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1
Sanborn, Josh. "The Mobilization of 1914 and the Question of the Russian Nation: A Reexamination." Slavic Review 59, no. 2 (2000): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697051.
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Sir George Buchanan, Great Britain's ambassador to Russia during World War I, published his widely read memoirs in 1923. In those pages, he provided an influential account of the response of the Russian people to Germany's declaration of war:During those wonderful early August days Russia seemed to have been completely transformed. The German Ambassador had predicted that the declaration of war would provoke a revolution. He had even declined to listen to a friend who had advised him, on the eve of his departure, to send his collection of art to the Hermitage for safe keeping, as the Hermitage would, he foretold, be one of the first buildings to be sacked. Unfortunately for him, the only act of mob violence throughout the whole Russian Empire was the wholesale looting of the German Embassy on August 4. Instead of provoking a revolution, the war forged a new bond between Sovereign and people. The workmen proclaimed a truce to strikes, and the various political parties laid aside their grievances.
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Yakovleva, Tetyana. "Odessa City Spaces in Literature: «Potemkin Days» by Karmen, Jabotinsky and Chukovsky." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.2.1.
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In the revolutionary year 1905, Odessa became an area of violence in the tension of social, religious and cultural upheaval. In this year there were strikes, escalations of revolutional mood, a fire in the port after the arrival of the battleship «Knjaz´ Potemkin-Tavričeskij» («Potemkin») in the night of June 14-15. Arrival of the rebellious battleship was a significant event not only for the city of Odessa and the Russian revolution, but also for the history of the fate of Jews of the early 20th century. This was the first armed insurrection in the course of the revolution, which moved Odessa and its social, geographical and semiotic city spaces. The «Potemkin days» entered the history of the city of Odessa mainly through the periodicals of that time but also through the Russian-Jewish literature such as Lazar Karmen’s story «Potemkin Days» (1907), Korney Chukovsky’s essay «1905, June» (1958) and Vladimir Jabotinsky’s novel «The Five» (1936). These works depict not only the resulting collective violence but also its semiotic and social spaces in the city. Up until now, this field has not been investigated in any historical, cultural or literary research. The focus of this paper is to analyse geographical, social and symbolic city spaces in Odessa with the help of the space theories by Jury Lotman and Michel de Certeau. Both scholars work with the definitions of the city, the place and the space, which are significant for the selected literate works about Odessa in 1905. The analysis will show not only the ambivalence, mobility and variability of city spaces, but also the narrators expectations and thus the fate of Jews in Odessa and the perspectives in the historical processes for them — assimilation or emigration.
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Wood, Elizabeth A. "February 23 and March 8: Two Holidays that Upstaged the February Revolution." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 732–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.181.
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By most accounts, the Russian Revolution began on February 23, 1917 with the women's strike for bread and suffrage. Yet for the next thirteen years (until 1930), that revolutionary beginning was celebrated on March 12, after which it was expunged from the revolutionary calendar altogether. “International Women's Day” meanwhile became March 8 because of the change in the Russian calendar in 1918 (it had been 13 days behind the European calendar), and February 23 became “Red Army Day” and subsequently (in 2006), “Day of the Defender of the Fatherland.” Over the course of the early 1920s, the connection between the women's strike on February 23/March 8 and the February Revolution was actively undermined in several ways. First, the February Revolution itself was dated not from the moment when women marched in the streets of Petrograd calling out the men to strike, but rather from March 12 (February 27), which was the day of the founding of the Temporary Committee of the State Duma, soon to become the Provisional Government. Second, the celebration of the two holidays of Red Army Day on February 23 and International Women's Day on March 8 created a split between men and women in their celebrations, separating them and assigning spheres to each, the army for men and the home for women. Finally, the creation of February 23 as the anniversary of the Red Army's founding seems to have deliberately upstaged both women's involvement in the 1917 Revolution and the overthrow of autocracy.
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Melancon, Michael. "From the Head of Zeus: The Petrograd Soviet’s Rise and First Days, 27 February—2 March 1917." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 2004 (January 1, 2009): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2009.149.
