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Journal articles on the topic 'Druzes'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Fernandez, Joseph A. "Reflections on Druse, Druze, Druses, Druzes." American Speech 61, no. 4 (1986): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/454616.

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2

Timani, Hussam S. "KAIS M. FIRRO, The Druzes in the Jewish State: A Brief History (Leiden, Boston, and Cologne: E. J. Brill, 1999). Pp. 274." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 3 (August 2000): 432–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002646.

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This well-researched book is a welcome contribution to the study of the Druzes, one of the most under-studied religious groups in the Middle East. The main objective of this book is to trace the historical development of the Druzes in Israel since the creation of the Jewish state in 1948 to the present, and to show that Druze ethnicity was and still is an instrument in the hands of the Israeli government officials and the Druze elite. This book also attempts to show how the Zionists used Druze ethnicity and ethnic issues to pursue their policy aims of alienating the Druzes from other Arabs. In this work, the author, a professor at the University of Haifa, revisits an area he knows well and has already presented in a previous book, A History of the Druzes.
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3

Lory, Pierre, and Marie Dupont. "Les Druzes." Studia Islamica, no. 82 (1995): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595595.

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4

Stucky, Rolf A. "Johann Ludwig Burckhardt (1784–1817) – der Basler Orientreisende malgré lui und sein Besuch bei den Drusen im Gebiet des Mont-Liban." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 73, no. 3 (March 26, 2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2019-0044.

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John Lewis Burckhardt from Basel (1784–1817) – the oriental traveller malgré lui and his journey to the Druzes in Mont-LibanAbstractThe characterisation of John Lewis Burckhardt alias Sheikh Ibrahim as a traveller malgré lui, in opposition to his own primary intention, may at first glance surprise one. It calls for a short introduction to his life and to his work in Basel and in London as well as to his contacts with the African Association. This text provides this introduction and then follows Burckhardt’s journey during the spring of 1812 from Damascus through Mont-Liban, the hills between the Eastern coast of the Mediterranean and the mountain chain with the famous cedars. For centuries this area, the Chouf, has been the homeland of the esoteric ethno-religious group of the Druzes. Since the time of the Enlightenment, secret religions have constituted one of the main interests of Western travellers. For only three days Burckhardt was a guest of Emir Bašīr Šihābs in his palace at Beit ed-Din. There he met also once the chief of the Druzes, Sheikh Bašīr Ǧunbalāt. His description of Druze customs and ways of life and his analysis of the rivalry between the two major authorities of Mont-Liban helps one to understand the continual tensions between Druzes and Maronites, which resulted in a series of massacres between 1825 and 1973.
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5

Halawi, Wissam Halabi. "Le druzisme prémoderne en Syrie : émergence du droit druze et des premières institutions religieuses." Arabica 65, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 470–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341502.

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Résumé Les premiers traités du Canon druze dont la rédaction remonte au Ve/XIe siècle jettent les bases d’une doctrine religieuse nouvelle et ébauchent succinctement et de manière souvent ambigüe les préceptes moraux, mais aussi juridiques et juridictionnels auxquels les adeptes devaient désormais se soumettre, les lois (šarāʾiʿ) antérieures ayant été abrogées par la Volonté divine. Les savants druzes du IXe/XVe siècle, notamment l’émir al-Sayyid (m. 884/1479) et ses disciples, tentèrent d’expliquer ces traités afin d’établir des principes juridico-religieux adaptés à leur milieu rural et des règles destinées à organiser le fonctionnement interne de la communauté des adeptes. L’historiographie traditionnelle considère toutefois que seul al-Sayyid est l’architecte de ce « renouveau druze » ; par conséquent, elle lui confère le statut de plus grand réformateur druze de tous les temps et lui attribue un ensemble d’écrits théologiques et juridiques que les initiés observent scrupuleusement depuis lors. Or, une lecture critique de ce corpus inédit datant en partie de la fin du IXe/XVe siècle révèle que l’émergence des premières institutions druzes, religieuses et judiciaires, ainsi que la théorisation et la systématisation du droit druze sont postérieures à l’action sayyidienne.
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6

Zonszain, Pascale. "Les Druzes israéliens." Pardès N°64-65, no. 1 (2019): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.064.0351.

