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Journal articles on the topic 'Dürer'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Mayer, Ernst Th. "Melencolia §I – der „angelo terrestre” und sein gleichzeitiges doppeltes Sehvermögen." Musik-, Tanz- und Kunsttherapie 20, no. 1 (January 2009): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1026/0933-6885.20.1.8.

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Zusammenfassung. Das am meisten mathematische Bild Dürers hat eine Trostwirkung, deren Ursache kunsthistorisch, kunstpsychologisch und ikonologisch untersucht wird. Es wird die These vertreten, dass die Trost-Wirkung auf der „visuellen Geometrie” beruht, die Dürer seiner Bildkonstruktion zu Grunde gelegt hat. Der Betrachter sieht das „Selbst”, er ist – wie der Schöpfer des Bildes – „voller Figur”, wie Dürer seine eigene Kreativität beschrieben hat, und beginnt, das Bild zu lesen. Der Betrachter folgt dabei intuitiv oder bewusst den sinnführenden Perspektiven. Dazu wird die These aufgestellt, Dürer sei inspiriert von dem kontemplativen Aufstieg zum „angelo terrestre”, der von Giovanni Pico della Mirandola in seinem Commento sopra una canzone d’amore 1486, beschrieben wurde.

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2

Larue, Anne. "Dürer kitsch." Romantisme 32, no. 118 (2002): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.2002.1165.

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3

Heuer, Christopher P. "Evaporating Dürer." Grey Room, no. 85 (2021): 40–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/grey_a_00331.

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4

Deguy, Michel. "Dürer, l’apparition." Nouvelles de l'estampe, no. 231 (October 1, 2010): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/estampe.1282.

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5

Fragos, Emily. "After Dürer." Ploughshares 41, no. 1 (2015): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/plo.2015.0083.

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6

Lepape, Séverine. "Autour de Dürer." Nouvelles de l'estampe, no. 242 (March 1, 2013): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/estampe.917.

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7

Foister, Susan. "Dürer versus Baldung." Art History 17, no. 4 (December 1994): 664–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8365.1994.tb00601.x.

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8

Oakes, Simon P. "Dürer e l’Italia." Renaissance Studies 22, no. 1 (February 2008): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2007.00482.x.

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9

Giehlow, Karl, and Iain Boyd Whyte. "Poliziano and Dürer." Art in Translation 9, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17561310.2017.1357988.

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10

Konečný, Lubomír. "DUBRAVIUS ON DÜRER." Source: Notes in the History of Art 28, no. 4 (July 2009): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.28.4.23208578.

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11

Jouffroy, Jean-Pierre. "Albrecht Dürer : Charnière." Nouvelles FondationS 2, no. 2 (2006): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/nf.002.0126.

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12

Zabrodina, Elena A. "DÜRER IN MEMLING’S WORKSHOP." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Philosophy. Social Studies. Art Studies, no. 2 (2022): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6401-2022-3-110-122.

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Albrecht Dürer is often considered one of the key German Renaissance painters and it is the reason, why different aspects of Dürer’s art and its formation continue to be immensely significant for researchers. In that regard, it is important to refer to the origins of Dürer’s art. The influence of the Venetian masters cannot be underestimated, which becomes apparent after his first trip to Italy in the mid-1490s. Also, a significant factor in Dürer’s formation as a painter was his encounter with Dutch art, what is represented in a number of his works. During his travel as a journeyman Albrecht Dürer could visit in Bruges the workshop of Memling, a key Dutch master. The first scientist who formulated that hypothesis was German researcher Hans Evers in 1972, and since then a number of publications have appeared that study both the social and historical context of Bruges and the cities Dürer visited, as well as analyze the similarities and differences in the artistic style of early Dürer and the works of Netherland painters. The purpose of the article is to summarize existing arguments and adding new ones in favor of Dürer’s visiting of Memling’s workshop in the beginning of 1490th.

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13

Szentmártoni Szabó, Géza. "Dürer nyitott ajtós címere és a korai híradások apai őseiről." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 71, no. 2 (September 19, 2023): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2022.00017.