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This essay explores the birth and earliest steps of the Petrograd Soviet during late February and early March 1917. It deploys a large array of evidence, new and old, to detail the events in a consecutive narrative, plus analysis that deepens our understanding of what occurred. The analysis focuses special attention on the persons and groups directly responsible for organizing the soviet, as well as on its earliest measures, such as the establishment of military security for the city, the issuing of Order No. 1, and the sharing of power with the State Duma. It clearly shows that an array of socialist leaders, who met and worked together prior to and during the February Revolution, took steps beginning no later than 24 February to summon the soviet and became the leadership group in the soviet itself, thus further challenging the traditional concept of a leaderless, spontaneous revolution. New evidence also describes how socialist soldiers associated with the soldiers’ section of the soviet composed Order No. 1, which, as is well known, democratized the Russian Army in one stroke and, less well known, formulated for the fi rst time the “to the extent that” formula that came to underlie the sharing of power between the Petrograd Soviet and the new Provisional Government several days later. Cumulatively, the new analysis and data suggest that the Petrograd Soviet, which immediately began to play a crucial role in determining Russia’s fate, refl ected the entire history of Russia’s socialist movement.
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Łucewicz, Ludmiła. "«Печатное слово приобретало все большее значение…»." Rusycystyczne Studia Literaturoznawcze 29 (December 29, 2019): 13–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rsl.2019.29.01.
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The author of the article reviewed the totality of certain historical, political, general cultural factors that influenced the processes of Russian-Finnish interaction, which influenced on the processes of Russian-Finnish interaction, as well as the formation and existence of the Russian-language press in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The study of the number of selected episodes from the history of Russian-language periodicals of the late XIX – early XX centuries gives reasons to conclude that it was during this period that the printed word became increasingly important for the formation of socio-political, national-patriotic, general cultural sentiments in both Russian and Finnish society. The positions of the three reviewed periodicals are different both in their dominant ideological attitudes and in the readership. The pro-government Finnish newspaper (editor: lawyer, monarchist Ivan Bazhenov) being the official mouthpiece of the targeted nationalist russification policy of tsarism, appeals to the entire population of the Grand Duchy. The liberal “Russian voice” (editor: liberal professor Konstantin Arabazhin) advocates for the humanitarian values, the unity of nations based on common material, spiritual, cultural and legal interests; her readers are mostly Russian intelligentsia. The radical “Days of our life” (editor: member of the White movement, the poet of the “white idea” Ivan Savin), on the one hand, deny all the gains of the Russian Revolution and sharply criticize inactive “fathers-emigrants”, on the other hand, they utopianly rely on the coming consolidation of the youth “scattering” in the struggle against Bolshevism, not only in word but in deed; its addressee is Russian emigration, mainly youth.
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Sergushkin, Sergey. "“I am a Soldier; I Have Never Meddled in Politics and Do Not Meddle Now”: General A. E. Evert and the February Revolution." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.2.32224.
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The article focuses on the role of A. E. Evert, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front, in the events of the February Revolution. Russia's top military leadership took a consolidated position on the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II from the throne, but the unity regarding the fate of the Empire's future was only an appearance. This is made clear through a detailed examination of the decisions made by Evert during the last crucial days for the Russian Empire and of his motives. The author pays particular attention to the period after the emperor’s abdication when, in the political vacuum, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front changed his line of conduct and proposed the bold project of transferring the country's real political power under military control. The methodological basis of this study is the principles of historicism, systematicity and scientific objectivity, while also using the comparative and historical-genetic methods. Evert considered the constitutional monarchy with Mikhail Alexandrovich on the throne as a worthy alternative to the forceful suppression of the revolution in the rear, which cannot be said about his view on the Provisional Government and the prospect of elections to the Constituent Assembly during the war. In this regard, the commander-in-chief of the armies of the Western Front hoped, with the support of his colleagues, to impose his will on the rebellious capital. However, his project did not receive the necessary support, and his disloyalty to the Provisional Government led to his early resignation.
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Murugov, A. A. "MURUGOV A. A. ENERGY AS A COMPREHENSIVE FACTOR OF MODERNIZATION DURING INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION IN EUROPE: A REVIEW OF WESTERN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (August 3, 2018): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2018-2-31-38.
