Academic literature on the topic 'Dutch Etching'

AbstractOne of the many practitioners of trades and techniques engaged by Tsar Peter the Great during his visit to the Dutch Republic in 1697-8, was the Amsterdam printmaker Adriaan Schoonebeek (1661-1705). Within the framework of this appointment Schoonebeek wrote a concise manual of the technique of etching. This article presents an edition of this oldest complete Dutch etching manual, together with a modern English translation.

Micro- to nano-scale characterization of the microstructures in the white etching layer (WEL), observed in a Dutch R260 Mn grade rail steel, was performed via various techniques. Retained austenite in the WEL was identified via electron backscatter diffraction (EBSD), automatic crystallographic orientation mapping in transmission electron microscopy (ACOM-TEM), and X-ray diffraction (XRD). EBSD and ACOM-TEM methods were used to quantify grains (size range: 50 nm–4 μm) in the WEL. Transmission electron microscopy (TEM) was used to identify complex heterogeneous microstructural morphologies in the WEL: Nano-twinning substructure with high dislocation density in the WEL close to the rail surface and untransformed cementite and dislocations in the WEL close to the pearlite matrix. Furthermore, atom probe tomography (APT) revealed a heterogeneous through-thickness distribution of alloying elements in the WEL. Accordingly, the WEL is considered a multi-layered martensitic microstructure. These findings are supported by the temperature calculations from the shape analysis of the manganese profile from APT measurements, related to manganese diffusion. The deformation characteristics of the WEL and the pearlite beneath the WEL are discussed based on the EBSD measurements. The role of deformation in the martensitic phase transformation for WEL formation is discussed.

AbstractIn the 1630s the Dutch Italianate painter Herman van Swanevelt (ca. 1603-1655) developed in Rome, in collaboration with his colleague and contemporary Claude Lorrain, what in those days was a new type of idyllic ideal landscape whose sunlit 'contrejours' reflected the times of day and which Swanevelt continued to disseminate in the North after he moved to Paris. It was however chiefly his etchings which made this new type of landscape accessible to a large public, and which decisively contributed to the development of the taste for landscape art into the eighteenth century, notably in France. In terms of quality and quantity, Swanevelt was the foremost etcher among the early Italianates. The first of his etchings were made in Rome, probably stimulated by the French etchers Charles Audran, who lived in his house there from 1632 to 1634, and by Claude Lorrain, who made 39 etchings in the 1630s, while most of Swanevelt's - 90 - originated in Paris. The only works he dated are two late series (1653 and 1654). However, during the preparation of Swanevelt's monograph with its critical catalogue of the paintings and drawings, it emerged that the dates of all his authentic, undated designs and prints can be ascertained with a fair degree of accuracy, particularly with the aid of his dated and datable drawings and paintings. Two additional drawings could be established as designs for etchings by Pierre Mariette which were first published after Swanevelt's death, and also four drawings in the Uffizi in Florence, two of them with the visible traces of the etching needle, for four etchings without signature or address. This essay rectifies dates published in A.C. Blume's article of 1994. It makes use of newly found documents, published by M. Szanto in his excellent, substantial article (2003), and facts, published in less accessible literature and providing valuable information pertaining to the biographical background of Swanevelts activity as an etcher during his Paris years. It furthermore combines the familiar signatures, names and addresses of publishers with the critical evaluation of Swanevelt's numerous drawn designs with the nature studies used for this and, for the Paris years, with the new findings in Szanto's monograph. This essay for the first time provides a more exact survey of Swanevelt's development as a draughtsman, the times at which his designs were made and his etchings were printed.

Conventional Graphic Art is understood by academics through the history of its development.The Chinese nation is thought to have started the tradition of print as the forerunner of graphicart in its 'primitive' era, while the Romans began etching-glass techniques for portraying gladiators.Furthermore, the Japanese in the 8th century had begun their first authentic print by tracing andprinting Buddhist faces. When the Europeans used it as a printing technique as a medium forartistic expression, the word "printmaking" emerged, which was later adopted by the field of artuntil now. Later the graphic arts were increasingly used to reproduce various human needs. Inearly 1900 the Dutch introduced the technique of Graphic Printing in education at the BandungTechnical College is now the Bandung Institute of Technology. History and development ofIndonesian Graphic Arts in history began at Institute of Technology Bandung (ITB) as the firstacademic provider of formal education in the Department of Fine Arts, then now a Faculty ofFine Arts and Design (FSRD) of ITB. Conventional Graphic Printing Techniques become oneof the main areas of interest, the Graphic Arts Studio of the Fine Arts Department, then becamethe Fine Art Study Program and the Graphic Art Printing Technique until now is still the mainarea of interest and subject matter in the curriculum of the FSRD ITB Fine Arts Study Program.

