Academic literature on the topic 'E-health sensor shield'

<span>e-Health remote monitoring systems have bloomed rapidly with a myriad of applications. This paper discusses a design of a remote monitoring device for biomedical field. Four biomedical sensors which are electrocardiography (ECG), airflow, galvanic skin response and temperature with two boards which are the e-Health Shield Board V2.0 and Arduino Uno Board are used. The results show satisfactory output for each experiment using two test subjects. The device able to achieve high accuracy where percentage of temperature difference is less than 1% compared to the commercial devices with an average power consumption of each working sensor on board is ≤9W.</span>

E-Health remote monitoring systems have bloomed rapidly with a myriad of applications. This paper discusses a design of a remote monitoring device for biomedical field. Four biomedical sensors which are electrocardiography (ECG), airflow, galvanic skin response and temperature with two boards which are the e-Health Shield Board V2.0 and Arduino Uno Board are used. The results show satisfactory output for each experiment using two test subjects. The device able to achieve high accuracy where percentage of temperature difference is less than 1% compared to the commercial devices with an average power consumption of each working sensor on board is ≤9W. 

There is an urgent need to establish new agro-technical practices that require the delivery of effective, natural, ecological, and verified solutions. The evaluation of possible applications in the field of cropping and farming in recent years has resulted in numerous products and approaches, which may potentially reduce our dependence on artificial pesticides. A major requirement to help establish these new agro-technical practices is to determine their efficiency. Here we present a study that investigates the relationship between volatile organic compounds (VOCs) released by Triticum sp. plants under two artificial stress conditions. We discuss their effectiveness in natural pest management and for use in monitoring crop health. Two varieties of spring wheat, “Kandela” and “Serenada”, were exposed to either mechanical (deliberate) wounding, to imitate the stress caused by insect attack, or exposure to methyl jasmonate, a defence volatile used by plants. Both stress factors caused an increased release of green leaf volatiles (C6 aldehydes and alcohols) and other volatile compounds, such as (E)-β-ocimene, linalool, β-caryophyllene, and (E)-β-farnesene. VOC emission rates are reported at three time points (24, 48, and 72 h) following a stress factor. Correlation coefficients between the emitted plant’s VOCs indicate the potential of monitoring just one single compound from the combination of volatiles emitted by plants to predict the overall condition of a crop. This has major implications for the development of a chemically specific and fieldable analytical sensor that could be used to provide an array of volatile monitoring stations delivering information continuously and in real-time. Finally, we demonstrate the effectiveness of the volatiles released by damaged spring wheat for pest management by exposing a shield bug (Bishop’s Mitre (Aelia acuminata L.), Hemiptera: Pentatomidae), to them.

INTRODUCTION Mastitis, inflammation of mammary glands, is caused by pathogens like Streptococcus and Staphylococci, posing an economic challenge in the US dairy industry. Subclinical mastitis (SCM), asymptomatic and hard to detect, leads to prolonged milk yield declines. SCM costs the US over $2 billion annually. Current tests include somatic cell count, California Test, and Wisconsin Mastitis Test, but they offer periodic, qualitative measurements with moderate sensitivities (less than 90%) and specificities (85%). Consequently, there is a pressing need for reliable, early, continuous, and on-site detection of SCM to enhance milk yield, control the spread of infection, and health management, and improve the well-being of dairy cows. Herein, we developed a 3D-printed MXene sensor for the detection of mastitis, providing a high sensitivity and a ≤1 min response time. This tool can aid US livestock farmers in dairy herd management. SENSOR FABRICATION Device manufacturing comprises three steps. First, the CAD design of the sensor (Figure 2) guides printing using a 25 μm resolution extrusion-based 3D printer. A UV-curable epoxy resin forms the sensor base, with unique microstructures enhancing surface area (Figure 3). The sensor geometry incorporates a ~280 μm periodic lateral pattern for increased surface area and a 3D geometric diffusion interface. Uncontrollably, a random microfold pattern emerges due to the epoxy resin's photo-sensitivity. These microstructures, acting as microelectrodes, amplify the sensor's surface area, boosting analytical sensitivity. Next, a 100nm gold layer is applied to the sensor base using an e-beam evaporator with a shadow mask. Sensing materials are then drop-casted onto each electrode. The NAGase sensing electrode is coated with Ti3C2 nanosheets (MXene) decorated with anti-NAGase. The pH sensing electrode modified with poly(3-octyl-thiophene) and is covered by a hydrogen ion-selective membrane (H-ISM). The reference electrode (RE) is constructed by applying Ag/AgCl paste