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The current study attempts to assess the energy base held by Europe in the XVIII – early XIX centuries. The research is based on the English and Russian assessment of foreign historiography devoted to energy balance in Europe. Chronologically, the historiographical base features the period from 1970s up to modern days. The main instrument of the analysis presented in the article is quantitative calculation of the power sources of energy in the countries of Western Europe. The article shows the increase dynamics of coal energy, wood, water, wind, steam, muscular energy and draft animals in Europe. Then, available power growth rate is compared with the rate of GDP that occurred in the study period. The research of the structure and nature of energy has revealed a strong statistical dependence of GDP on the amount of energy used in the era of industrial revolution in Europe and especially in the UK. The research stresses the importance of energy as a key factor of modernization and technological development of material culture.
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Antipina, Elena. "I.A. Bunins Linguistic Worldview in an Extreme Situation (on manipulation potential of the diary «Cursed Days»)." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 9, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 387–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2020.9(2).387-395.
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The article studies the linguistic worldview of the great Russian writer I.A. Bunin in the context of an extreme situation and measures the manipulation potential of his diary «Cursed Days» written in the period of wars and revolutions in the early 20th century, the time of cardinal changes in all spheres of life. The author shows how the writer’s worldview changed influenced by the political, historic and cultural events of those days. The phenomenon of linguistic manipulation is the object of the research, which is explained by the character of the linguo-cultural and historical situation at the time of the diary’s publishing. The empirical material is helps to study manipulative behavior in an extreme situation, which requires special speaking skillfulness, a high degree of persuasion, and mobilizing all available means and tools. The study focuses on key means of argumentation and manipulation that I.A. Bunin uses to express his personal views on the historic events, as well as on lexical means, stylistic devices and techniques that enable the writer to affect the reader. The author proves that the diary «Cursed Days» contains not only semantic interpretation of the environment, but also a wide range of feelings and emotions, which, thus, makes the diary a synthesis of meanings and emotional states, and therefore, an efficient tool of manipulation.
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Petrova, Olga Sergeevna. "“About my defiled, beloved Russia I yearn in a foreign land…”: revolution and civil war in reminiscences of the countess P. S. Uvarova." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 3 (March 2020): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.3.30431.
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This article examines the reflection of events of the period of civil war and intervention in the memoirs of the countess P. S. Uvarova “The Past. Long Gone Happy Days”. These reminiscences are the testimonies of a witness on people and events of the late XIX – early XX century that allow understanding the life of academic community from inside, the routine of professional historians and amateur regional ethnographers. On the other hand, the narrative about the last years in the native country allow viewing the everyday life of Uvarovs family in the conditions when the routine has been destroyed. Reference to the personal sources revealing the new pages and milestones of the phenomenon in question allows seeing it through the eyes of a person from the past, find out what was happening and what felt the author. The peculiarity of P. S. Uvarova’s memoirs consists in focusing not on the everyday minutiae that is common to women, but on the reasoning which purpose is to preserve and translate the representations on the core values of life that were relentlessly destroyed by the revolution to the future generations.
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Pyzikov, D. D. "V.D. Бonch-Bruyevich: «Professional» Revolutionary and One of the Founders of the Study of Religion in Soviet Union." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-95-104.
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The article is devoted to the first stage of the life and work of the scientist and researcher of minority religious groups, V.D. Bonch-Bruyevich (1873-1955). This choice is not accidental, since the beginning of the scientist’s creative and research journey is inextricably linked with his development as an individual and personality, his human qualities, desires and aspirations. Based on the methodology of intellectual history, the article attempts to reconstruct the history of the life and work of Bonch-Bruyevich. Thanks to the friendship with V.I. Lenin and active revolutionary activities, an important role was played by organizational work, as well as propaganda (from the early years of the 20th century, when he was an editor, publisher and employee of social democratic and Bolshevik newspapers and magazines). V.D. Bonch-Bruyevich entered the nomenklatura elite of the new state and in 1918 occupied the position of business manager of the Council of People’s Commissars. But unlike many activists of the revolutionary movement who before the revolution of 1917 perceived representatives of minority religious groups as «companions», he defended the believers’ rights to freedom of conscience before and after the revolution. At the same time, Bonch-Bruyevich never left his scientific activity and continued to practise until his last days, combining organizational and scientific work. His huge contribution to the study of religion in Russia and the formation of Soviet religious studies can not be overestimated. Studying the life and work of Bonch-Bruyevich, like other researchers of the Soviet period, is quite important, especially in the context of modern debates about Soviet humanities.
