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Journal articles on the topic 'Durham Cathedral in art'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Calvert, Arran J. "‘Durham Cathedral can be whatever you want it to be’: Examining the negotiation of space and time." Ethnography 20, no. 4 (July 5, 2018): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1466138118787211.

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Public spaces are also spaces of contestation, in which people vie for the space they need for the purposes they need them for, and Durham Cathedral is no different. Not only do cathedrals in the 21st century need to be places of worship, they must also be tourist attractions and support community events both religious and non religious. Beginning from a much used phrase that ‘Durham Cathedral can be whatever you want it to be’, and building on Bergson’s concept of duration, Munn’s use of space-time, and Eliade’s notion of sacred time, this article examines two ethnographic examples of the tensions of time and space that arise everyday in Durham Cathedral and how, through the actions of the community, spaces become places of enacted negotiation in which both space and time are malleable assemblages used to create manifold space-times.

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2

Foster, Paul. "Goring Revisited: George Bell, The Artist Hans Feibusch, and Art in Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 6, no. 28 (January 2001): 36–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004257.

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There is adventure about—both at home and abroad. More especially, events are taking place in respect to the place of visual art in the witness of the Church that a generation ago, or even less, would have been laughed out of court: for the counsel of this committee or that, whether at parish vestry or cathedral chapter, would have looked askance at what, today, seems to be accepted almost on the nod. Examples of what is occurring, and especially in cathedrals up and down the country, are easy to cite. One need think only of recent exhibitions at Salisbury; the use of video (Bill Viola'sThe Messenger)at Durham; the appointment of an artist in residence at Gloucester;Sculpture for Winchester, the 1998 exhibition arranged in part across the Inner Close of the cathedral; an exhibition in November 1999 of Sussex artists in the North Transept at Chichester, conducted with a view to raising funds for the continuing restoration of the cathedral; Anthony Green'sResurrection, An Act of Faithat Christ Church, Oxford; or the planned (at the moment of writing) millennial exhibition,Stations, the New Sacred Art, to be held in 2000 both at the cathedral in Bury St Edmunds and at twelve associated parishes. Varied as these examples are, they all share a very distinct characteristic—the temporary nature of the arrangements, for which no formal permission or approval was legally required from any supererogatory body or bodies. Reasons for this development are complex, and the outcomes— which frequently create controversy—are often fiercely debated. What has received less attention, however, is the foundation of the present relationship between art and the Church, a relationship that can be seen to stretch back to a judgment made by George Bell, then Bishop of Chichester, in his own consistory court in 1954, concerning a design for a mural by Hans Feibusch in the parish church at Goring-by-Sea.

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3

Bernstein, Meg. "A Bishop of Two Peoples:." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 77, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 267–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2018.77.3.267.

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In A Bishop of Two Peoples: William of St. Calais and the Hybridization of Architecture in Eleventh-Century Durham, Meg Bernstein considers England's Durham Cathedral alongside the nearly contemporaneous Norman Chapel, located in the bishop's palace adjacent to the cathedral. Both were commissioned by Bishop William of St. Calais, the second Norman-appointed bishop of Durham. Bernstein argues that the dramatically different formal styles of the two buildings reflect politically motivated choices the bishop made following the Norman cultural conquest of England after 1066. While the cathedral is recognizably hybrid, recalling Anglo-Saxon formal motifs applied to a Norman plan, the castle chapel draws straight from the milieu of the duchy of Normandy. In particular, the chapel's stone capitals were most likely made in Normandy and brought to England by the bishop. This article seeks to provide context for the cathedral where it has been lost and to draw conclusions about the chapel's commission within the context of the Norman colonization of England.

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4

Pears, Richard. "BISHOP TUNSTALL’S ALTERATIONS TO DURHAM CASTLE, 1536–48." Antiquaries Journal 99 (July 24, 2019): 161–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581519000064.