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7

Armanet, Eléonore. "Le Livre druze, entre corps et narration." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 32, no. 4 (December 2003): 395–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980303200401.

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Une conception originale de l'Écrit sacré et du divin marque le rapport des Druzes à leur Livre saint, reflet de l'orientation matricentrée de leur culture : présent dans chaque foyer druze, le Livre de la Sagesse (kitâb al-Hikma) est d'abord corporéité à emmailloter et abriter, avant que d'être écrit à lire et dire. Unique écrit sacré révéré par la communauté, il revêt les traits d'une théophanie sensorielle. Dans cet article, centré sur les soins d'enveloppement et la révérencieuse liturgie corporelle générés autour du Livre saint, nous décrivons d'abord l'Ouvrage des Druzes comme un objet éminemment féminin — maternel. Puis, nous appréhendons son Texte comme une parole génésique adressée à l'intime des sens, et traitée à l'instar du nouveau-né. Nous expliquons enfin que ce Texte se situe à la lisière de la parole ordinaire.
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8

Hazran, Yusri. "Between authenticity and alienation: The Druzes and Lebanon's history." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 72, no. 3 (October 2009): 459–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x09990036.

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AbstractAlmost ninety years have passed since the establishment of the Lebanese state, but it still lacks a consensual and unifying historical narrative. The Druzes of Lebanon, who claim to be the real founders of the historical Lebanese entity, reject the Lebanese historiography elaborated by Christian historians as ideologically motivated, sectarian and fabricated. Furthermore, they claim that their contribution to Lebanon's history has been systematically minimized. The Druze leader, Kamāl Junblāṭ, was the first to raise public awareness of the importance of rewriting Lebanon's history, and the process of doing so has gained momentum among Druze intellectuals since the 1980s. This article discusses the efforts of the Druze intelligentsia to cultivate a historical narrative that presents an alternative to what they call the “Maronite narrative”; it focuses predominantly on the Emirate's history during the Middle Ages and the reciprocal relations between the Druze political experience within modern Lebanon and the intellectual formulation of their narrative.
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9

Rivoal, Isabelle. "Le poids de l’histoire Druzes du Liban, Druzes d’Israël face à l’État." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 57, no. 1 (February 2002): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.2002.280028.

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RésuméDans la tradition anthropologique d’inspiration maussienne dont se réclame Marcel Detienne, la comparaison suppose l’élaboration préalable d’universaux sociaux, de mécanismes de pensée transcendant les sociétés particulières, par une mise en regard de leurs différences. A partir d’une réflexion sur deux composantes de la communauté druze au Proche-Orient (en Israël et au Liban), l’article questionne cette méthode comparative autour de deux axes. Le premier est celui de la comparaison au plus proche, qui n’implique pas de transcender des différences dans l’ordre des valeurs et représentations, mais de mettre en équation l’identité pour construire sociologiquement ces différences. Le second, corollaire de cet exercice de comparaison dans la proximité, est celui de l’introduction nécessaire des dynamiques historiques comme moteurs sinon comme objets de comparaison.
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10

Zonszain, Pascale. "Les Druzes, une communauté mystérieuse." Pardès N°64-65, no. 1 (2019): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.064.0355.

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11

Zonszain, Pascale. "L’identité politique des Druzes israéliens." Pardès N°64-65, no. 1 (2019): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.064.0361.

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12

Schmucker, Werner, and Kais M. Firro. "A History of the Druzes." Die Welt des Islams 34, no. 2 (November 1994): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1570937.

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13

Makdisi, Ussama. "AFTER 1860: DEBATING RELIGION, REFORM, AND NATIONALISM IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 34, no. 4 (September 18, 2002): 601–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743802004014.