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Andrianova, Irina. "Stenography and Literature: What did Western European and Russian Writers Master the Art of Shorthand Writing For?" Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 1 (June 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2019.64101.
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What brings together Daniel Defoe, Charles Dickens, Vsevolod Krestovsky, Nikolai Chernyshevsky, Fyodor Dostoevsky, Аlexander Kuprin, George Bernard Shaw, and Аstrid Lindgren, i.e. writers from different countries and belonging to different epochs? In their creative work, they all used stenography, or rapid writing, permitting a person to listen to true speech and record it simultaneously. This paper discloses the role of stenography in literary activities of European and Russian writers in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Some researchers believe that the first ties between shorthand and literature appeared in the days of Shakespeare when the playwright's competitors used shorthand to put down the texts of his plays. Others have convincingly refuted this viewpoint, proving that such records never existed. The most famous English novelist in the 17th and 18th centuries Daniel Defoe can be considered one of the first writers who used shorthand in his literary work. The writers mastering the art of shorthand writing such as Defoe, Dickens, and Lindgren were popular in various professional spheres (among others, the secret service, journalism, and secretarial service) where they successfully applied their skills in shorthand writing. Stenography was an integral part of a creative process of the authors who resorted to it (Dostoevsky, Krestovsky, Shaw, and Lindgren). It economized their time and efforts, saved them from poverty and from the terms of enslavement stipulated in the contracts between writers and publishers. It is mainly thanks to stenography that their works became renowned all over the world. If Charles Dickens called himself “the best writer-stenographer” of the 19th century, F. M. Dostoevsky became a great admirer of the “high art” of shorthand. He was the second writer in Russia (following V. Krestovsky), who applied shorthand writing in his literary work but the only one in the world literature for whom stenography became something more than just shorthand. This art modified and enriched the model of his creative process not for a while but for life, and it had an influence on the poetics of his novels and the story A Gentle Creature, and led to changes in the writer's private life. In the course of the years of the marriage of Dostoevsky and his stenographer Anna Snitkina, the author's artistic talent came to the peak. The largest and most important part of his literary writings was created in that period. As a matter of fact, having become the “photograph” of live speech two centuries ago, shorthand made a revolution in the world, and became art and science for people. However, its history did not turn to be everlasting. In the 21st century, the art of shorthand writing is on the edge of disappearing and in deep crisis. The author of the paper touches upon the problem of revival of social interest in stenography and its maintenance as an art. Archival collections in Europe and Russia contain numerous documents written in short-hand by means of various shorthand systems. If humanity does not study shorthand and loses the ability to read verbatim records, the content of these documents will be hidden for us forever.
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Sultana, Zakia. "Napoleon Bonaparte: His Successes and Failures." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 6, no. 2 (June 10, 2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v6i2.p189-197.
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Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821), also known as Napoleon I, was a French military leader and emperor who conquered much of Europe in the early 19th century. Born on the island of Corsica, Napoleon rapidly rose through the ranks of the military during the French Revolution (1789-1799). After seizing political power in France in a 1799 coup d’état, he crowned himself emperor in 1804. Shrewd, ambitious and a skilled military strategist, Napoleon successfully waged war against various coalitions of European nations and expanded his empire. However, after a disastrous French invasion of Russia in 1812, Napoleon abdicated the throne two years later and was exiled to the island of Elba. In 1815, he briefly returned to power in his Hundred Days campaign. After a crushing defeat at the Battle of Waterloo, he abdicated once again and was exiled to the remote island of Saint Helena, where he died at 51.Napoleon was responsible for spreading the values of the French Revolution to other countries, especially in legal reform and the abolition of serfdom. After the fall of Napoleon, not only was the Napoleonic Code retained by conquered countries including the Netherlands, Belgium, parts of Italy and Germany, but has been used as the basis of certain parts of law outside Europe including the Dominican Republic, the US state of Louisiana and the Canadian province of Quebec. The memory of Napoleon in Poland is favorable, for his support for independence and opposition to Russia, his legal code, the abolition of serfdom, and the introduction of modern middle class bureaucracies. The social structure of France changed little under the First Empire. It remained roughly what the Revolution had made it: a great mass of peasants comprising three-fourths of the population—about half of them works owners of their farms or sharecroppers and the other half with too little land for their own subsistence and hiring themselves out as laborers. Industry, stimulated by the war and the blockade of English goods, made remarkable progress in northern and eastern France, whence exports could be sent to central Europe; but it declined in the south and west because of the closing of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. The great migrations from rural areas toward industry in the towns began only after 1815. The nobility would probably have declined more swiftly if Napoleon had not restored it, but it could never recover its former privileges. Finally we can say that many of the territories occupied by Napoleon during his Empire began to feel a new sense of nationalism.