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Since its foundation in 1072 Durham Castle has served as a fortress, palace of the prince bishops of Durham and, from 1837, as a college of the University of Durham. Durham Castle was the bishops’ home and a symbol of their secular authority, whilst its proximity to the bishops’ ecclesiastical centre, Durham Cathedral, established spiritual and ceremonial roles for the castle. This paper will examine the major alterations made to Durham Castle by Bishop Cuthbert Tunstall (bishop from 1530–59), including a new first-floor gallery, stair turret and chapel. A hitherto un-noted gunloop in the stair tower suggests that the turbulent political and religious events of his bishopric, particularly the Pilgrimage of Grace in 1536, caused Tunstall to provide some defensive capability within what has previously been considered a purely domestic building programme. Analysis of the documented progress of building also dates the visit to Durham of the antiquarian John Leland to 1543, not 1538 as stated in the Victoria County History.

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5

McAleer, J. Philip. "The North Portal of Durham Cathedral and the Problem of ‘Sanctuary’ in Medieval Britain." Antiquaries Journal 81 (September 2001): 195–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000358150007219x.

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A small room (which has since been destroyed) located over the north portal of Durham Cathedral has been explained as a watching-room for fugitives fleeing to seek sanctuary at the cathedral that housed the shrine of one of England's pre-eminent saints, Cuthbert. The source behind this identification is an account of the customs of Durham written only c 1593. There is no earlier documentary evidence indicating a function for this room. An examination of the customs and traditions of sanctuary, some aspects of which were unique to England in the Middle Ages, suggests that there was no need for such a supposed watching-room. A search for parallels, especially among cathedral and abbey churches from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries, produces no conclusive evidence for the function of similar but larger rooms located over strongly projecting porches sheltering lateral entrances to naves. Although a function as a watching-room may be doubted more than firmly disproved, it can nonetheless be suggested that the room was more likely constructed for a liturgical purpose such as some aspect of the ritual surrounding the arrival of the bishop and his entrance into his church.

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6

Hearn, M. F. "Conferences Celebrating the Nine Hundredth Anniversary of the Beginning of Durham Cathedral: "Engineering a Cathedral," and "Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093-1993"." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 53, no. 4 (December 1, 1994): 496–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990930.

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7

Story, Joanna, and Richard N. Bailey. "THE SKULL OF BEDE." Antiquaries Journal 95 (August 7, 2015): 325–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581515000244.

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In 1831 Dr James Raine excavated Bede’s tomb in Durham Cathedral, revealing a partial skeleton accompanied by a medieval ring. Three casts were made of the skull; the recent re-discovery of one of these casts provokes an examination of the authenticity of the remains and of antiquarian interests in craniology in the mid-nineteenth century.

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8

Jarrett, Michael G., and Howard Mason. "‘Greater and More Splendid’: Some Aspects of Romanesque Durham Cathedral." Antiquaries Journal 75 (September 1995): 189–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500073017.

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Preliminary study for a group of perspective reconstruction drawings of the exterior of Durham Cathedral has led to a reappraisal of the original design and of its progress towards completion. The west towers may be fifty or more years earlier than the generally accepted date of c. 1200, preceding the Galilee chapel. The paired eastern towers strongly suggest links with the ‘imperial’ churches of the Rhineland, and are not readily paralleled in Normandy. Some English churches with eastern towers are listed, indicating that they were not especially rare.Durham was built on the largest scale to house the body and shrine of St Cuthbert. It was an avant-garde showpiece indicating the wealth and importance of its bishop and monastic community at both English and European levels.

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9

Hanna, Ralph. "The Thomas Mans, their Books, and Jesus College Librarianship." Library 21, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/21.1.46.

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Abstract On 21 January 1684/5, Thomas Man, a thirty-year-old Fellow, made a substantial donation of manuscripts to Jesus College, Cambridge. These included a substantial number of books from medieval institutional collections, including at least thirty-one from Durham cathedral priory. The essay ascertains the extent of the donation, a discussion intertwined with that of librarianship at Jesus College. It also offers information about the collection activity of Man’s father, also Thomas, who assembled the collection, and points to several Man books now preserved elsewhere.

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10

Binski, Paul. "A Note on the Hutton Conyers Charter and Related Fenland Manuscript." Antiquaries Journal 80, no. 1 (September 2000): 296–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500050277.