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The events of 1860 constitute a turning point in the modern history of Lebanon. In the space of a few weeks between the end of May and the middle of June, Maronite and Druze communities clashed in Mount Lebanon in a struggle to see which community would control, and define, a stretch of mountainous territory at the center of complicated Eastern Question politics.1 The Druzes carried the day. Every major Maronite town within reach of the Druzes was pillaged, its population either massacred or forced to flee. In July, Damascene Muslims rioted to protest deteriorating economic conditions, targeting and massacring several hundred of the city's Christian population. Although the reasons for the fighting in Mount Lebanon and the riot in Damascus were quite different, the Ottoman, local, and European reactions inevitably conflated both events.2 Following the restoration of order, the conflict of 1860 was the subject, effectively, of an Ottoman government mandate of silence—a desire to forget the events and proceed with administering the newly constituted Mutasarrifiyya of Mount Lebanon. At the same time, however, the sectarian violence prompted an outpouring of local memories that the Ottoman government could neither control nor suppress.
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14

Bouba Nouhou, Alhadji. "Druzes israéliens : entre allégeance et rébellion." Confluences Méditerranée N°70, no. 3 (2009): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/come.070.0165.

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15

De Smet, Daniel. "La Loi Spirituelle (al-šar'īa l-rūhāniyya) druze selon Hamza b. 'Alī: textes canoniques et apocryphes." Arabica 58, no. 1 (2011): 100–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005811x550318.

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AbstractDans ses épîtres appartenant aux Rasāil al-hikma, le corpus des écrits canoniques qui forment la base de la religion druze, Hamza b. ‘Alī ébauche assez sommairement les principes d'une « loi spirituelle » censée remplacer la šarī‘a musulmane abrogée par al-Hākim, et il y préconise une juridiction spécifiquement druze. Il dit avoir traité de cette loi dans un écrit intitulé al-Šarī‘a l-rūhāniyya fī ‘ilm al-latīf wa-l-basīt wa-l-kathīf, qui toutefois ne figure pas dans le Canon, bien que les Druzes actuels en possèdent des manuscrits. Or, il s'agit à coup sûr d'un texte apocryphe, de date incertaine mais de loin postérieure à Hamza. En contradiction avec la doctrine développée dans les écrits canoniques, le druzisme y est présenté comme une religion révélée et scripturaire, à forte teneur « hermétique ».
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16

Yazbak, Mahmoud. "To Be Druze in Israel: The Druzes in the Jewish State: A Brief History . Kais M. Firro." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (October 2000): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.4.02p00857.

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17

Roussel, Cyril. "Les grandes familles druzes entre local et national." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 115-116 (December 31, 2006): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.3024.

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18

Halabi-Halawi, Wissam. "Des manuscrits druzes antérieurs au ixe/xve siècle ?" Bulletin d’études orientales, no. 62 (April 30, 2014): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/beo.1335.

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19

Gunderson, Gil. "A History of the Druzes: Kais M. Firro." Digest of Middle East Studies 2, no. 4 (October 1993): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1993.tb01004.x.

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20

Rozenbaum, M., N. Boulman, G. Slobodin, D. Zisman, R. Mader, A. Yankevitch, A. Weinberger, and I. Rosner. "Behcet Disease in Adult Druzes in North Israel." JCR: Journal of Clinical Rheumatology 13, no. 3 (June 2007): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/rhu.0b013e3180645878.

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21

Roussel, Cyril. "L’espace communautaire des Druzes du sud de la Syrie." Les Cahiers d’EMAM, no. 16 (July 1, 2008): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/emam.295.

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22

Harik, Judith P. "THE EFFECTS OF THE MILITARY TRADITION ON LEBANON'S ASSERTIVE DRUZES." International Sociology 10, no. 1 (March 1995): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026858095010001004.