onto grooves around each working electrode (Figure 2). RESULTS AND DISCUSSION First, surface morphologies and electrochemical characterizations were conducted. FE-SEM images depict the lateral pattern and micro-folds of the sensor base (Figure 3). EDS and mapping analyses confirm uniform MXene distribution on the gold surface. Moreover, cyclic voltammetry (CV) explores electrode electrochemical behavior in different media. CV of MXene with ferro/ferricyanide shows distinctive peaks for mediator oxidation and reduction. CV without a mediator reveals characteristic MXene oxidation peaks, highlighting the sensor's mediator-free capability for direct applications in dairy farms without need for mediator solution. For pH sensing, open circuit potentiometry (OCP) was used. Figure 4 shows OCP response rising with increasing pH values. The calibration graph in Figure 4 establishes a linear correlation between pH values and OCP, aligning with the Nernstian equation for ion-selective electrodes. The pH sensor successfully measures milk sample pH, demonstrating remarkable selectivity in the complex milk matrix. The NAGase biosensor employs two sensing modalities for laboratory and field applications. Electrochemical impedance spectroscopy with a mediator generates Nyquist plots for calculating charge transfer resistance (Rct) in the presence of NAGase. Figure 5 displays a calibration graph with a linear correlation between Rct and the logarithmic concentration of NAGase. The NAGase-anti-NAGase interaction forms immunocomplexes on the MXene surface, increasing resistance to the mediator's redox reaction. This feature serves as the sensing mechanism for NAGase, a potential biomarker in mastitis. Due to MXene's self-oxidation tendency without a mediator, CV technique used as a mediator-free alternative for practical field applications. In Figure 6, voltammograms show decreasing oxidative and reductive currents with increasing NAGase concentration. Oxidative peak currents used as the signal, exhibiting a negative correlation with NAGase concentration. The immunocomplexes formation acts as an insulative shield, impeding redox reactions. This innovative sensor aims to reduce time and effort in detecting mastitis in dairy cows, controlling pathogen spread. Figure 1

The amazing fusion of the internet of things (IoT) into traditional health monitoring systems has produced remarkable advances in the field of e-health. Different wireless body area network devices and sensors are providing real-time health monitoring services. As the number of IoT devices is rapidly booming, technological and security challenges are also rising day by day. The data generated from sensor-based devices need confidentiality, integrity, authenticity, and end-to-end security for safe communication over the public network. IoT-based health monitoring systems work in a layered manner, comprising a perception layer, a network layer, and an application layer. Each layer has some security, and privacy concerns that need to be addressed accordingly. A lot of research has been conducted to resolve these security issues in different domains of IoT. Several frameworks for the security of IoT-based e-health systems have also been developed. This paper introduces a security framework for real-time health monitoring systems to ensure data confidentiality, integrity, and authenticity by using two common IoT protocols, namely constrained application protocol (CoAP) and message query telemetry transports (MQTT). This security framework aims to defend sensor data against the security loopholes while it is continuously transmitting over the layers and uses hypertext transfer protocols (HTTPs) for this purpose. As a result, it shields from the breach with a very low ratio of risk. The methodology of this paper focuses on how the security framework of IoT-based real-time health systems is protected under the tiers of CoAP and HTTPs. CoAP works alongside HTTPs and is responsible for providing end-to-end security solutions.

Abstract This paper presents an Open Platform Activity and health monitoring systems which are also called e-Health systems. These systems measure and store parameters that reflect changes in the human body. Due to continuous monitoring (e.g. in rest state and in physical effort state), a specialist can learn about the individual's physiological parameters. Because the human body is a complex system, the examiner can notice some changes within the body by looking at the physiological parameters. Six different sensors ensure us that the patient's individual parameters are monitored. The main components of the device are: A Raspberry Pi 3 small single-board computer, an e-Health Sensor Platform by Cooking-Hacks, a Raspberry Pi to Arduino Shields Connection Bridge and a 7-inch Raspberry Pi 3 touch screen. The processing unit is the Raspberry Pi 3 board. The Raspbian operating system runs on the Raspberry Pi 3, which provides a solid base for the software. Every examination can be controlled by the touch screen. The measurements can be started with the graphical interface by pressing a button and every measured result can be represented on the GUI’s label or on the graph. The results of every examination can be stored in a database. From that database the specialist can retrieve every personalized data.