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The name of Conyers is most readily associated with the magnificent falchion, perhaps once belonging to Richard, Earl of Cornwall as King of the Romans, used until 1860 by the Conyers family as a sword of tenure of their lands at Sockburn from the Bishop of Durham, and now in the possession of the Cathedral. Another neglected work of some interest is linked to this Yorkshire family: a decorated charter, dated 27 October 1320, licensing by letters patent the alienation in mortmain by Robert of Conyers of lands in Hutton Conyers, near Ripon, to a chaplain for the daily celebration of divine service in the chapel of St John the Baptist at Hutton Conyers. The value of decorated charters in providing dated or datable evidence for illumination has been recognized by Elizabeth Danbury, who first published an illustration of the Hutton Conyers charter.

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11

McAleer, J. Philip. "Encore Lindisfarne Priory and the Problem of its Nave Vaults." Antiquaries Journal 74 (March 1994): 169–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500024422.

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An examination of at least six views of Lindisfarne Priory dating from the late eighteenth century, at which time most of the nave was still standing, led to the surprising conclusion in an earlier study that the nave was covered by groin vaults. Because of the unequivocal evidence of ribbed vaults in the choir, transept arms and crossing, as well as in the nave aisles, it would be expected that the form of the nave vault was the same. Since the evidence provided by the early views has been greeted with some scepticism, this study documents the collapse and restoration of the nave during the nineteenth century, closely examines the only two points at which the springing of the former nave vault is preserved, and, finally, considers the continued use of groin vaults in England after the appearance of ribbed vaults at Durham Cathedral, c. 1093–-1100. None of these further investigations produced any evidence that contradicts the conclusions based on the early views as initially presented, nor does a consideration of other views from the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, during which time the nave elevations were gradually collapsing. Whether ‘logical’ or not, the nave of Lindisfarne was covered by groin vaults. This finding leads to the suggestion that groin vaults, not ribbed vaults, may have been used over the choir of Durham.This paper was submitted for publication in November 1992.

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12

Bailey, Richard N. "St Cuthbert's Coffin. The History, Technology and Conservation.By J. M. Cronyn and C. V. Horie. 29·5 × 20 cm. Pp. xii + 100, 9 figs., 17 pls., 8 foldouts. Durham: Dean andChapter, Durham Cathedral, 1985. ISBN 0-907078-18-4. £15·00." Antiquaries Journal 66, no. 2 (September 1986): 446–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500028493.

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13

Richards, Mary P. "Richard Gameson, Manuscript Treasures of Durham Cathedral. With contributions by A. I. Doyle, John McKinnell, David Rollason, and Lynda Rollason. Foreword by the Dean of Durham. London: Third Millennium Publishing, 2010. Pp. 176; color frontispiece and many color figures. £25." Speculum 86, no. 2 (April 2011): 492–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713411000248.

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14

Gameson, Richard. "The Community of St. Cuthbert in the Late Tenth Century: The Chester-le-Street Additions to Durham Cathedral Library A.IV.19 by Karen Louise Jolly (review)." Catholic Historical Review 99, no. 2 (2013): 335–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2013.0112.

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15

Sadgrove, Michael. "Durham Cathedral: A Personal Perspective." Contact 149, no. 1 (January 2006): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13520806.2006.11759032.

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16

Webb, Chris. "Durham Cathedral: History, Fabric and Culture." Northern History 53, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2016.1198511.

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17

Eastlake, Elizabeth. "Accounting at Durham Cathedral Priory: management and control of a major ecclesiastical corporation 1083–1539. By Alisdair Dobie. 222mm. Pp xvi + 340, 31 tables. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke and New York, 2015. ISBN 9781137479778. £80 (hbk)." Antiquaries Journal 96 (March 1, 2016): 465–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581516000184.

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18

Hunter, David, and Brian Crosby. "A Catalogue of Durham Cathedral Music Manuscripts." Notes 44, no. 4 (June 1988): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/941033.

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19

Pearson, David. "Elias Smith, Durham Cathedral Librarian 1633·1676." Library History 8, no. 3 (January 1989): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/lib.1989.8.3.65.

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20

Burns, Arthur. "Durham Cathedral. History, fabric and culture. Edited by David Brown. Pp. xiv +602 incl. 4 colour frontispieces and 422 black-and-white and colour ills. New Haven–London: Yale University Press (for the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art), 2015. £75. 978 0 300 20818 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 67, no. 1 (December 18, 2015): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915001785.

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21

Pocock, Douglas. "Place Evocation: The Galilee Chapel in Durham Cathedral." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 21, no. 2 (1996): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/622487.