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23

Brik, Selim, and Pascale Zonszain. "« Les Druzes en Israël ont des privilèges, plutôt que des droits »." Pardès N°64-65, no. 1 (2019): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.064.0367.

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24

Trigano, Shmuel. "Les Druzes dans la mire de la loi de la nation." Pardès N°64-65, no. 1 (2019): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parde.064.0373.

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25

Poonawala, Ismail K., and Nejla M. Abu-Izzeddin. "The Druzes: A New Study of Their History, Faith and Society." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 3 (July 1996): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605225.

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26

Lory, Pierre, and Nejla M. Abu-Izeddin. "The Druzes: A New History of Their History, Faith and Society." Studia Islamica, no. 82 (1995): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595594.

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27

Schaebler, Birgit. "Constructing an Identity between Arabism and Islam: The Druzes in Syria." Muslim World 103, no. 1 (January 2013): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/muwo.12002.

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28

Roussel, Cyril. "Désenclavement et mondialisation : les réseaux migratoires familiaux des druzes du sud syrien." Revue européenne des migrations internationales 19, no. 3 (December 12, 2003): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remi.2693.

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29

Arakelova, Victoria. "Ethno-Religious Communities: To the Problem of Identity Markers." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 1 (2010): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419189180.

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AbstractThe paper focuses on the phenomenon of ethno-religiousness and, particularly, on the process of the formation of ethno-religious communities. In the spotlight of the research is the Yezidi identity—the stages of its formation from the new syncretic mentality, initially exclusively with the religious vector, and later having acquired the drive to ethnicity. The similar processes can be traced in other cases of ethno-religious identities, e.g., the Mandaeans and the Druzes, both cases being used as comparative material.
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30

Hazran, Yusri. "Re-confessionalising the Shi‘ites and the Druzes: The Failure of Secularism in Lebanon." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 40, no. 2 (April 2013): 162–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2013.790292.

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31

Tovsultanov, Rustam Alkhazurovich, Malika Sharipovna Tovsultanova, and Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. "The policy of confessional particularism of the French authorities in Mandatory Syria in 1920–1946." Samara Journal of Science 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 192–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.55355/snv2022113209.

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The paper discusses the confessional principles of the territorial structure of Syria during its stay in the status of a French mandated territory. The authors prefaced their analysis with a description of the process of establishing a French colonial administration in Syria, in particular, the conclusion of the Anglo-French Sykes-Picot agreement on the division of the Middle East and, in particular, Greater Syria, into spheres of influence that determined the modern borders of the Middle Eastern states. The instrumental role of confessional differences in the struggle of the French authorities in Syria with the popular idea of pan-Arabism in the region is shown. Predominantly according to the confessional principle, the territory of Syria was fragmented by the French into 5 regions-states, which, firstly, determined the subsequent loss of control by Damascus over Lebanon and the Alexandretta Sanjak, and secondly, laid the foundation for the emergence of separatist tendencies and future domestic instability. However, as the authors of the paper show in the short term, the policy of the French imperialists failed. Paris failed to use Christians to put down the Druze and Sunni uprisings. However, after the French left the territory of Syria, there was a conflict between large ethno-confessional groups (Sunnis, Alawites and Druzes), the consequences of which were especially sharply exposed already in the 2010s.
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32

Зайцев, Николай Анатольевич. "CONDITION OF THE CENTRAL ZONE OF THE RETINA AFTER Nd:YAG-LASER VITREOLYSIS OF THE MIDDLE VITREOUS ACCORDING TO OPTICAL COHERENCE TOMOGRAPHY IN PATIENTS WITH ARTIFHAKIA." Medicine: theory and practice 8, S (December 17, 2023): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.56871/mtp.2023.13.99.009.