Today the farmers are finding difficulty in monitoring the field about moisture content and temperature of the field. Hence, this project is developed to monitor the farms using the concept of Internet of Things (IoT) and Image processing. The solar panel is used in our project to utilize the renewable energy which acts as an uninterruptable power sources. The Battery is used to store the energy from the Solar panel via Charge Controller (MPPT). The Soil moisture sensor and the Humidity sensors are used to monitor the moisture content of the soil and also the temperature and humidity of the surroundings. The DC Pump can be controlled automatically (switched ON/OFF) by the Arduino, Ethernet shield and Relay, based on the soil moisture and the temperature level. These data’s and the condition of the DC Pump are send to the BLYNK ANDROID App to monitor the farms and lands by simply login to our account, and the condition of the DC Pump is also notified to the user Email with the help of internet connections by using Arduino and Ethernet shield. In image processing technique the health condition of the crop is intimated to the user with the help of Raspberry pi and webcam. The Raspberry pi captures the images of the crops and checks the images of the crops to detect its health condition whether it is infected or in Healthy condition. And the condition of the crops is intimated to the user by sending its images and health condition of the crops by E-mail notifications. This can be monitored from any part of the world.

Measuring the Electrocardiogram (ECG) signal is an essential process for the diagnosis of the heart diseases. The ECG signal has the information of the degree of how much the heart performs its functions. In medical diagnosis and treatment systems, Decision Support Systems processing the ECG signal are being developed for the use of clinicians while medical examination. In this study, a modular wireless ECG (WECG) measuring and recording system using a single board computer and e-Health sensor platform is developed. In this designed modular system, after the ECG signal is taken from the body surface by the electrodes first, it is filtered and converted to digital form. Then, it is recorded to the health database using Wi-Fi communication technology. The real time access of the ECG data is provided through the internet utilizing the developed web interface.

Introduction: Bubbles and Sport The ephemeral materiality of bubbles – beautiful, spectacular, and distracting but ultimately fragile – when applied to protect or conserve in the interests of sport-media profit, creates conditions that exacerbate existing inequalities in sport and society. Bubbles are usually something to watch, admire, and chase after in their brief yet shiny lives. There is supposed to be, technically, nothing inside them other than one or more gasses, and yet we constantly refer to people and objects being inside bubbles. The metaphor of the bubble has been used to describe the life of celebrities, politicians in purpose-built capital cities like Canberra, and even leftist, environmentally activist urban dwellers. The metaphorical and material qualities of bubbles are aligned—they cannot be easily captured and are liable to change at any time. In this article we address the metaphorical sporting bubble, which is often evoked in describing life in professional sport. This is a vernacular term used to capture and condemn the conditions of life of elite sportspeople (usually men), most commonly after there has been a sport-related scandal, especially of a sexual nature (Rowe). It is frequently paired with connotatively loaded adjectives like pampered and indulged. The sporting bubble is rarely interrogated in academic literature, the concept largely being left to the media and moral entrepreneurs. It is represented as involving a highly privileged but also pressurised life for those who live inside it. A sporting bubble is a world constructed for its most prized inhabitants that enables them to be protected from insurgents and to set the terms of their encounters with others, especially sport fans and disciplinary agents of the state. The Covid-19 pandemic both reinforced and reconfigured the operational concept of the bubble, re-arranging tensions between safety (protecting athletes) and fragility (short careers, risks of injury, etc.) for those within, while safeguarding those without from bubble contagion. Privilege and Precarity Bubble-induced social isolation, critics argue, encourages a loss of perspective among those under its protection, an entitled disconnection from the usual rules and responsibilities of everyday life. For this reason, the denizens of the sporting bubble are seen as being at risk to themselves and, more troublingly, to those allowed temporarily to penetrate it, especially young women who are first exploited by and then ejected from it (Benedict). There are many well-documented cases of professional male athletes “behaving badly” and trying to rely on institutional status and various versions of the sporting bubble for shelter (Flood and Dyson; Reel and Crouch; Wade). In the age of mobile and social media, it is increasingly difficult to keep misbehaviour in-house, resulting in a slew of