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22

Harvey, Barbara. "Monks and Markets: Durham Cathedral Priory, 1460–1520." English Historical Review 120, no. 489 (December 1, 2005): 1378–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei405.

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23

Willis, K. G. "Paying for heritage: what price for durham cathedral?" Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 37, no. 3 (January 1994): 267–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09640569408711975.

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24

BIGGS, ELIZABETH. "Durham Cathedral and Cuthbert Tunstall: a Cathedral and its Bishop during the Reformation, 1530–1559." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 71, no. 1 (May 8, 2019): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919000605.

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Cathedrals are usually thought to have had little role in the English Reformation and the reasons for their very survival in the new Church of England have been questioned. Instead of being an irrelevant and closed-off institution, Durham Cathedral was intellectually close to its Reformation-era bishop, the conservative Cuthbert Tunstall, and was involved in diocesan matters throughout his episcopate. Tunstall's evangelical successors also appreciated its potential for reform and the need to use its staff and resources. Cathedrals thus could be a tool to be used in the reformation of the diocese on both sides of the emerging confessional divide.

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25

Brown, David. "Let sacred buildings speak: Durham Cathedral and the Jerusalem Temple." International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church 16, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2016.1179088.

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26

Spinks, Bryan D. "Remembering and Lamenting Lost Liturgy: The Text and Context of Rites of Durham, c.1593." Studia Liturgica 49, no. 2 (September 2019): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320719884954.

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The Rites of Durham was written c.1593, and the authorship is uncertain, but is presumed to be a compilation of accounts by one or more of the former monks and clergy who lived through the dissolution and who remained either at the cathedral or in Durham parishes after the Elizabethan Settlement. Rites gives detailed descriptions of the cathedral furnishings and of the processions and festivals prior to the dissolution when the shrine of St. Cuthbert was still intact. The account shows a bias against the further reforms made under Dean William Whittingham. It is not, however, a Customary, and has inaccuracies and biases. It is most certainly a liturgical anamnesis, and a lament for a lost liturgical past. The compiler, though, may have intended it as a testimony of the past which might one day be restored.

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27

Colk Browne -Santosuosso, Alma. "Bishop William of St. Carilef's Book Donations to Durham Cathedral Priory." Scriptorium 42, no. 2 (1988): 140–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.1988.2019.

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28

Calvert, Arran J. "Singing with Durham Cathedral: exploring the relationship between architecture and singing." Senses and Society 14, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 271–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17458927.2019.1663659.

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29

Brown, A. T. "Surviving the Mid-Fifteenth-Century Recession: Durham Cathedral Priory, 1400–1520." Northern History 47, no. 2 (September 2010): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007817210x12738429860707.

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30

Benzon, William L. "Essay Review: Rock Art in Darwin's Cathedral." Evolutionary Psychology 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 147470490300100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147470490300100103.

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31

Loades, David. "Monastery Into Chapter: Durham 1539-1559." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 12 (1999): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900002556.

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The monastic cathedrals of England had for centuries led a double life. On the one hand, each was the seat of a bishop, and the centre of a diocesan administration. On the other, it was the home of a cloistered community, usually Benedictine, which was in theory withdrawn from the world. In principle, the community, which actually owned the cathedral and its precincts, should have elected the bishop, in which case he would probably have been one of their own number, and relations could have been expected to be harmonious. However, in practice, bishops were royal servants, and were appointed by the king with papal connivance. There were numerous quarrels between kings and popes over such appointments, but disagreement never resulted in a canonical election, which would almost certainly have produced a candidate acceptable to neither. In consequence, the bishops of monastic cathedrals were almost invariably outsiders, and usually seculars.

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32

Mithlo, Nancy Marie. "Decentering Durham." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.43.4.2017.