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Цель исследования. Определить безопасность Nd:YAG-лазерного срединного витреолизиса для центральных отделов сетчатки у пациентов с артифакией в послеоперационном периоде. Материал и методы. YAG-лазерный срединный витреолизис проведён 38 пациентам (38 глаз) в возрасте 62–78 лет в связи с различными видами помутнений стекловидного тела, которым ранее проводилась факоэмульсификация возрастной катаракты с имплантацией интраокулярной линзы. Результаты. Среди изменений сетчатки наиболее часто встречаются друзы мембраны Бруха (84,1%). При этом «твердые» друзы встречались чаще «мягких» на 10%, в то время как локальные, точечные дефекты пигментного эпителия были выявлены намного реже, чем друзы мембраны Бруха. Выявленные изменения сетчатки оставались неизменными после проведения срединного витреолизиса в течение трех месяцев. Толщина сетчатки в области фовеа перед лазерным витреолизисом составила 215,4±10,5 мкм, а спустя 3 месяца — 219,1±14,1мкм. В парафовеа толщина сетчатки перед операцией достигала 291,6±17,4 мкм, а в послеоперационном периоде не превышала 298,4±16,4 мкм. В перифовеальных отделах она составляла 215,2±16,4 мкм и 221,3±20,5мкм соответственно. Во всех случаях изменения статистически недостоверны (р ≥0,05). Выводы. После проведения Nd:YAG-лазерного срединного витреолизиса по стандартной методике и в установленном нами диапазоне мощности лазерного излучения не выявлено статистически значимых изменений, как толщины сетчатки, так структурных ее изменений в различных отделах ее центральной зоны. Research purpose. To define security of Nd:YAG laser median vitreolizis for the central departments of retina at patients with artifakiya in the postoperative period. Material and methods. YAG-laser median vitreolizis it is carried out to 38 patients (38 eyes) at the age of 62–78 years in connection with different types of pomutneniye of vitreous body which carried out fakoemulsifikation of age cataract with implantation of IOL earlier. Results. Druzes of membrane of Bruch (84.1%) most often occur among changes of retina. At the same time "firm" druzes met more often "soft" for 10%. While local, dot defects of pigmental epithelium have been revealed much more less than druzes of membrane of Bruch. The revealed changes of a retina remained invariable after carrying out a median vitreolizis within 3 months. Retina thickness in the field of fove before laser vitreolizis was 215.4±10.5 mkm, and 3 months later 219.1±14.1мкм. In parafove retina thickness before transaction reached 291.6±17.4 mkm, and the postoperative period did not exceed 298.4±16.4 microns. And in perifovealny departments it made 215.2±16.4 microns and 221.3±20.5мкм respectively. In all cases of change are statistically not reliable (р ≥0,05). Conclusions. After carrying out Nd:YAG-laser median vitreolizis by standard technique and in the range of power of laser radiation established by us it is not revealed statistically significant changes as retina thickness, so its structural changes in various departments of its central area.
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33

Bar-Asher, Meir. "Le Coran et son exégèse chez les Ismaéliens, les Druzes et les Nuṣayrites/ʻAlaouites." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 126 (September 15, 2019): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.2914.

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34

Radwan, Chad K. "Economic adversities and cultural coping strategies: Impacts on identity boundaries among Druzes in Lebanon." Economic Anthropology 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sea2.12106.

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35

BAYRAM, Aydın. "The Transformation of Radjʿa Doctrine of Shiʿa: A Case Study on the Nusayrīs, the Druzes and the Bābī-Bahāīs." Kader 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 942–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18317/kaderdergi.1391455.