media stories about, for example, drunkenness and sexual misconduct, such as when then-Sydney Roosters co-captain Mitchell Pearce was suspended and fined in 2016 after being filmed trying to force an unwanted kiss on a woman and then simulating a lewd act with her dog while drunk. There is contestation between those who condemn such behaviour as aberrant and those who regard it as the conventional expression of youthful masculinity as part of the familiar “boys will be boys” dictum. The latter naturalise an inequitable gender order, frequently treating sportsmen as victims of predatory women, and ignoring asymmetries of power between men and women, especially in homosocial environments (Toffoletti). For those in the sporting bubble (predominantly elite sportsmen and highly paid executives, also mostly men, with an array of service staff of both sexes moving in and out of it), life is reflected for those being protected via an array of screens (small screens in homes and indoor places of entertainment, and even smaller screens on theirs and others’ phones, as well as huge screens at sport events). These male sport stars are paid handsomely to use their skill and strength to perform for the sporting codes, their every facial expression and bodily action watched by the media and relayed to audiences. This is often a precarious existence, the usually brief career of an athlete worker being dependent on health, luck, age, successful competition with rivals, networks, and club and coach preferences. There is a large, aspirational reserve army of athletes vying to play at the elite level, despite risks of injury and invasive, life-changing medical interventions. Responsibility for avoiding performance and image enhancing drugs (PIEDs) also weighs heavily on their shoulders (Connor). Professional sportspeople, in their more reflective moments, know that their time in the limelight will soon be up, meaning that getting a ticket to the sporting bubble, even for a short time, can make all the difference to their post-sport lives and those of their families. The most vulnerable of the small minority of participants in sport who make a good, short-term living from it are those for whom, in the absence of quality education and prior social status, it is their sole likely means of upward social mobility (Spaaij). Elite sport performers are surrounded by minders, doctors, fitness instructors, therapists, coaches, advisors and other service personnel, all supporting athletes to stay focussed on and maximise performance quality to satisfy co-present crowds, broadcasters, sponsors, sports bodies and mass media audiences. The shield offered by the sporting bubble supports the teleological win-at-all-costs mentality of professional sport. The stakes are high, with athlete and executive salaries, sponsorships and broadcasting deals entangled in a complex web of investments in keeping the “talent” pivotal to the “attention economy” (Davenport and Beck)—the players that provide the content for sale—in top form. Yet, the bubble cannot be entirely secured and poor behaviour or performance can have devastating effects, including permanent injury or disability, mental illness and loss of reputation (Rowe, “Scandals and Sport”). Given this fragile materiality of the sporting bubble, it is striking that, in response to the sudden shutdown following the economic and health crisis caused by the 2020 global pandemic, the leaders of professional sport decided to create more of them and seek to seal the metaphorical and material space with unprecedented efficiency. The outcome was a multi-sided tale of mobility, confinement, capital, labour, and the gendering of sport and society. The Covid-19 Gilded Cage Sociologists such as Zygmunt Bauman and John Urry have analysed the socio-politics of mobilities, whereby some people in the world, such as tourists, can traverse the globe at their leisure, while others remain fixed in geographical space because they lack the means to be mobile or, in contrast, are involuntarily displaced by war, so-called “ethnic cleansing”, famine, poverty or environmental degradation. The Covid-19 global pandemic re-framed these matters of mobilities (Rowe, “Subjecting Pandemic Sport”), with conventional moving around—between houses, businesses, cities, regions and countries—suddenly subjected to the imperative to be static and, in perniciously unreflective technocratic discourse, “socially distanced” (when what was actually meant was to be “physically distanced”). The late-twentieth century analysis of the “risk society” by Ulrich Beck, in which the mysterious consequences of humans’ predation on their environment are visited upon them with terrifying force, was dramatically realised with the coming of Covid-19. In another iteration of the metaphor, it burst the bubble of twenty-first century global sport. What we today call sport was formed through the process of sportisation (Maguire), whereby hyper-local, folk physical play was reconfigured as multi-spatial industrialised sport in modernity, becoming increasingly reliant on individual athletes and teams travelling across the landscape and well over the horizon. Co-present crowds were, in turn, overshadowed in the sport economy when sport events were taken