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Albrecht Dürer’s name first appeared in Jacob Wimpfeling’s book on German history, printed in 1505, in which the Alsatian author praised the then famous artist. In his book on the work of Martin Schongauer, printed in Nuremberg in 1515, the humanist Christoph Scheurl mentioned that Dürer’s father was born in Cula, near the town of Várad in Hungary. He was therefore the first, albeit with an incorrect town name, to make this biographical information public. Joachim Camerarius also mentioned in the preface to his book on the artist’s symmetry, published posthumously in 1532, that Dürer’s paternal lineage was from Pannonia. The only surviving manuscript is the calligrapher Johann Neudorfer’s biography of Dürer, in which the artist’s father’s biography is in agreement with his family records. This knowledge also reached the Hungarian humanist János zsámboky (Sambucus), who compiled a Latin and Greek epigram in praise of Dürer, mentioning the Pannonian origins of the artist’s ancestors. This information was published in Adam Melchior’s book on the life of German scholars, published in 1615, in the section about Dürer. The artist’s own notes were published by Joachim von Sandrart in 1675.From then on, this publication became the basis for biographies of Dürer. The present essay will now look at the reception of these family records in Hungary, with its pitfalls, especially the village of Ajtós and the Dürer name, as well as the related open-door coat of arms and the portrait of the artist’s father.

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14

Thouard, Denis. "Élégie de Dürer Platz." Po&sie 155, no. 1 (2016): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poesi.155.0090.

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15

Schmid, Manfred Hermann. "Dürer und die Musik." Die Musikforschung 46, no. 2 (September 22, 2021): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.1993.h2.1151.

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Der von H.Rupprich edierte handschriftliche Nachlaß von Albrecht Dürer enthält vier Fälle Nicht entzifferter Aufzeichnungen". Diese sind im 3. Band faksimiliert wiedergegeben. J. M. Massing und Chr. Meyer haben darauf hingewiesen, daß sich in diesen vier Einträgen Musik verbirgt. Dies allerdings in einer speziellen und nicht ohne weiteres geläufigen Technik instrumentaler Notierung, der sogenannten deutschen Orgeltabulatur. Was Dürer musikalisch entwirft, steht trotz einiger Besonderheiten im Kontext einer Praxis süddeutscher Organisten aus der Schule Hofhaimers. bms online (Weil, Karola)

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16

Mifflin, Jeffrey. "Albrecht Dürer: Documentary Biography." American Archivist 82, no. 1 (March 2019): 233–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17723/0360-9081-82.1.233.

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17

Geisler, Sheryl. "Dürer, Depression, and Melencolia." Journal of Physician Assistant Education 21, no. 1 (2010): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01367895-201021010-00009.

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18

Geisler, Sheryl. "Dürer, Depression, and Melencolia." Journal of Physician Assistant Education 21, no. 1 (2014): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01367895-201421010-00009.

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19

Wadsworth, Arthur. "The durability of Dürer." Endeavour 27, no. 3 (September 2003): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0160-9327(03)00108-x.

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20

Beck, Jonathan. "Dürer in French Letters." Symposium: A Quarterly Journal in Modern Literatures 45, no. 1 (March 1991): 385–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397709.1991.10733733.

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21

Koepsell, Thomas D. "Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528)." Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine 157, no. 8 (August 1, 2003): 718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/archpedi.157.8.718.

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22

Meißner, Thomas. "Hat Albrecht Dürer geschielt?" CME 20, no. 9 (September 2023): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11298-023-3278-5.

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23

Soares, Marcelo Pacheco. "Olhos de safira: introdução à leitura de O cão de Dürer, um conto de Maria João Cantinho." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 40, no. 1 (February 22, 2018): 33052. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v40i1.33052.

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Este ensaio promove uma leitura do conto ‘O cão de Dürer’, da escritora portuguesa Maria João Cantinho, publicado em 2006, evidenciando a sua correspondência com a gravura renascentista Melencolia I, de Albrecht Dürer (1514), além de outras obras do artista. A compreensão do protagonista da narrativa acerca da arte de Dürer se processa em uma viagem para dentro de si mesmo, a fim de acessar a sua própria memória. Por isso, fazemos aqui uso do conceito de ‘memória estética’ de Mario Praz (1982), veiculado em pesquisa sobre a correspondência entre literatura e artes visuais. Em razão da afinidade acadêmica da autora com os estudos acerca da obra de Walter Benjamin, discussões diversas do filósofo alemão igualmente comparecem como instrumento de leitura para o conto.