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As one of the main tenets of mainstream Shiʿa, the radjʿa doctrine is potentially open to radical interpretations. In the background of this belief, the concept of ghayba (occultation) with the special meaning attributed to it has vital importance. According to the Imāmiyya or Twelve Imams (Ithnā ʿAshʿariyya) Shiʿism, which has survived to date within Shiʿism and constitutes the vast majority of them, the twelfth imam, Muhammad b. al-Hasan went into major occultation in 941. According to this doctrine, it is believed that one day the hidden imam will return and rule over the whole world, which is filled with injustice. In fact, examples of the belief in radjʿa can be traced back to earlier periods. In the early history of Islam, some extreme sects (ghulāt) emerged by claiming the immortality of important figures such as, ʿAlī b. Abī Tālib (d. 40/661) and his son Husayn (d. 61/680). The 10th century also became the scene of such claims among Shiʿa such as the return of the hidden imam, Muhammad b. al-Hasan who is believed to be in occultation and will one day reappear to guide all humanity. This study examines three sub-sects of Shiʿīsm, namely the Nusayrīs, the Druzes and the Bābī-Bahāīs that all interpret the doctrine of radjʿa from a gnostic point of view. The first two emerged in the tenth century simultaneously, while the Bābī-Bahāīs in the nineteenth. It is worth to note here that the concept of bāb has played the mediating role in the approach to the radjʿa doctrine. Ibn al-Nusayr, the founder of the Nusayrī sect, put forward a ground breaking approach to the doctrine by declaring himself as the gateway to the eleventh and twelfth imam. In addition, the belief in the incarnation of God’s soul into the body of ʿAli, and later on its transfer to bodies of the imams until it reached the twelfth imam, spread. The Druzes focused directly on the divinity of al-Hakīm bi-Amrillah rather than on the concept of bāb. The Bābīs and Bahāʾīs, on the other hand, interpreted the doctrine of radjʿa on the basis of the concept of bāb and the claim of messiahship, and a new religion. Especially, the Nusayrīs and the Druzes interpreted radjʿa phenomenon and transformed it into hulūl (incarnation) and tanāsukh (metempsychosis). The Bābī-Bahāī community, however, transformed the doctrine of radjʿa into the doctrine of prophethood by refusing the termination of the prophethood with the prophet Muhammad. Thus, they claim to be a new religion that abolishes the rules of previous religions. The purpose of this study is to analyse the way in which the selected sub-sects of Shiʿa have approached the doctrine of radjʿa and the extent of their interpretation of this phenomenon.
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Foliard, Daniel. "Lost in translation : une mission britannique auprès des Druzes à la fin du xixe siècle." Histoire, monde et cultures religieuses 35, no. 3 (2015): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/hmc.035.0111.

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Méditerranée, Wissam Halabi-HalawiUniversité. "L’arbitrage et la médiation des cheikhs religieux chez les Druzes du Gharb au ixe/xve siècle1." Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée, no. 140 (December 30, 2016): 140101–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/remmm.9644.

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38

Levav, Itzhak, and Alexander Grinshpoon. "Mental health services in Israel." International Psychiatry 1, no. 4 (April 2004): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s174936760000672x.

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Israel is a multicultural society in a state of permanent change. The population, of about 6.5 million, comprises the following religious groupings: Jews (77.5%), Muslims (15.3%), Christians (2.1%), Druzes (1.7%) and others (3.4%). The organisation of and the approaches used by the country's health services have been determined by this sociocultural plurality, and also by a continuous influx of immigrants (among whom, 882 600 and 44 200 arrived from countries of the former USSR and Ethiopia, respectively, between 1990 and 2001), as well as by the precarious security situation (the country has seen several wars with its neighbours in addition to the long-standing conflict with the Palestinians). The patterns of care of the population reflect both Western psychiatry and traditional systems. Because of such complexity, the present brief overview is necessarily selective.
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39

Kanafani-Zahar, Aïda. "La réconciliation des druzes et des chrétiens du Mont Liban ou le retour à un code coutumier." Critique internationale 23, no. 2 (2004): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.023.0055.

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40

Rivoal, Isabelle. "Kais M. Firro. The Druzes in the Jewish State. A brief history. Leyde, E. J. Brill, 1999, 266 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 60, no. 1 (February 2005): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900019181.

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41

Chaaya, Said. "Un jugement amer du système de moutassarifat du Mont Liban. Faut-il l'attribuer à l'émir Mohammed Amin Arslan, caïmacam des druzes?" Chronos 22 (April 7, 2019): 141–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v22i0.452.