to much larger, dispersed audiences via the media, especially in broadcast mode (Nicholson, Kerr, and Sherwood). This lucrative mediation of professional sport, though, came with an unforgiving obligation to generate an uninterrupted supply of spectacular live sport content. The pandemic closed down most sports events and those that did take place lacked the crucial participation of the co-present crowd to provide the requisite event atmosphere demanded by those viewers accustomed to a sense of occasion. Instead, they received a strange spectacle of sport performers operating in empty “cathedrals”, often with a “faked” crowd presence. The mediated sport spectacle under the pandemic involved cardboard cut-out and sex doll spectators, Zoom images of fans on large screens, and sampled sounds of the crowd recycled from sport video games. Confected co-presence produced simulacra of the “real” as Baudrillardian visions came to life. The sporting bubble had become even more remote. For elite sportspeople routinely isolated from the “common people”, the live sport encounter offered some sensory experience of the social – the sounds, sights and even smells of the crowd. Now the sporting bubble closed in on an already insulated and insular existence. It exposed the irony of the bubble as a sign of both privileged mobility and incarcerated athlete work, both refuge and prison. Its logic of contagion also turned a structure intended to protect those inside from those outside into, as already observed, a mechanism to manage the threat of insiders to outsiders. In Australia, as in many other countries, the populace was enjoined by governments and health authorities to help prevent the spread of Covid-19 through isolation and immobility. There were various exceptions, principally those classified as essential workers, a heterogeneous cohort ranging from supermarket shelf stackers to pharmacists. People in the cultural, leisure and sports industries, including musicians, actors, and athletes, were not counted among this crucial labour force. Indeed, the performing arts (including dance, theatre and music) were put on ice with quite devastating effects on the livelihoods and wellbeing of those involved. So, with all major sports shut down (the exception being horse racing, which received the benefit both of government subsidies and expanding online gambling revenue), sport organisations began to represent themselves as essential services that could help sustain collective mental and even spiritual wellbeing. This case was made most aggressively by Australian Rugby League Commission Chairman, Peter V’landys, in contending that “an Australia without rugby league is not Australia”. In similar vein, prominent sport and media figure Phil Gould insisted, when describing rugby league fans in Western Sydney’s Penrith, “they’re lost, because the football’s not on … . It holds their families together. People don’t understand that … . Their life begins in the second week of March, and it ends in October”. Despite misgivings about public safety and equality before the pandemic regime, sporting bubbles were allowed to form, re-form and circulate. The indefinite shutdown of the National Rugby League (NRL) on 23 March 2020 was followed after negotiation between multiple entities by its reopening on 28 May 2020. The competition included a team from another nation-state (the Warriors from Aotearoa/New Zealand) in creating an international sporting bubble on the Central Coast of New South Wales, separating them from their families and friends across the Tasman Sea. Appeals to the mental health of fans and the importance of the NRL to myths of “Australianness” notwithstanding, the league had not prudently maintained a financial reserve and so could not afford to shut down for long. Significant gambling revenue for leagues like the NRL and Australian Football League (AFL) also influenced the push to return to sport business as usual. Sport contests were needed in order to exploit the gambling opportunities – especially online and mobile – stimulated by home “confinement”. During the coronavirus lockdowns, Australians’ weekly spending on gambling went up by 142 per cent, and the NRL earned significantly more than usual from gambling revenue—potentially $10 million above forecasts for 2020. Despite the clear financial imperative at play, including heavy reliance on gambling, sporting bubble-making involved special licence. The state of Queensland, which had pursued a hard-line approach by closing its borders for most of those wishing to cross them for biographical landmark events like family funerals and even for medical treatment in border communities, became “the nation's sporting hub”. Queensland became the home of most teams of the men’s AFL (notably the women’s AFLW season having been cancelled) following a large Covid-19 second wave in Melbourne. The women’s National Netball League was based exclusively in Queensland. This state, which for the first time hosted the AFL Grand Final, deployed sport as a tool in both national sports tourism marketing and internal pre-election politics, sponsoring a documentary, The Sporting Bubble 2020, via its Tourism and Events arm. While Queensland became the larger bubble incorporating many