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24

Ashcroft, Jeffrey. "Albrecht Dürers Venexian." Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 141, no. 3 (September 6, 2019): 360–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgsl-2019-0023.

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Abstract Albrecht Dürer’s use of ›Italian‹ words in his letters from Venice to Willibald Pirckheimer has commonly been dismissed as a curiosity of little consequence – half-understood mangling of a language of which Dürer had only the crudest grasp. This article brings the first systematic analysis of the entire corpus of such material in Dürer’s writings. It shows that his ›Italian‹ lexis is consistently drawn from Venexian, the early modern regional koiné of Venice. Its accurately registered, heard forms Dürer transcribes into the orthography of Nuremberg’s written German dialect. Apart from loan words and idioms, the corpus includes loan coinages. For these Dürer draws on terms and concepts from Venexian to devise or refunction German vocabulary which is highly significant in the evolution of his language of art theory and practice.

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25

Xu, Yidan. "The Scientific of Renaissance Artworks - Based on Dürer and Leonardo da Vinci's Work." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 11 (April 20, 2023): 75–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v11i.7505.

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From the second half of the 14th century to the end of the 16th century, Western and Central European countries witnessed a revolutionary movement in cultural thought, the Renaissance, which was guided by humanism and a human-centred world view. The works of art were transformed by this humanist ideology, and the achievements of science were combined with the use of scientific theories such as perspective, mathematics and anatomy to make their works more relevant to their time. The use of scientific theories underpinned the development of Renaissance painting as a whole. The relationship between Renaissance works and science is explored through an analysis of typical Renaissance works by Dürer and Leonardo da Vinci. This paper will discuss Dürer and Leonardo da Vinci’s work and its connection to science. It will discuss how Dürer used the golden ratio in Adam and Eve and how Dürer linked the human body to geometry to demonstrate his profound study of mathematics in his book The Four Books of Human Proportions. At the same time, this paper will discuss how Leonardo da Vinci applied his study of human proportions and perspective to painting. The study finds that the study of the golden ratio in these works has implications for the creation of today's graphic design students.

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26

Frolova, L. V. "Albrecht Dürer’s Image in the Art Works and Theory of the Nazarene Movement and its Followers." Art & Culture Studies, no. 2 (June 2023): 304–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51678/2226-0072-2023-2-304-323.

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The formation of Albrecht Dürer’s cult in German romantic culture is an important problem of modern art history, since the image of the German master, created in the first half of the 19th century, still influences the perception of his work. The article analyses the works of the Nazarene artists and German masters from Munich and Dusseldorf, where the Nazarene traditions were especially strong. Special attention is paid to the design and organization of the so-called Dürer-Feste. In addition, the works of romantic masters have been identified, in which the influence of the style and iconography of Dürer’s works is especially clearly manifested (by P. Cornelius, F. Pforr, E.N. Neureuther, L.E. Grimm). The main subjects associated with the romantic cult of A. Dürer are identified: friendship with Raphael, work for Maximilian I, receiving the coat of arms from the hands of the emperor, and connection with contemporary artists. The peculiarity of the romantic cult of Dürer is special attention to the personality and biography of the master, which manifested itself in the theory and everyday practices of German artists. At the same time, in the art of German Romanticism, references to Dürer’s work are not so frequent. They are found mainly in graphic works, the plots of which are associated with patriotic or historical themes. The article shows that the image of Dürer in the German romantic culture is multifaceted. The Nuremberg master was perceived as a pious Christian artist, an outstanding engraver, a symbol of the chivalric Middle Ages, and at the same time a bright representative of the burghers of Early Modern times. But first of all, the artists of the Romantic era praised Dürer as the embodiment of the national idea and the direct predecessor of modern German painters.