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Tout au long du XIXe siècle, le Mont Liban a connu à maintes reprises des révoltes, conflits et événements souvent à caractère confessionnels qui ont culminé en 1860 par les massacres de chrétiens de toutes confessions à Damas et au Mont Liban. Cette instabilité politique dans la région était accompagnée par un changement continuel de système de gouvernance. Après le départ des troupes égyptiennes de Mouhammad Ali, le Mont Liban a été gouverné par deux Émirs, un chrétien et un druze. Ce régime bipolaire, connu sous le nom de caïmacamiatayn, a été remplacé après deux décennies par le système de moutassarifat, lequel a perduré jusqu'à la Première Guerre mondiale. De nos jours, beaucoup pensent, suite à l'ouvrage de E. Akarli (1993), que le moutassarifat a amené paix et stabilité relative au Liban durant une longue période. Fut-ce vraiment le cas ? Quel regard et quel jugement ont été ceux des autorités qui l'ont expérimenté ? Le système était-il aussi « juste et parfait » qu'on a bien voulu l'écrire ? A ces questions comme à tant d'autres, un texte écrit par un contemporain nous révèle les difficultés qui ont surgi et en quelque sorte l'envers de la médaille !
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42

Abu-Chacra, Faruk. "Nejla M. Abu-Izzeddin: The Druzes: a new siudy of their history, faith and society. xii, 259Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1984. Guilders 50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1987): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00053404.

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43

Betts, Robert Brenton. "Nejla M. Abu-Izzedin, The Druzes: A New Study of Their History, Faith, and Society (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984). Pp. 259." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1989): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800032232.

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44

Barbara, Ramez, Ariela Gordon-Shaag, Michel Millodot, Einat Shneor, Maron Essa, and Miriam Anton. "Prevalence of Keratoconus among Young Arab students in Israel." International Journal of Keratoconus and Ectatic Corneal Diseases 3, no. 1 (2014): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5005/jp-journals-10025-1070.

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ABSTRACT Purpose To determine the prevalence of keratoconus (KC) in an Arab population in Israel. Materials and methods Videokeratography was performed on volunteer students from the Academic Arab College of Education, in Haifa, Israel. All participants filled out a self-administered questionnaire to evaluate possible risk factors for KC. Univariate and multivariate analysis were performed. Results Data of 314 participants were analyzed and a prevalence of (N = 10), 3.18% (95% CI, 1.2 to 5.1%) was found. The only significant factor (both in univariate and multivariate analysis) that was associated with KC was parental consanguinity (OR 5.10, p = 0.02). Druzes and Bedouins had a higher prevalence than Muslims and Christians. However, the differences were not significant possibly due to the small size of the sample. Conclusion The result of this study was similar to other studies conducted in the Middle East, which indicate a higher prevalence of KC than in western countries. It is also recommended that people who have consanguinity in their family should be topographically tested to detect the early stages of KC. How to cite this article Shneor E, Millodot M, Gordon-Shaag A, Essa M, Anton M, Barbara R, Barbara A. Prevalence of Keratoconus among Young Arab Students in Israel. Int J Kerat Ect Cor Dis 2014;3(1):9-14.
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Poujeau, Anna. "Éléonore Armanet Le Ferment et la Grâce. Une ethnographie du sacré chez les Druzes d’Israël Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Mirail, 2011, 363 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 69, no. 04 (December 2014): 1087–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ahs.2014.0186.

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46

Habiby, R. N. "Book Reviews : Najib Alamuddin, Turmoil. The Druzes, Lebanon and the Arab-Israeli Conflict, (London Quartet Books, 1993), 275 p. Index to p. 292, 14.95." Journal of Asian and African Studies 29, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1994): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002190969402900127.

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47

Khater, Akram, and Jeffrey Culang. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 631–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000799.