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This section of the AICRJ special issue on fraud looks back to a 2017 group conversation (first published in First American Art Magazine no. 19 (Fall 2017): 84–89) as four Native American scholars and artists respond to the then-traveling retrospective exhibit Jimmie Durham: At the Center of the World in light of Durham’s long-standing claims to Cherokee identity. In “Decentering Durham,” Chiricahua Apache scholar Nancy Marie Mithlo argues that, “Cultural institutions continue to accept his platform, and, in doing so … deny Indigenous cultural sovereignty to name our own members and leaders.” Roy Boney Jr., a Cherokee artist, discusses Durham’s appropriation of the writings of historic statesman Zeke Proctor in “Not Jimmie Durham’s Cherokee.” In a “Walk-through at the Hammer,” Luiseño-Diegueño performance and installation artist James Luna (1950–2018) muses on the aesthetics of Durham’s work and the value of community belonging. Summarizing the 2017 perspective in “A Chapter Closed?,” artist and editor America Meredith (Cherokee Nation) hopes that, “after a multigenerational, multi-tribal effort … art historians and curators will cease … positioning [Durham] as our representative in academic literature.”

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33

Dobie, Alisdair. "AN ANALYSIS OF THE BURSARS' ACCOUNTS AT DURHAM CATHEDRAL PRIORY, 1278–1398." Accounting Historians Journal 35, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.35.2.181.

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This paper is based upon an examination of a selection of the bursars' accounts from Durham Cathedral Priory covering the period from the first extant account (1278–9) to the end of the 14th century. The accounts selected have been transcribed from the original documents and translated from Latin into English. A traditional focus of accounting historians in the medieval period has been on manorial accounting and the system of charge and discharge. This paper examines a series of non-manorial accounts and a variety of supporting accounting materials, analyzing them for evidence of the development and refinement of controls. After an introduction which reviews the background of the accounts and the extent to which they have been utilized for historical research, this paper describes the various sources of receipts and types of expenditure which are revealed. The format of the accounts is traced, and a review of total receipts and expenditure is conducted to gain an understanding of the overall financial position of the bursar's office. Next, the accounts are considered within the context of other accounting records to explore the financial controls in place. Finally, areas for further investigation and analysis are identified. The accounts selected reveal that actual receipts and actual expenditure were kept closely in tandem, and that an extensive network of other accounting material and documents allowing a system of cross-checks enabled auditors to ascertain the veracity and accuracy of the accounts.

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34

Hederman, Mark Patrick. "Beyond the Beyond: Ireland’s Underground Cathedral of Art." Irish Theological Quarterly 75, no. 2 (April 8, 2010): 204–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021140009360498.

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35

Spinks, Bryan. "Durham House and the Chapels Royal: their liturgical impact on the Church of Scotland." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 4 (October 10, 2014): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000179.

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AbstractEver since the laying of the foundation stone of the present Norman building, Durham Cathedral has had an ambiguous relationship with Scotland – some good (the huge contribution of Dean William Whittingham through liturgy, metrical psalms and the Geneva Bible) and some extremely negative (the cathedral served as the prison for the Scottish prisoners after the battle of Dunbar). Amongst the more negative are the liturgical ideals and practices of the Durham House group, more commonly though inaccurately known as ‘Laudians’. The members of the group, which did include William Laud, were the protégés of the bishop of Durham, Richard Neile, and they met in his house in London. He promoted many as prebendaries at Durham Cathedral, and there they developed their liturgical ideals and practices. These ideals were ones which Neile shared with his contemporaries and close friends, Bishops Lancelot Andrewes and John Buckeridge. This article argues that the origin and precedent for these practices were the Chapels Royal with which most of the ‘players’ had affiliation in some way or other. Elizabeth I insisted on liturgical ceremonial and furnishings that supported or matched the grandeur of court ceremonial. It was a style which she hoped would also be adopted in English cathedrals. It was a style of worship which also appealed to James VI and through the Chapels Royal in Scotland he attempted to introduce a similar liturgical style. He also sought to conform the Church of Scotland to the Church of England, both in polity and liturgical text. The policy was continued by Charles I, who attempted to extend it to the Scottish cathedrals. Opponents of this court liturgical style and ‘Englishing’ of the liturgy found it convenient to blame the bishops who were given the task of implementing the liturgical changes rather than attack the source, namely the monarchy. The ultimate outcome was that, rather than the Church of Scotland adopting the 1637 Book of Common Prayer and Durham House ceremonial, it eventually even lost the liturgy which Scottish tradition had ascribed to John Knox, but the lion's share of which was more probably the work of Dean William Whittingham. Instead the Church of Scotland accepted the Directory of Public Worship, itself mainly the work of English divines. It became one of the few Reformed churches that did not have a set form for its public worship.