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유정. "The Theory of Permanent Revolution and the 1905 Russian Revolution: The Early Discussions." MARXISM 21 14, no. 4 (November 2017): 114–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.14.4.201711.005.
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White, James D. "Early Soviet historical interpretations of the Russian revolution 1918–24." Soviet Studies 37, no. 3 (July 1985): 330–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668138508411589.
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Lewis, Richard D. "Revolution in the Countryside: Russian Poland, 1905-1906." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 506 (January 1, 1986): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1986.26.
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Revolution broke out in the Russian Empire in early 1905 and quickly encompassed both the Russian core and the national minority areas along the empire's borders. Strategically located on Russia's most western flank, the Kingdom of Poland witnessed intense revolutionary activity-- in the cities and in the countryside. The outlines of urban events in Russian Poland in the Revolution of 1905 are quite well-known, those of the rural areas less so. The purpose of this essay is to discover what was revolutionary about events in the Polish countryside in the years 1905-1906--· and what was not.
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Nefedov, S. A. "Origin of Russian Absolutism." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 338–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902014.
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Although Nicolas Henshall declared “absolutism” to be a myth, the author of this article supports the view held by Brian Downing who argues that, in some cases, military-bureaucratic absolutism developed from the early modern military (or gunpowder) revolution. The author assumes that such cases are relatively rare and happen only when a military revolution causes bitter conflict between a monarchy and elite nobility. In addition to Scandinavian countries, it occurred in Russia under Peter the Great. Upon returning home from his European tour in 1698, Peter I faced the serious problem of finding the financial resourses needed to organize a new regular army; his revenue enhancement efforts provoked a conflict between the Tsar and his boyars. Eventually, Peter the Great staged a military takeover, dissolving the Boyar Duma to become an absolute monarch.
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Head, Michael. "The Passionate Legal Debates of the Early Years of the Russian Revolution." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 14, no. 1 (January 2001): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002356.
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The Russian Revolution of October 1917 marked the first large-scale attempt to fundamentally reorganize economic, social and legal life along egalitarian lines. In relation to legal theory and practice, the revolution launched the boldest experiment of the 20th century, accompanied by passionate, free-ranging and scholarly debates. Lenin’s government initially sought to fashion a radically new approach to the state, law and legal theory, with some striking results in the fields such as criminal and family law. Moreover, it attempted to create the conditions for the ultimate fading away (“withering away”) of law and the state. These achievements offer insights for the future, notwithstanding the subsequent degeneration under Stalin.
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Wade, Rex A. "An Early Sociologist, Edward Alsworth Ross, Describes the Russian Revolution of 1917." Journal of Russian American Studies 1, no. 2 (October 31, 2017): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17161/jras.v1i2.6722.
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Amogolonova, Darima. "Early Soviet Policy towards Buddhism." Inner Asia 20, no. 2 (October 23, 2018): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340109.
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Abstract This paper explores the Buryat Bolsheviks’ efforts to replace the religious identity of fellow Buryats with a Soviet identity in the wake of the Russian Revolution, and analyses the ways in which the Buddhist community attempted to adapt to totalitarian rule. In addition to fostering a general atmosphere of intolerance to religion, considered an antagonistic worldview, the Bolsheviks set out to promote the cultural assimilation of this non-Russian population within the Russian ethnic majority. This entailed a programme of education in the spirit of Soviet patriotism and loyalty, designed to ensure the ideological unity of the nation. Over a short historical period from the early 1920s to the early 1930s, the attitude of the Soviet authorities towards Buddhist religion, clergy and believers shifted radically, from tolerance towards the religion of the ‘oppressed non-Russian masses’ to uncompromising antagonism and the targeting of religion as a class enemy that must be annihilated in the name of creating ‘a new man’.