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This issue centers on two predominant themes: space, boundaries, and belonging from the end of empire to the early nation-state era; and the relationship between political discourse, political praxis, and values. The first section, “Belonging, Boundaries, and Law,” opens with Asher Kaufman's article, “Belonging and Continuity: Israeli Druze and Lebanon, 1982–2000,” on the spatial perceptions and practices of communities in the Middle East under the nation-state. Kaufman observes that only over the past few decades have scholars of the post–World War I order in the region begun to question “the ‘nation-state’ as the natural geographical and political unit of analysis.” Using Druze citizens of Israel before, during, and after Israel's occupation of South Lebanon as his case, he readjusts the lens toward substate, suprastate, and trans-state dynamics. Until the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948, Druze communal and religious networks had spanned the whole of bilād al-shām, but these were radically interrupted by Israel's emergence as a bounded polity whose borders with its neighbors were reputedly sealed. This rupture precipitated the emergence of an Israeli Druze community that, isolated from broader Druze communal life and institutional frames, was expected to be loyal to the new state. Eschewing a national frame, Kaufman reveals how Druze, despite these obstacles, actually maintained “crossborder ties through marriage, licit and illicit trade, and religious practices.” Paradoxically, it was Israel's invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and its eighteen-year occupation of the South that allowed for a resumption of pre-1948 spatial practices, though these were complicated by Israeli Druze's multiple and sometimes conflicting allegiances. Such practices, restricted again after the Israeli withdrawal of 2000, continued in limited fashion until the start of the Syrian Civil War, which has propelled Israeli Druze to organize politically in support of Druze in Syria. Observing that the Druze continue to live in state and suprastate spatial scales, Kaufman proposes “using the concept ‘hybrid spatial scale’ as a tool for studying communities such as the Druze that operate on multiple territorial scales.”
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Arkoun, Mohammed. "NEJLA M. ABU-IZZEDIN: The Druzes. A new study of their history, faith and society, ed. Brill, Leiden, New York, Köln, 1993, XII + 259 p." Arabica 45, no. 3 (1998): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570058982641734.

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Herzstein, Rafael. "Saint-Joseph University of Beirut: An Enclave of the French-Speaking Communities in the Levant, 1875–1914." Itinerario 32, no. 2 (July 2008): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001996.

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The origin of the Saint-Joseph University of Beirut, or USJ, dates back to the Seminar of Ghazir founded by the Jesuit Fathers in 1843. The College of Ghazir, established with the intention of training the local Maronite clergy, was transferred to Beirut in 1875. This centre for higher studies was named Saint-Joseph University. In his audience of 25 February 1881, Pope Leo XIII conferred the title of Pontifical University on the USJ.This article deals with the history of the USJ, the first great French-speaking Jesuit institution in the area which, at the time, bore the name of “Syria”. (The term Syria is used henceforth to represent the geographical entity of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, which includes Syria and Lebanon of the present.) The underlying reasons for the creation of Saint-Joseph University of Beirut have to do with its being located in a province of the Ottoman Empire coveted by the future mandatory power, France. By the 1870s, the Ottoman Empire was being preserved chiefly by the competition between the European powers, all of whom wanted chunks of it. The Ottoman territory, like the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, encompassed a great many ethnic groups whose own nationalism was also stirring. Under Ottoman rule, the region of the Levant developed economic and religious ties with Europe. Open to the West, it became a hotbed of political strife between various foreign nations including France, Russia and Britain. These powerful countries assumed the protection of certain ethnic and religious groups, with France supporting the Christian Maronites and Britain supporting the Druzes.
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Saab, Nada. "The Druzes: An Annotated Bibliography, by Samy S. Swayd. 199 pages, maps, tables, photographs, glossary, appendix, index, chronology. Kirkland, WA: ISES Publications, 1998. $22.00 (Paper) ISBN 0-9662932-0-7." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 34, no. 1 (2000): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400042814.

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