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36

Crumplin, Sally. "Modernizing St Cuthbert: Reginald of Durham’s Miracle Collection." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 179–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000206.

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Around 1200, the Church of St Cuthbert in Durham produced an illustrated copy of Bede’s Life of St Cuthbert. Opulently decorated with illustrations rich in colour and gold, this book crowned a century that had seen Cuthbert’s church grow in power and stability. After the seventh-century Northumbrian golden age, centuries of upheaval had characterized the Cuthbertine church: it changed immensely in location and religious observance, moving across Northumbria and adapting the community to suit difficult situations. By contrast, the twelfth century saw the building of the imposing Durham cathedral and castle, and the ornamentation of the church with many riches. The church was led by a sequence of very influential bishops and a thriving monastic community. This power and prosperity of the Durham church was marked at the start and end of the twelfth century with great manifestations of Cuthbert’s cult. An illustrated Life of Cuthbert was produced in the early years of the century; in 1104 Cuthbert’s body was translated into its current position in the cathedral and found to be just as incorrupt as it had been in 698, eleven years after his death; several hagiographical works on the cult and church were produced during this century; and its end was marked with the beautifully illustrated Bedan Life. Cult and church were intrinsically linked, and provided the basis upon which Durham’s twelfth-century power was built – a power which was to continue into the ensuing centuries.

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37

Rodríguez Ledesma, Nieves. "Zelotes and elnvnges: The Extension of Genitive Singular ‑es in the Gloss to the Durham Collectar." Anglia 136, no. 4 (November 9, 2018): 611–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2018-0061.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to study the extension of genitive singular ‑es from the a-stems to other noun classes in the gloss to the Durham Collectar (Durham, Cathedral Library, A.iv.19). To this end a quantitative analysis of sixty-five nouns has been carried out in contexts where they gloss a Latin genitive form. The nouns have been selected on the basis that their etymological inflection for the genitive singular is other than ‑es, and they consist of feminine nouns (nouns ending in ‑ung, nouns ending in ‑ness, ō‑stems, i‑stems), kinship r‑stems and weak nouns or n‑stems. The results of the analysis of the Durham Collectar are compared with those found in the Lindisfarne Gospels (London, British Library, Nero D.iv) with three main purposes: first, to determine the degree of similarity between the two glosses; second, to establish whether Durham is more conservative or not with regard to this feature, and finally, to contribute to the discussion on the question of authorship.

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38

Тарасенко, А. А., and Г. В. Акрідіна. "ІКОНОСТАСИ СПАСО-ПРЕОБРАЖЕНСЬКОГО КАФЕДРАЛЬНОГО СОБОРУ ОДЕСИ: ТЕМАТИКА І СТИЛІСТИКА." Art and Design, no. 2 (September 21, 2020): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30857/2617-0272.2020.2.10.

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The purpose is to study the themes and the stylistics of the upper and lower churches’ iconostases of the Transfiguration Cathedral in Odessa. The comparative method was used in order to study the topic and identify the artistic and stylistic features of Odessa Cathedral iconostases. It allows comparing the objects of study with analogues from the world art. Iconological, iconographic methods and figurative-stylistic analysis were also applied. The iconostases of the Transfiguration Cathedral upper and lower churches in Odessa are organically inscribed in the architectural environment, thanks to which the synthesis of arts is reached. Classical architecture and the original spatial architectonics of the upper temple altar barrier determined the theme and the style of the icon-painting. It was found out that the decoration and the icons in the Transfiguration Cathedral upper and lower churches’ iconostases combine the multi-temporal traditions of Christian art. The upper church central iconostasis reflects the influence of Renaissance architecture and art. The icon painting characteristic feature is a combination of the European art heritage, specifically Italian and Northern Renaissance, classicism, baroque and academicism of the XIX century. A three-dimensional style of painting based on the Western European tradition is observed. The decoration of the lower temple altar barrier contains architectural elements of Byzantium, Ancient Rus and baroque. The icon painting was created in the canonical Byzantine style of the Paleologue Renaissance period. By studying the features of the Transfiguration Cathedral iconostases, the main trends in church art of the second half of the XX–XXI centuries were identified: the application and combination of the renaissance-academic and the Byzantine-Ancient Rus styles. A detailed study of Odessa Cathedral iconostases was conducted for the first time. The features of the icon-painting themes and stylistics in the connection with the architectonics of the iconostases and the temple’s architecture were revealed. Practical significance is due to the possibility of using research materials in monographs on art history of Odessa, in the preparation of textbooks and methodological instructions with an in-depth study of icon-painting, monumental and decorative art, in the working-out of lectures’ and practical classes’ texts.