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Taranovski, T. "Constitutionalism and Political Culture in Imperial Russia (Late 19th – Early 20th Century)." BRICS Law Journal 6, no. 3 (September 14, 2019): 22–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2412-2343-2019-6-3-22-48.
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This article analyzes the possibility of development of liberal constitutionalism in the Russian Empire during the post-reform period in the late 19th – early 20th century within the context of European history, of which Russia was an integral component. It argues that the Russian autocracy had the potential to transform itself into a constitutional monarchy during the period that followed the Great Reforms of the 1860s (1861–1881) and, second, during the Revolution of 1905–1906 and in its aftermath. This promising evolutionary process was cut short by World War I and rejected by the Soviet period of Russian history that followed. Obstacles to constitutional government were mostly objective in character, but perhaps the most significant problem was the fragmentation and insufficient development of Russian political culture, or better said, cultures that failed to produce the consensus required for effective creation and functioning of a constitutional regime. This failure was further exacerbated by an evolutionary radicalization of revolutions in modern European history that culminated in October 1917. The author concludes that the events of the late 1980s and the Revolution of 1991 changed the character of the Russian historical landscape and provided the potential for renewed development of a pluralistic political system and a strong civil society that is its precondition.
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Stein, Sarah Abrevaya. "Faces of Protest: Yiddish Cartoons of the 1905 Revolution." Slavic Review 61, no. 4 (2002): 732–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090388.
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This article turns to an unexplored genre of Russian letters—the Yiddish cartoon—in order to consider how the most popular Russian Jewish newspaper of the early twentieth century participated in the Revolution of 1905-07. By exploring cartoons published in Derfraynd (St. Petersburg, 1903-1913, renamed Dos lebn February-July 1906) Sarah Abrevaya Stein reflects on how the Yiddish press reflected and shaped evolutions in Russian Jewish popular opinion: in particular, the temporary shift away from nationalist and toward opposition and socialist politics. This article also considers why the revolution ended in the world of Yiddish letters some months earlier than it did in the Russian, in the wake of the Bialystok pogroms of June 1906. This event, Stein demonstrates, catalyzed a redirection in the aesthetic and political tenor of popular Yiddish sources, prompting the cartoon to be replaced with the photograph and the politics of opposition with nationalism.
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Novosel'skii, Sergei S. "The Image of the Revolution in Russian Political Thought in 1905." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 4, no. 3 (2020): 799–833. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2020-4-3-4.
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The article covers the analysis of the transformation of the concept revolution in Russian political thought in 1905. It shows that in Russia as well as in Europe, there were two interpretations of this term. Some contemporaries referred to the process of political modernization as a revolution and evaluated this phenomenon positively, while their opponents regarded it as a violent attempt on the legitimate state power and were antagonistic to such actions. These attitudes determined the views of contemporaries on the events of 1905 in Russia. Speaking of the revolution in Russia, the overwhelming majority of the top bureaucracy and general public had in mind the armed anti-government actions of the late 1905 – early 1906. Their suppression meant the ending of the revolution. However, the decisions on a radical reorganization of the public administration system, which had been made earlier against the background of the events that contemporaries did not consider as a revolution at all, inspired hope in many people that the revolution as reorganization in Russia would continue and the country would follow the path of systemic political reforms.
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Гутман, Матвей, and Matvey Gutman. "One of the first (Head of the Petrograd Criminal Investigation Department I.T. Shmatov, 1884–1919)." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2019, no. 2 (July 12, 2019): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2019-2-217-220.
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The article is devoted to one of the first heads of the criminal investigation department of Petrograd, a political prisoner, a member of the First Russian Revolution of 19051907. and the Great October Revolution of 1917, I.T. Shmatov, who died early
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Rowney, Don K. "Narrating the Russian Revolution: Institutionalism and Continuity across Regime Change." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (January 2005): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000046.
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The vigorous revival of institutionalist theories and methods among economists, political scientists, and other social scientists has prompted a broad reconsideration of how political and economic preferences are transformed into social outcomes. In much of the professional literature, this change has stimulated a shift away from behavioral and empirical methods to those that rely on interpretation of the historical evolution of policies in an organizational framework. Focusing on topics as disparate as the implementation of Keynesian economic policies in the 1930s, United States civil service reform at the turn of the twentieth century, or the evolution of property and other rights in early modern England, institutionalist studies by sociologists, political scientists, and economists have, increasingly, addressed problems by using historical narratives.