Conventional Graphic Art is understood by academics through the history of its development.The Chinese nation is thought to have started the tradition of print as the forerunner of graphicart in its 'primitive' era, while the Romans began etching-glass techniques for portraying gladiators.Furthermore, the Japanese in the 8th century had begun their first authentic print by tracing andprinting Buddhist faces. When the Europeans used it as a printing technique as a medium forartistic expression, the word "printmaking" emerged, which was later adopted by the field of artuntil now. Later the graphic arts were increasingly used to reproduce various human needs. Inearly 1900 the Dutch introduced the technique of Graphic Printing in education at the BandungTechnical College is now the Bandung Institute of Technology. History and development ofIndonesian Graphic Arts in history began at Institute of Technology Bandung (ITB) as the firstacademic provider of formal education in the Department of Fine Arts, then now a Faculty ofFine Arts and Design (FSRD) of ITB. Conventional Graphic Printing Techniques become oneof the main areas of interest, the Graphic Arts Studio of the Fine Arts Department, then becamethe Fine Art Study Program and the Graphic Art Printing Technique until now is still the mainarea of interest and subject matter in the curriculum of the FSRD ITB Fine Arts Study Program.

AbstractPhilips Angel's Lof der schilder-const (In Praise of Painting, 1642) is one of the few pieces of writing we have as a source of notions on the theory of painting in the Netherlands. Yet it was not intended as an art-theoretical treatise: Angel read the text at a St. Luke's feast as part of the activities that were being undertaken to acquire guild rights for Leiden painters. In order to assess the value of the theoretical notions on which the paper is based, it is therefore necessary to analyse as far as possible the circumstances of its writing. First the Angel family is examined. Orginally from Antwerp, the Angels moved north in the 1590s, probably because of the Eighty Years' War, settling in Middelburg and Leiden. They were fairly prosperous middle-class citizens, mostly schoolteachers, painters and small shopkeepers. Both the Middelburg and Leiden branches produced painters called Philips Angel. The Middelburg Philips, almost certainly identical with a painter called Philips Angel who was active in Haarlem, is known to have produced quite a lot of paitings. Only one small etching by the Leiden Philips has survived; nothing is known of any paintings by him. The Leiden Philips, the author of Lof der schilder-const, had a turbulent career. He joined the painters who pressed for guild rights in Leiden, to which end he held his speech in 1641. As early as 1645, though, he gave up painting and travelled as an employee of the United East-Indian Compary to Indonesia. From there, promoted to the high rank of chief merchant, he was sent to Persia. He was dismissed on grounds of embezzlement, but managed to procure the post of court painter to the Shah. By 1656, however, he was back in Batavia (Jakarta), where he again obtained a number of highly regarded positions. Fired again for mismanagement and defalcation, his end was inglorious. The Lof der Schilder-const shows evident signs of a general tendency among Dutch painters of the mid-seventeenth century to claim a higher status for their profession. The text is duly meant less as a theoretical treatise than as a rhetorical amplificatio of the painter's profession. The author seems to have been reasonably well-read, although by no means scholarly; nor was he very conversant with the Italian art theory of his day. Scrutiny of the text reveals his superficial and undiscerning paraphrases of the few sources at his disposal (mainly Karel van Mander's Schilder-boeck and the Dutch translation of Franciscus Junius' De pictura veterum). Much of his eulogy is a summing-up of the distinguished characteristics a painter ought to have. The remarkable thing is that not one of those characteristics provides specific insight into the professional practise of the Leiden painters around 1641. As far as they are at all relevant to what was being painted in Leiden at that time - take the Leiden 'Precise School' of Gerard Dou's circle -, his remarks provide little more insight than a superficial consideration of the paintings would arouse in any layman.