other sporting bubbles, both the AFL and the NRL had versions of the “fly in, fly out” labour rhythms conventionally associated with the mining industry in remote and regional areas. In this instance, though, the bubble experience did not involve long stays in miners’ camps or even the one-night hotel stopovers familiar to the popular music and sport industries. Here, the bubble moved, usually by plane, to fulfil the requirements of a live sport “gig”, whereupon it was immediately returned to its more solid bubble hub or to domestic self-isolation. In the space created between disciplined expectation and deplored non-compliance, the sporting bubble inevitably became the scrutinised object and subject of scandal. Sporting Bubble Scandals While people with a very low risk of spreading Covid-19 (coming from areas with no active cases) were denied entry to Queensland for even the most serious of reasons (for example, the death of a child), images of AFL players and their families socialising and enjoying swimming at the Royal Pines Resort sporting bubble crossed our screens. Yet, despite their (players’, officials’ and families’) relative privilege and freedom of movement under the AFL Covid-Safe Plan, some players and others inside the bubble were involved in “scandals”. Most notable was the case of a drunken brawl outside a Gold Coast strip club which led to two Richmond players being “banished”, suspended for 10 matches, and the club fined $100,000. But it was not only players who breached Covid-19 bubble protocols: Collingwood coaches Nathan Buckley and Brenton Sanderson paid the $50,000 fine imposed on the club for playing tennis in Perth outside their bubble, while Richmond was fined $45,000 after Brooke Cotchin, wife of team captain Trent, posted an image to Instagram of a Gold Coast day spa that she had visited outside the “hub” (the institutionally preferred term for bubble). She was subsequently distressed after being trolled. Also of concern was the lack of physical distancing, and the range of people allowed into the sporting bubble, including babysitters, grandparents, and swimming coaches (for children). There were other cases of players being caught leaving the bubble to attend parties and sharing videos of their “antics” on social media. Biosecurity breaches of bubbles by players occurred relatively frequently, with stern words from both the AFL and NRL leaders (and their clubs) and fines accumulating in the thousands of dollars. Some people were also caught sneaking into bubbles, with Lekahni Pearce, the girlfriend of Swans player Elijah Taylor, stating that it was easy in Perth, “no security, I didn’t see a security guard” (in Barron, Stevens, and Zaczek) (a month later, outside the bubble, they had broken up and he pled guilty to unlawfully assaulting her; Ramsey). Flouting the rules, despite stern threats from government, did not lead to any bubble being popped. The sport-media machine powering sporting bubbles continued to run, the attendant emotional or health risks accepted in the name of national cultural therapy, while sponsorship, advertising and gambling revenue continued to accumulate mostly for the benefit of men. Gendering Sporting Bubbles Designed as biosecurity structures to maintain the supply of media-sport content, keep players and other vital cogs of the machine running smoothly, and to exclude Covid-19, sporting bubbles were, in their most advanced form, exclusive luxury camps that illuminated the elevated socio-cultural status of sportsmen. The ongoing inequalities between men’s and women’s sport in Australia and around the world were clearly in evidence, as well as the politics of gender whereby women are obliged to “care” and men are enabled to be “careless” – or at least to manage carefully their “duty of care”. In Australia, the only sport for women that continued during the height of the Covid-19 lockdown was netball, which operated in a bubble that was one of sacrifice rather than privilege. With minimum salaries of only $30,000 – significantly less than the lowest-paid “rookies” in the AFL – and some being mothers of small children and/or with professional jobs juggled alongside their netball careers, these elite sportswomen wanted to continue to play despite the personal inconvenience or cost (Pavlidis). Not one breach of the netballers out of the bubble was reported, indicating that they took their responsibilities with appropriate seriousness and, perhaps, were subjected to less scrutiny than the sportsmen accustomed to attracting front-page headlines. National Netball League (also known after its Queensland-based naming rights sponsor as Suncorp Super Netball) players could be regarded as fortunate to have the opportunity to be in a bubble and to participate in their competition. The NRL Women’s (NRLW) Premiership season was also completed, but only involved four teams subject to fly in, fly out and bubble arrangements, and being played in so-called curtain-raiser games for the NRL. As noted earlier, the AFLW season was truncated, despite all the prior training and sacrifice required of its players. Similarly, because of their resource advantages, the UK men’s and boy’s top six tiers of association football were allowed to continue during lockdown, compared