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Duckworth, William. "Making Music on the Web." Leonardo Music Journal 9 (December 1999): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/096112199750316749.

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Cathedral is one of the first extended works of music and art created as a web site. On-line since June 1997, it includes both acoustic and computer music, live webcasts and newly created virtual instruments. The author discusses the conception and development of the site, and outlines future plans for a 48-hour web concert in 2001. Cathedral may be visited at < http://www.monroestreet.com/Cathedral/home.html >.

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Loia, Donato. "Reflections on Gerhard Richter’s Cologne Cathedral Window." Athanor 37 (December 3, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33009/fsu_athanor116672.

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Pope, Stacey. "‘Like pulling down Durham Cathedral and building a brothel’: Women as ‘new consumer’ fans?" International Review for the Sociology of Sport 46, no. 4 (October 8, 2010): 471–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690210384652.

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The experiences of female sports fans have been largely marginalized in academic research. This article aims to bring women’s experiences as sports fans to the fore. It also explores assumptions of homogeneity which seem to underlie much research on male and female fans. This has perhaps led to a gendered binary whereby female sports fans are often depicted as ‘new consumer’ fans and are perceived as ‘inauthentic’ in their support. Drawing on Glaser and Strauss’s (2008) ‘grounded theory’ approach, 51 semi-structured interviews were conducted with female football fans in the East Midlands city of Leicester in England. This article focuses on two themes which emerged from this research: women, football and a sense of place; and women and stadium modernization. These findings begin to explore some of the complexities of female fan attachment and emphasize the need to examine the diversity of women’s experiences as sports fans. I propose that future research on sports fandom would benefit from a greater sensitivity to heterogeneity in both men’s and women’s experiences.

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Brumfield, William Craft. "The Trinity-Danilov Monastery: Cathedral Frescoes." Russian History 44, no. 4 (December 23, 2017): 585–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04404009.

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The mid-seventeenth-century frescoes at the Trinity Cathedral, Trinity Danilov Monastery in Pereslavl-Zalesskii, are among the major works of late medieval Russian monumental art. Of special interest is the cycle portraying elements from the Apocalypse from the Book of Revelation. Painted at a time of great turbulence in the Russian Church and in Russian society, these frescoes join other cycles of the period in depicting a general cataclysm.

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Rasi, H. "ST. GEORGE’S CATHEDRAL, CHENNAICHURCH OF THE CITY A STUDY IN RELIGION AND ART." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 4, no. 10(SE) (October 31, 2016): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v4.i10(se).2016.2465.

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Built in the heart of Chennai in A.D. 1815, and consecrated to the service of God on 6 January 18161, St. George’s Cathedral is an imposing structure – an oasis of peace and tranquillity – reminding us the presence of God every moment of our life. Rt. Rev. T.F. Middleton, the first Anglican Bishop in India inaugurated the church, and thought the new church was “handsomer than anyone in England”2. The Cathedral is a symbol of the sufferings, the struggles, and ultimately the success of Christianity in South India, especially Tamil Nadu.

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Barashkov, Viktor V. "THE MAIN TRENDS OF AESTHETICAL MODERNIZATION OF CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS IMAGES IN EUROPE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.122-130.