AbstractFor more than a century the only eyewitness account of Rembrandt's Portrait of an old woman (fig. 1) was a description made by Wilhelm Bode in 1883. At the time, he was unable to decipher the date, 1632; nor did he know anything about Aeltje Uylenburgh or the history of the panel. However, the painting's provenance has since been revealed, and it can be traced back in an almost unbroken line to its commission, a rare occurrence in Rembrandt's oeuvre. A pendant portrait, now lost, featured the preacher Johannes Sylvius, who is also the subject of an etching by Rembrandt dating from 1633 (fig. 2). Rembrandt had a close relationship with the Sylvius couple and he married their cousin Saskia Uylenburgh in 1634. After Aeltje's death in 1644, the couple's son Cornelis Sylvius inherited the portraits. We know that Cornelis moved to Haarlem in 1647, and that in 1681 he made a will bequeathing the pendants to his son Johannes Sylvius Junior. For the most part of a century they remained in the family. We lose track of the portrait of Johannes Sylvius when, in 1721, Cornelis II Sylvius refurbishes a house on the Kruisstraat in Haarlem. However, thanks to a handful of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century copies, it has been possible to reconstruct the trail followed by Aeltje. In 1778, a copy from Dessau turned up at auction in Frankfurt. It was bought under the name of Johann Heinrich Roos by Henriette Amalie von Anhalt-Dessau. There is a copy of this copy in the museum of Marseilles, attributed Ferdinand Bol (fig. 3). In 2000 an article in the Tribune de Genève revealed that the original had belonged to the Burlamacchi Collection in the eighteenth century, and was then thought to be a portrait of Rembrandt's mother. Jean-Jacques Burlamacchi (1694-1748), a prominent Geneva collector, acquired major works of art, including probably the Rembrandt portrait, while travelling in Holland and Britain around 1720. It was the heirs of Burlamacchi, the Misses de Chapeaurouge, who opened the famous collection to the public. In 1790 or thereabouts, the Swiss portrait painter Marc-Louis Arlaud produced a copy, now in the museum at Lausanne (fig. 4), which for many years was thought to be an autograph work by Rembrandt. The painter Georges Chaix also made a copy, which he exhibited in Geneva in 1823. This work still belongs to the artist's family; unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain an image. After the Burlamacchi Collection was sold in about 1825, the painting was referred to somewhat nostalgically as 'Un Rembrandt "genevois"'. It was bought for 18,000 francs by the Paris art dealer Dubois, who sold it to the London banker William Coesvelt. In 1828, Coesvelt in turn sold the portrait through the London dealer John Smith, who described it as 'the painter's mother, at the age of 62'. We know that the picture was subsequently acquired from Albertus Brondgeest by the banker James de Rothschild (1792-1868) for his country house at Boulogne, as this is mentioned in the 1864 description of Rothschild's collection by Charles Blanc. Baron James's widow, Betty de Rothschild, inherited the portrait in 1868 and it was in Paris that the Berlin museum director Wilhelm Bode (fig. 5) first saw the painting. In his description of 1883 he states that the woman was not, in his opinion, Rembrandt's mother. In 1886 the portrait fell to Betty's son, Baron Alphonse (1827-1905). Bode published a heliogravure of the work in 1897, which remained for many years the only available reproduction (fig. 6). Rembrandt's portrait of a woman was a showpiece in Baron Alphonse's Paris smoking room (fig. 7). Few art historians came to the Rothschild residence and neither Valentiner nor Bredius, who published catalogues of Rembrandt in 1909 and 1935, respectively, had seen the painting. Alphonse's heir was Baron Edouard de Rothschild, who in 1940 fled to America with his daughter Bethsabée. The Germans looted the painting, but immediately after the war it was exhibited, undamaged, in a frame carrying the (deliberately?) misleading name 'Romney' (fig. 8). In 1949, Bethsabée de Rothschild became the rightful owner of the portrait. She took it with her when she moved to Israel in 1962, where under the name of Bathsheva de Rothschild she became a well-known patron of modern dance. In 1978, J. Bruyn en S. Levie of the Rembrandt Research Project (RRP) travelled to Tel Aviv to examine the painting. Although the surface was covered with a thick nicotine film, they were impressed by its condition. Bruyn and Levie were doubtful, however, that the panel's oval format was original, as emerges from the 'Rembrandt-Corpus' report of 1986. Not having seen the copies mentioned earlier, they were unaware that one nineteenth-century replica was also oval (fig. 9). Their important discovery that the woman's age was 62 was not further investigated at the time. Baroness Bathsheva de Rothschild died childless in 1999. On 13 December 2000 the painting was sold by Christie's, London, after a surprising new identity for the elderly sitter had been put forward. It had long been known that Rembrandt painted portraits of Aeltje Uylenburgh and her husband, the minister Cornelis Sylvius. Aeltje, who was a first cousin of Rembrandt's wife, Saskia Uylenburgh, would have been about 60 years old at the time. Given that the age of the woman in the portrait was now known to be 62, it was suggested that she could be Aeltje. The portrait was acquired for more than 28 million US dollars by the art dealer Robert Noortman, who put it on the market as 'Aeltje' with a question mark. In 2005, Noortman sold the portrait for 36.5 million to the American-Dutch collectors Mr and Mrs De Mol van Otterloo. At the time, the Mauritshuis in The Hague felt that trying to buy the portrait would be too extravagant, while the Rijksmuseum was more interested in acquiring a female portrait from Rembrandt's later period. Aeltje was thus destined to leave the Netherlands for good. A chronicle of the Sylvius family published in 2006 shows that Aeltje Uylenburgh would have been born in 1570 (fig. 10), demonstrating that she could indeed be the 62-year-old woman depicted by Rembrandt in 1632. We know that Aeltje was godmother to Rembrandt's children and that Saskia was godmother to Aeltje's granddaughter. Further evidence of the close ties between the two families is provided by Rembrandt's etching of Aeltje's son Petrus, produced in 1637. It is now generally accepted that the woman in the portrait is Aeltje. She was last shown in the Netherlands at the 'Dutch Portraits' exhibition in The Hague. In February 2008 the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston announced that it had received on long-term loan one the finest Rembrandts still in private ownership.

