutional originality. In the wake of independance; the cherifian kingdom was endowed with a liberal constitution and democratic institutions modelled on the western ones. The fact which emerges most clearly from this essay, is the close relationship between the moroccan constitution and the french one. Such a relationship is considered as a logical corollary of the acculturation process geared by the protectorate. A few political commentators reproach, indeed, the moroccan constitutional law with irrelevance, inefficiency and shakiness, which accounts for the wide gap between the concept of constitutional law and institutional practice however, the study of constitutional practice and of the rules regulating power in what regards moroccan politics testifies to the harmonius coexistence of traditinal some commentators either misunderstand or ignore the linchpin of public law, namely islam, which is the supreme consensus-based reference legitimating power, moreover, the unconditional reference to tradition and the staunch commitment to ancestral practices in government proceding seem to be enough to emphasize the distinctness of moroccan constitutional practices. Acculturation should not be considered as a sign of crisis but as a source of richness, generating progress

L'etude de l'institution du premier ministre a ete envisagee a un double point de vue; d'abord sur le plan politique et ensuite sur le plan administratif. L'action du premier ministre en tant qu'autorite politique, se revele limitee et etroitement controlee par le roi qui constitue l'organe supreme du systeme constitutionnel marocain auquel sont subordonnees toutes les institutions et notamment celle du premier ministre. La subordination est la donnee essentielle du statut du premier ministre; elle est la consequence directe de la suprematie royale qui ne peut tolerer l'affirmation d'une autre autorite au risque de perdre sa preeminence. La subordination du premier ministre est par ailleurs multiple; en effet avant de devenir legale et de recevoir une consecration constitutionnelle, elle a ete coutumiere dans la mesure ou elle decoule de l'heritage et de la tradition; elle est a la fois organique et fonctionnelle. Toutefois, si le premier ministre est un subordonne, il est par ailleurs un intermediaire privilegie. Il est l'homme de confiance du roi et sa situation de dependance vis-a-vis de ce dernier est compensee par une preeminence sur les membres du gouvernement et d'une facon generale sur le plan administratif. Dans ce dernier domaine, le premier ministre detient des prerogatives importantes et dispose de nombreux services lui permettant de diriger, de controler et de coordonner l'appareil gouvernemental et administratif. A travers l'etude de l'action administrative du premier ministre, celuici apparait comme le delegataire du domaine administratif et comme une structure de coordination
The study of the prime minister's institution has been considered on a double point of view; firstly, on a political view and secondly on a administrative one. The action of the prime minister as a political authority reveals limited and strongly controled by the king who constitutes the highest part of the maroccan constitutional system to which is subordonate all the institutions and especially that of the prime minister. The subordination is the main point of the prime minister status. It is the direct consequence of the royal supremacy which cannot tolerate the affirmation of another authority at the risk of losing its supremacy. The subordination of the prime minister is multiple. Indeed, before becoming legal and receiving a constitutional ratification, it has been as so far it proceeds from the legacy and the tradition, it is at the same time organical and fonctional. However, if the prime minister is a subordinate, he is also a privileged middleman. He is a trustworthy man of the king and his situation of dependance regarding him is compensated by a supremacy on governmental members and as a whole on the administrative view. In this field, the prime minister has get large numerous services allowing him to manage, to control and to coordinate the administrative and governmental system. Through the study of the administrative action of the prime minister, his is appearing as the delegater of the administrative field and as a coordination structure

La protection constitutionnelle des droits de l’homme dans le monde arabe repose sur un processus complexe de démocratisation qui s’est accéléré après le Printemps arabe de 2011. L’émergence des droits de l’Homme s’impose comme un projet politique fort dans tous les pays qui sont l’objet de notre étude (Tunisie, Égypte, Algérie, Maroc) et nous démontre que le concept démocratique, dans son acception universaliste, n’est pas incompatible avec l’Islam. La constitutionnalisation des droits de l’Homme reste un apport majeur des mouvements constitutionnalistes qui ont érigé la constitution au rang de norme suprême de l’État de droit. Malgré l’instrumentalisation des constitutions par les dirigeants arabes et l’utilisation abusive de l’état d’urgence, nous assistons au rôle croissant du juge constitutionnel dans la protection des libertés fondamentales (contrôle constitutionnel) sous l’œil vigilent de la société civile et de la communauté internationale
The constitutional protection of human rights in the Arab world is based on a complex process of democratization that has accelerated after the Arab Spring of 2011. The emergence of human rights is a strong political project in all the countries that are the subject of our study (Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Morocco) and shows us that the democratic concept, in its universalist sense, is not incompatible with Islam. The constitutionalization of human rights remains a major contribution of the constitutionalist movements that have made the constitution a supreme norm of the rule of law. Despite the instrumentalization of constitutions by Arab leaders and the misuse of the state of emergency, we are witnessing the growing role of the constitutional judge in the protection of fundamental freedoms (constitutional control) under the watchful eye of civil society and international community

Les constitutions tunisienne, marocaine et égyptienne adoptées à l’aube des manifestations qui ont touché la région en 2011 contiennent des dispositions qui limitent l'expansion de la corruption politique et administrative. La transposition de ces dispositions constitutionnelles par des textes législatifs est assurée par la mise en place d’une stratégie nationale de lutte contre la corruption. Néanmoins, la reconnaissance et le respect des dispositions anticorruptions ne peut se faire sans l’étude de la force normative de la Constitution dans le système juridique de ces pays, qui est reliée à notre avis au contexte historique du droit constitutionnel dans les pays arabes. S’ajoute également l’influence que peut jouer le droit musulman sur les Constitutions de ces pays étudiés (le Maroc, la Tunisie et l’Égypte) au sein desquels la population est majoritairement de confession musulmane. Se pose ensuite la question de la protection de ces dispositions anticorruptions assurée par les Cours constitutionnelles, gardiennes de la Constitution mais également par les organisations et associations qui voient leur influence accroître notamment en raison du soutien populaire et international dont elles bénéficient
In the early months of 2011, a wave of protests in different Arab countries evolved into what is now known as: The Arab Spring. Some regimes fell and others succeeded to maintain their powers, but the juridical impact was mainly the same: the adoption of a new Constitution. Constitutional change was inevitable in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco and anticorruption measures were the highlight of this change. The new Constitutions were designed to target both political and administrative corruption. The implementation of these constitutional mechanisms is to be assured by national anti-corruption strategies that were put in place. The study of the feasibility and efficiency of the application of these constitutional mechanisms cannot be done without examining the Constitution’s normative power in the above mentioned countries’ legal systems. Therefore, the legal, social and historical context within these states should be taken into consideration. Additionally, one should take into account the possible influences of Muslim law on these Constitutions given that the states in questions (Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt) have predominantly Muslim populations. Given the above, we explore how to prevent the violation of constitutional norms that target corruption. The constitutional judges ultimately find themselves playing a major role in assuring the respect of these norms. And when the executive control over the judicial behavior prevents the judges from doing so, then a new actor on the political scene: the civil society, could eventually play a major role in ensuring the implementation of the Constitution