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The article deals with the problem of dialogue between the church and contemporary art in Europe on the example of art installations in church space. The author analyses works of three contemporary artists: Christian Boltanski (“Na” - Old church in Amsterdam, 2017-2018), Bill Viola (“Martyrs”, 2014-, and “Mary”, 2016-, St. Paul Cathedral in London) and Stefan Knor (“Himmelwerd’s”, Cathedral in Bamberg, Germany, 2012). Christian Boltanski uses the fundamental theme of human obliteration for his art, strengthened by the space of the cathedral, functioned a long time as a crypt. Bill Viola gives a new interpretation of traditional Christian images of martyrs and Holy Virgin. The technique of video-art makes images dynamic, so spectator can “live” in that space. Stefan Knor aims by the means of contemporary art to actualize the fundamental theological ideas, for example, the idea of stairway to heaven. For the best acceptance of his works he collaborates with church members. The author claims that these artists become the religious owing to such characteristics as depth and sincerity in the interpretation of fundamental anthropological problems and the absence of irony (which is frequent for contemporary art). The article’s author shows that the interiors of the churches can harmoniously accept the works of contemporary artists, provided that the artists have to respect the religious traditions and sacred space of these churches.

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Reeve, Matthew. "Art, Prophecy, and Drama in the Choir of Salisbury Cathedral." Religion and the Arts 10, no. 2 (2006): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852906777977752.

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AbstractThe former painted cycle over the vaults of Salisbury Cathedral represents one of the great losses of thirteenth-century English art. This paper focuses on the imagery over the three-bay choir, which features twentyfour Old Testament kings and prophets each holding scrolls with texts prefiguring the Coming of Christ. The content of the cycle derives from a sermon, well known in the Middle Ages, by Pseudo-Augustine: Contra Judaeos, Paganos et Arianos. Yet the most immediate sources lie in twelfth and thirteenth-century extrapolations of the Pseudo-Augustinian sermon in liturgical drama, the so-called Ordo Prophetarum, or prophet plays. This observation leads to a discussion of the relationship of imagery to its liturgical setting. It is argued that the images on the choir vaults were also to be understood allegorically as types of the cathedral canons, who originally sat in the choir stalls below. A reading of the choir as a place of prophecy is located within traditions of liturgical commentary, which allegorize processions through churches as processions through Christian history. This leads to a discussion of the allegorization of the church interior in the Gothic period.

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Bacola, Meredith. "The Hybrid Pier of Durham Cathedral: A Norman Monument to the Shrine of St. Cuthbert?" Gesta 54, no. 1 (March 2015): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/679398.

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Threlfall-Holmes, M. "The Import Merchants of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1464–1520: Some Evidence from Durham Cathedral Priory." Northern History 40, no. 1 (March 2003): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007817203792207951.

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Spence, Michael. "Accounting at Durham Cathedral Priory; Management and Control of a Major Ecclesiastical Corporation 1083–1539." Northern History 53, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2016.1197483.

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Holland, Ashley. "At the Center of the Controversy: Confronting Ethnic Fraud in the Arts." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 43, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.43.4.holland.

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The large-scale retrospective exhibition Jimmie Durham: At the Center of the World (re)introduced self-identified “Cherokee” artist Jimmie Durham to a mainstream audience. Despite efforts in the 1990s to unmask the impostor, who has no known or recognized tribal affiliation, once again Durham was occupying space as a Native artist in the art world. This article addresses larger issues that face the field of Native art and Native representation in museums as a whole, offering personal reflections and a brief review of the exhibition as well as a biographical overview of the artist.

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Jolly, Karen Louise. "Prayers from the Field: Practical Protection and Demonic Defense in Anglo-Saxon England." Traditio 61 (2006): 95–147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002865.

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A unique set of ritual prayers from tenth-century Northumbria offered the means to protect fields and crops from birds, vermin, and other demonically inspired threats to the agricultural community. They were part of a series of additions made to the Durham Collectar or Ritual (Durham, Cathedral Library A.IV.19) around 970 by the Chester-le-Street scriptorium of St. Cuthbert's community, under the direction of Aldred, the eccentric glossator of the Lindisfarne Gospels. These five Latin prayers glossed in Old English use exorcistic and benedictional formulas, invoke the assistance of an Archangel Panchiel, and contain atypical references to the Book of Tobit, among other unusual characteristics. This seemingly heterodox material has received scant attention from scholars assessing the Durham Ritual manuscript and the work of Aldred. These prayers, however, may reflect the particular interests of the cult of St. Cuthbert, as well as Irish influences in Northumbrian religious practice. Also, a comparable example of one prayer appears in a contemporary Mainz text related to the early development of the Romano-Germanic Pontifical, suggesting that these prayers were part of a larger process, often invisible, of liturgical experimentation during a period of reform and regularization. The prayers read:

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