Academic literature on the topic 'E-type anaphora'

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Journal articles on the topic "E-type anaphora"

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Heim, Irene. "E-Type pronouns and donkey anaphora." Linguistics and Philosophy 13, no. 2 (1990): 137–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00630732.

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Lappin, Shalom, and Nissim Francez. "E-type pronouns, i-sums, and donkey anaphora." Linguistics and Philosophy 17, no. 4 (1994): 391–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00985574.

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Jenks, Peter. "Two kinds of definites in numeral classifier languages." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 25 (October 29, 2015): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v25i0.3057.

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Numeral classifier languages distinguish definite noun phrases licensed by uniqueness from those licensed by familiarity. Unique definites are expressed by bare nouns or null pronouns, while familiar definites are expressed by indexicals such as demonstrative descriptions or overt pronouns. This generalization parallels the observation by Schwarz (2009) that German distinguishes unique versus familiar or anaphoric definiteness in its article system. The difference between the two kinds of definites can be reduced to the presence of a semantic index in the case of familiar definites. As familia
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Kim, Min-Joo. "E-type anaphora and three types of kes-construction in Korean." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 27, no. 2 (2009): 345–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-009-9065-5.

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Zribi-Hertz, Anne. "Possessive Anaphora." Coherence and Anaphora 10 (January 1, 1996): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.10.07zri.

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Abstract. The starting point of this paper is the apparent semantic symmetry between English and French pairs of examples like The name Mary, uses is not hers,/The name Mary, uses is not her, own and Le nom que Mariei utilise n est pas a ellezLe nom que Mariez utilise n'est pas le sienz. I will argue that this first-glance equivalence is misleading. In English, the possessive complement of a copular construction is ambiguous between a narrowly "possessive" reading and an elliptical relational reading. The former translates into French as a + DP, and the latter as le mienltienlsien... In both l
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Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen, and C. T. James Huang. "Revisiting donkey anaphora in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 7, no. 2 (2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.19020.che.

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Abstract In their article published in this journal, Pan and Jiang (2015) challenge the claims and proposals made in Cheng and Huang (1996) concerning both the distributional patterns and interpretive strategies for donkey anaphora in Mandarin conditional. They claim that all three types of conditionals (rúguǒ-, dōu- and bare conditionals) allow either a wh-phrase or a pronoun in the consequent clause, and that both the wh-phrase and the pronoun may be either unselectively bound or interpreted by the E-type strategy. We show that, except for an observation already mentioned and accommodated in
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Pan, Haihua, and Yan Jiang. "The Bound Variable Hierarchy and Donkey Anaphora in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 2, no. 2 (2015): 159–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.2.2.01pan.

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Cheng and Huang (1996) argue that both unselective binding and E-type pronoun strategies are necessary for the interpretation of natural language sentences and claim that there exists a correspondence between two sentence types in Chinese and the two strategies, namely that the interpretation of the “wh … wh” construction (which they call “bare conditional”) employs the unselective binding strategy, while the ruguo ‘if’ and dou ‘all’ conditionals use the E-type pronoun strategy. They also suggest that there is a complementary distribution between bare conditionals and ruguo/dou conditionals in
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Onea, Edgar. "Indefinite Donkeys on Islands." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 23 (August 24, 2013): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v23i0.2666.

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In this paper I present a theory of indefinites which captures two of their natural properties: indefinites license donkey anaphora (Geach 1962) and they exhibit ‘specific’ readings in which they appear to scope out of scope islands. In various flavours of dynamic semantics (Kamp 1981, Heim 1982, Dekker (2004)), these properties can be captured to the detriment of compositionally. Other theories have employed more involved technical machinery like choice functions (Kratzer 1998, von Heusinger 2002), Hamblin-semantics (Kratzer & Shimoyama 2002) or independence friendly logics (Brasoveanu &a
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He, Chuansheng. "E-type interpretation without E-type pronoun: how Peirce’s Graphs capture the uniqueness implication of donkey pronouns in discourse anaphora." Synthese 192, no. 4 (2013): 971–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-013-0325-x.

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Barbosa, Pilar P. "pro as a Minimal nP: Toward a Unified Approach to Pro-Drop." Linguistic Inquiry 50, no. 3 (2019): 487–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00312.

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In this article, I examine the properties of the partial null subject languages (NSLs) when compared with the consistent and the discourse pro-drop languages and argue that the same basic mechanism underlies pro-drop in partial as well as discourse pro-drop: namely, null NP anaphora, as originally proposed in Tomioka 2003 for discourse pro-drop. The two sets of languages show a correlation between the occurrence of null arguments and the availability of a bare nominal in argument position. I suggest that the null element is a default, minimally specified nominal—the same item that arguably app
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "E-type anaphora"

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Modarresi, Fereshteh. "Bare nouns in Persian." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät II, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17366.

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Diese Dissertation untersucht das variable Verhalten von sogenannten „bare nouns“ (Nominale ohne Artikel) im Persischen. Dieses Verhalten kann jedoch nicht verstanden werden ohne eine Reihe von entscheidenden Eigenschaften der persischen Satzstruktur zu betrachten. Dazu gehören Informationsstruktur, Prosodie und Wortstellung, sowie die semantischen und syntaktischen Funktionen verschiedener morphologischer Markierungen im Persischen. Die vorliegende Dissertation kann daher zum besseren Verständnis von satzinterner Syntax, Semantik und Prosodie des Persischen beitragen. Ich beginne meine Unter
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Chen, Hsiang-Yun 1979. "Donkey pronouns." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-08-6076.

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Donkey pronouns seem to defy the conventional categories of referential and anaphoric pronouns and hence cannot be analyzed as variables. An orthodox treatment is that donkey pronouns are semantically equivalent to definite descriptions. I argue on the contrary that donkey pronouns can be analyzed as bound variables given a distinct notion of binding. I provide a systematic comparison between the static, description-theoretic approach and Discourse Representation Theory (DRT), a representative of dynamic semantics. By exposing the inadequacy of various descriptivist theories, I motivate and ar
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Books on the topic "E-type anaphora"

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Lappin, Shalom. E-type pronouns, I-sums, and donkey anaphora. Kluwer, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "E-type anaphora"

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Schlenker, Philippe. "Donkey Anaphora in Sign Language I: E-Type vs. Dynamic Accounts." In Logic, Language and Meaning. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-14287-1_41.

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