to only two for women and girls. In the United States, inequalities between men’s and women’s sports were clearly demonstrated by the conditions afforded to those elite sportswomen inside the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA) sport bubble in the IMG Academy in Florida. Players shared photos of rodent traps in their rooms, insect traps under their mattresses, inedible food and blocked plumbing in their bubble accommodation. These conditions were a far cry from the luxury usually afforded elite sportsmen, including in Florida’s Walt Disney World for the men’s NBA, and is just one of the many instances of how gendered inequality was both reproduced and exacerbated by Covid-19. Bursting the Bubble As we have seen, governments and corporate leaders in sport were able to create material and metaphorical bubbles during the Covid-19 lockdown in order to transmit stadium sport contests into home spaces. The rationale was the importance of sport to national identity, belonging and the routines and rhythms of life. But for whom? Many women, who still carry the major responsibilities of “care”, found that Covid-19 intensified the affective relations and gendered inequities of “home” as a leisure site (Fullagar and Pavlidis). Rates of domestic violence surged, and many women experienced significant anxiety and depression related to the stress of home confinement and home schooling. During the pandemic, women were also more likely to experience the stress and trauma of being first responders, witnessing virus-related sickness and death as the majority of nurses and care workers. They also bore the brunt of much of the economic and employment loss during this time. Also, as noted above, livelihoods in the arts and cultural sector did not receive the benefits of the “bubble”, despite having a comparable claim to sport in contributing significantly to societal wellbeing. This sector’s workforce is substantially female, although men dominate its senior roles. Despite these inequalities, after the late March to May hiatus, many elite male sportsmen – and some sportswomen - operated in a bubble. Moving in and out of them was not easy. Life inside could be mentally stressful (especially in long stays of up to 150 days in sports like cricket), and tabloid and social media troll punishment awaited those who were caught going “over the fence”. But, life in the sporting bubble was generally preferable to the daily realities of those afflicted by the trauma arising from forced home confinement, and for whom watching moving sports images was scant compensation for compulsory immobility. The ethical foundation of the sparkly, ephemeral fantasy of the sporting bubble is questionable when it is placed in the service of a voracious “media sports cultural complex” (Rowe, Global Media Sport) that consumes sport labour power and rolls back progress in gender relations as a default response to a global pandemic. Covid-19 dramatically highlighted social inequalities in many areas of life, including medical care, work, and sport. For the small minority of people involved in sport who are elite professionals, the only thing worse than being in a sporting bubble during the pandemic was not being in one, as being outside precluded their participation. Being inside the bubble was a privilege, albeit a dubious one. But, as in wider society, not all sporting bubbles are created equal. Some are more opulent than others, and the experiences of the supporting and the supported can be very different. The surface of the sporting bubble may be impermanent, but when its interior is opened up to scrutiny, it reveals some very durable structures of inequality. Bubbles are made to burst. They are, by nature, temporary, translucent structures created as spectacles. As a form of luminosity, bubbles “allow a thing or object to exist only as a flash, sparkle or shimmer” (Deleuze, 52). In echoing Deleuze, Angela McRobbie (54) argues that luminosity “softens and disguises the regulative dynamics of neoliberal society”. The sporting bubble was designed to discharge that function for those millions rendered immobile by home confinement legislation in Australia and around the world, who were having to deal with the associated trauma, risk and disadvantage. Hence, the gender and class inequalities exacerbated by Covid-19, and the precarious and pressured lives of elite athletes, were obscured. We contend that, in the final analysis, the sporting bubble mainly serves those inside, floating tantalisingly out of reach of most of those outside who try to grasp its elusive power. Yet, it is a small group beyond who wield that power, having created bubbles as armoured vehicles to salvage any available profit in the midst of a global pandemic. References AAP. “NRL Makes Desperate Plea to Government as It Announces Season Will Go Ahead.” 7News.com.au 15 Mar. 2020. 8 Mar. 2021 <https://7news.com.au/sport/rugby-league/nrl-makes-desperate-plea-to-government-as-it-announces-season-will-go-ahead-c-745711>. Al Jazeera English. “Sports TV: Faking Spectators and Spectacles.” The Listening Post 26 Sep. 2020 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0AlD63s26sQ&feature=youtu.be&t=827>. 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