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27

Smith, Jeffrey Chipps. "The 2010 Josephine Waters Bennett Lecture: Albrecht Dürer as Collector*." Renaissance Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2011): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660367.

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Albrecht Dürer avidly collected for his professional and personal pleasure. Drawing upon textual and artistic evidence, it is possible to assess what sorts of objects he acquired. Through purchases, bartering, and gifts, Dürer amassed an important library with authors ranging from Euclid to Martin Luther. Among his many dealings with contemporary masters, he exchanged drawings with Raphael, swapped prints with Lucas van Leyden, and bought a Salvator Mundi illuminated by Susanna Horenbout. Dürer was fascinated by objects of natural rarity and of exotic, non-European origins. He also self-collected. Some paintings and drawings, occasionally inscribed with biographical or autobiographical information, were intended primarily for his, his family's, and his close friends’ private consumption. The holdings displayed in his Nuremberg house anticipated the art and wonder chambers that became popular later in the sixteenth century. The collection offers new insights into Dürer's conscious efforts of self-fashioning.

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28

Patault, Marc. "Toute une vie avec Dürer." La chaîne d'union N° 63, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 14–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/cdu.063.0014.

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29

Cugy, Pascale. "Michel-Ange, Dürer, Rubens, Bellange…" Nouvelles de l'estampe, no. 233-234 (March 1, 2011): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/estampe.1213.

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30

Riemann, H. "Albrecht Dürer und das Schöllkraut." Allgemeine Homöopathische Zeitung 199, no. 07 (April 14, 2007): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-2006-934675.

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31

Hardwick, Paul. ":The Essential Dürer." Sixteenth Century Journal 42, no. 4 (December 1, 2011): 1266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj23210740.

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32

Thürlemann, Felix. "L’aquarelle de Dürer « fenedier klawsen »." Revue de l'art N° 137, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rda.137.0009.

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33

Fara, Giovanni Maria. "Una nota su Albrecht Dürer e Vitruvio = A Note on Albrecht Dürer and Vitruvius." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte, no. 7 (December 13, 2019): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfvii.7.2019.26177.

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In questo saggio l’autore propone una riconsiderazione globale del rapporto di Albrecht Dürer con il De Architectura di Vitruvio, prestando costante attenzione alle fonti rimaste. Inoltre, l’autore indaga anche un aspetto trascurato di questo rapporto, che riguarda la significativa accoglienza dei trattati di Dürer tra i traduttori e i commentatori di Vitruvio tra il XVI e il XVII secolo.AbstractIn this essay the author proposes an overall reconsideration of Albrecht Dürer’s relationship with Vitruvius’ De Architectura, paying constant attention to the surviving sources. Furthermore, the author also investigates an overlooked aspect of this relationship that concerns the significant reception of Dürer’s treatises among Vitruvius’ translators and commentators between the XVIth and the XVIIth centuries.

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34

Bohr, Jörn. "Die offizielle Dürer-Rezeption in der DDR von 1949 bis zum Dürer-Jubiläum 1971." Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 85, no. 1 (June 2003): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/akg.2003.85.1.339.

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35

Setzler, Sibylle. "Rezension von: Dürer, Holbein, Grünewald. Meisterzeichnungen der deutschen Renaissance aus Berlin und Basel." Schwäbische Heimat 48, no. 4 (February 2, 2024): 409–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/sh.v48i4.9841.

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36

Kottmann, Carsten, Felix Reuße, and Felix Reuße. "Rezension von: Reuße, Felix (Bearb.), Albrecht Dürer und die europäische Druckgraphik." Backnanger Jahrbuch 10 (December 22, 2023): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/bjb.v10i.9134.

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37

Sullivan, Margaret A. "The Witches of Dürer and Hans Baldung Grien*." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 2 (2000): 333–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901872.

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This study seeks to demonstrate that the timing, subject, and audience for the art of Dürer and Hans Baldung Grien all argue against the view that the witches in their prints and drawings were a reaction to actual witch-hunts, trials, or malevolent treatises such as theMalleus maleficiarum. The witch craze did not gain momentum until late in the sixteenth century while the witches of Dürer and Hans Baldung Grien belong to an earlier era. They are more plausible as a response to humanist interest in the poetry and satire of the classical world, and are better understood as poetic constructions created to serve artistic goals and satisfy a humanist audience.