Der Cobalt-(Co)-Anteil in Hartmetallen diffundiert während des Diamantbeschichtungsprozesses in die Diamantschicht und mindert deren Haftfähigkeit. Siliciumcarbid-(SiC)-Zwischenschichten können als Diffusionsbarriere für Cobalt dienen und die konventionelle Ätzvorbehandlung der Substrate ersetzen. Im Rahmen einer Forschungsarbeit werden Beschichtungsprozesse mit SiC-Zwischenschicht entwickelt, diese Schichtsysteme auf verschiedene Substrate aufgebracht und durch Zerspanungsuntersuchungen bewertet.   The cobalt (Co) content in cemented carbide tools diffuses into the diamond layer during the coating process and reduces its adhesive strength. Siliciumcarbid-(SiC)-interlayers can serve as a diffusion barrier for cobalt and replace the conventional etching pre-treatment of blanks. In a research project different coating processes with SiC-interlayer are developed, the coating systems are applied to different substrates and evaluated in cutting experiments.

Das Eingliedern festsitzender kieferorthopädischer Apparaturen macht das vorherige Anrauhen des Schmelzes notwendig. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit bestand darin zu ermitteln, ob ein zeit- und ausdehnungsbezogen überschüssiges kieferorthopädisches Ätzen des Schmelzes über die Fläche des zu befestigenden Brackets hinaus mit 30% Phosphorsäure zu einem erhöhten Risiko für White-Spot-Läsionen beitragen kann. Zusätzlich wurde getestet, inwieweit die Faktoren Zahnreinigung, Ätzdauer und Zeitdauer auf die mögliche Entstehung von White-Spot-Läsionen Einfluss nehmen. Für diese in-vitro-Studie wurden 90 extrahierte menschliche obere mittlere und seitliche Frontzähne verwendet. Die Zahnkronen mit einem Durchmesser von mindestens fünf mm wurden in Kunststoff eingebettet und mit Schleifpapier poliert. Es wurde jeweils eine Baseline-Messung mittels Quantitativer lichtinduzierter Fluoreszenz (QLF) durchgeführt, während der die Referenzbereiche für die nachfolgenden Messungen festgelegt wurden. Anschließend wurden die 90 Prüfkörper randomisiert in sechs Gruppen aufgeteilt. Drei Gruppen wurden täglich einer standardisierten Reinigung unterzogen und jeweils zu Versuchsbeginn 30 Sekunden, 15 Sekunden oder 0 Sekunden mit 30% Phosphorsäure angeätzt. Die Prüfkörper der anderen drei Gruppen wurden keiner Reinigung unterzogen und ebenfalls 30, 15 oder 0 Sekunden angeätzt. Während 42 aufeinanderfolgenden Tagen wurden alle Prüfkörper einem pH-Zyklus unterzogen: Die Demineralisation erfolgte für 60 Minuten. Hierauf folgte eine 120 minütige Remineralisation. Dieser Zyklus wurde drei Mal pro Tag durchgeführt. Nach dem letzten Zyklus wurden drei Gruppen mithilfe einer Zahnputzmaschine, die mit eingespannten Bürstenköpfen und einem Gemisch aus künstlichem Speichel und fluoridhaltiger Zahnpasta arbeitete, standardisiert gereinigt. Nach 2, 7, 14, 21 und 42 Tagen wurden die Fluoreszenzwerte der Schmelzoberflächen mittels QLF ermittelt. Bei der Auswertung der Messergebnisse zeigte sich ein signifikanter Einfluss  (p < 0,01) aller drei Faktoren (Reinigung, Ätzdauer, Versuchszeit) auf die Fluoreszenzwerte. Die Fläche der Demineralisation wurde nur durch die Ätzdauer signifikant beeinflusst. Der Einfluss der längeren Ätzdauer (30 Sekunden) verstärkte sich insbesondere bei den ungereinigten Prüfkörpern. Der DeltaQ-Wert wurde lediglich durch die verstrichene Versuchszeit in Kombination mit 30 sekündigem Ätzen signifikant beeinflusst (p < 0,02). Werden angeätzte Schmelzbereiche nicht von Bonding oder Bracket bedeckt, ist somit mit einer verstärkten Entstehung von White-Spot-Läsionen zu rechnen. Folglich ist bei der kieferorthopädischen Bracketbefestigung darauf zu achten, die Ätzfläche auf die Fläche des zu klebenden Brackets zu beschränken und Ätzzeiten von 15 Sekunden nicht zu überschreiten.