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38

Li, Shixing. "Enumeration of spanning trees in the sequence of Dürer graphs." Open Mathematics 15, no. 1 (December 29, 2017): 1591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/math-2017-0136.

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Abstract In this paper, we calculate the number of spanning trees in the sequence of Dürer graphs with a special feature that it has two alternate states. Using the electrically equivalent transformations, we obtain the weights of corresponding equivalent graphs and further derive relationships for spanning trees between the Dürer graphs and transformed graphs. By algebraic calculations, we obtain a closed-form formula for the number of spanning trees with regard to iteration step. Finally we compare the entropy of our graph with other studied graphs and see that its value of entropy lies in the interval of those of graphs with average degree being 3 and 4.

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39

Silver, Larry. "Adam Kraft’s Moving Sandstones." Arts 12, no. 1 (January 6, 2023): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12010009.

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Adam Kraft, Albrecht Dürer’s contemporary in Nuremberg, worked in the material of sandstone to provide a comparable experience in carved relief about the Passion of Christ. Both artists began their work in Nuremberg around the same time, 1490, although the older Kraft actually predeceased Dürer by two full decades (1508/1528). But both Nuremberg artists shared a religious sentiment of late-medieval art as having a goal to evoke pious emotions through vivid, multi-figured narrative re-enactments. Kraft’s Stations of the Cross series simulates an imaginary pilgrimage in Jerusalem itself. Through their visual process, both Kraft and Dürer moved pious empathy in their—literally—moving viewers of Passion sequences.

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40

Luber (book author), Katherine Crawford, and Ethan Matt Kavaler (review author). "Albrecht Dürer and the Venetian Renaissance." Quaderni d'italianistica 27, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v27i2.8598.

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41

Freitas Rodrigues, Andreia. "Dürer e o Tema da Melancolia." Revista Nava 3, no. 1 (September 13, 2019): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2525-7757.2017.v3.28038.

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O texto procura analisar a construção de um modelo iconográfico na história da arte, pensando a trajetória histórica das representações da melancolia desde a antiguidade, chegando até a gravura Melencolia I produzida por Albrecht Dürer em 1514, e que estabeleceu o que poderíamos considerar como um autêntico paradigma representacional. Tal obra pode ser tomada como ponto iniciático e fio condutor do artigo, que tenta demonstrar possíveis fontes e inspirações do artista alemão, além de propor breve reflexão sobre algumas interpretações dadas à Melencolia I.

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42

Weed, Stanley E., and Katherine Crawford Luber. "Albrecht Dürer and the Venetian Renaissance." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478407.

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43

Bach, Friedrich Teja. "Albrecht Dürer: Figures of the Marginal." Res: Anthropology and aesthetics 36 (September 1999): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/resv36n1ms20167477.

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44

Miller, Albert. "Sherlock Holmes, Albrecht Dürer, and Socrates." Chest 113, no. 6 (June 1998): 1439–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1378/chest.113.6.1439.

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45

Sharma, Pankaj. "Medicine, Dürer, and the praying hands." Lancet 349, no. 9063 (May 1997): 1470–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(96)12216-9.

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46

Lebrecht, W., and J. F. Valdés. "±J Ising model on Dürer lattices." Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 422 (March 2015): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2014.12.009.

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47

Wilson, Robin, and Florence Fasanelli. "Mathematics and art II: Albrecht Dürer." Mathematical Intelligencer 22, no. 2 (March 2000): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03025382.

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48

Crannell, Annalisa, Marc Frantz, and Fumiko Futamura. "Dürer: Disguise, Distance, Disagreements, and Diagonals!" Math Horizons 22, no. 2 (November 2014): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4169/mathhorizons.22.2.8.

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49

Goes, Frank Joseph. "The enigmatic strabismus of Albrecht Dürer." Strabismus 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09273972.2019.1560977.

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50

Hudson, Hugh. "The Essential Dürer (review)." Parergon 28, no. 1 (2011): 256–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2011.0033.

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