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MORIOKA, Masashi. "Boris Brutzkus' Conception of the Agrarian Reform during the Days of the Russian February Revolution." Russian and East European Studies, no. 36 (2007): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jarees.2007.159.
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Zhirov, Nikolai A. "‘A Russian revolt, senseless and merciless...’: The 100th anniversary of 1917 revolution in Russia." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-169-180.
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On September, 21-23, the I.A. Bunin Yelets State University, supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (RFFI), held an All-Russian scientific conference ‘In the time of change: Revolt, insurrection, and revolution in the Russian periphery in the 17th – early 20th centuries’. Scientists from various Russian regions participated in its work. The conference organizers focused on social conflicts in the Russian periphery. The first series of reports addressed the Age of Rebellions in the Russian history. They considered the role and the place of the service class people in anti-government revolts. Some scientists stressed the effect of official state policy on the revolutionary mood of the people. Some reports paid attention to jurisdictions and activities of the general police in the 19th – early 20th century and those of the Provisional Government militia. Other reports analyzed the participation of persons of non-peasant origin in the revolutionary events. They studied the effect of the revolutionary events on the mood and behavior of local people and the ways of solving conflicts between the authorities and the society. Most numerous series of reports were devoted to social conflicts in the Russian village at the turn of the 20th century, studied forms and ways of peasants' struggle against the extortionate cost of the emancipation, and offered a periodization of peasants' uprisings. The researchers stressed that peasants remained politically unmotivated; analysis of their relations with authorities shows that they were predominantly conservative and not prone to incitement to against monarchy. Some questions of source studies and methodology of studying the revolution and the preceding period were raised. Most researches used interdisciplinary methods, popular in modern humanities and historical science.
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Reznichenko, N. A. "When ‘history belongs to a poet…’ Ivan Bunin’s Cursed Days [Okayannye dni]: A chronicle or a myth?" Voprosy literatury 1, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 200–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2020-1-200-219.
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N. Reznichenko’s article centres on I. Bunin’s Cursed Days [ Okayannye dni ] as a chronicle of the 1917 Russian Revolution that also takes into account works by Bunin’s predecessors and contemporaries. The author argues that Cursed Days seems to be an attempted verification of history, written in the genre of a writer’s diary with an ambition to pass for a historical record. The analogy with the chronicler author is reinforced by Bunin’s quotations from Russian fundamental historical research typified by the chronicler style (V. Tatishchev, V. Klyuchevsky, S. Solovyov, and N. Kostomarov) as well as journalistic works by Russian writers and politicians who represented the major movements in 19th-c. Russian political thought. In his pursuit to recreate the post-revolutionary atmosphere, Bunin frequently intersperses his narration with contemporary journalistic publications, including Bolshevik newspapers. Bunin’s rich chronicle-like narrative not only runs alongside the artistic depictions, but effortlessly blends with them, making Cursed Days a unique combination of a historical record and a work of literature.
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Luschaj, Volodymyr. "Geopolitical Imperial Interests of Russia as the Threat to Independence and State Sovereignty of Eastern Europe’s Peoples and Countries (on the Example of Hungary and Ukraine)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 529–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.529.
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The article carries out a comparative analysis of events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, on the one hand, and the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea, the war of occupation being waged by the Russian Federation in the east of modern Ukraine, on the other hand. The author stresses that in both cases the imperial states, in the mid-twentieth century - USSR, in the early twenty-first century - The Russian Federation, demonstrate an example of interfering in the internal governance of the other State, with the broad involvement of secret services and military units.
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Plamper, Jan. "Fear: Soldiers and Emotion in Early Twentieth-Century Russian Military Psychology." Slavic Review 68, no. 2 (2009): 259–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27697958.
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This article provides an analysis of the locus of fear in military psychology in late imperial Russia. After the Russo-Japanese War and the 1905 Revolution, the debate coalesced around two poles: “realists” (such as the military psychiatrist Grigorii Shumkov) argued that fear was natural, while “romantics” upheld the image of constitutionally fearless soldiers. Jan Plamper begins by identifying the advent of modern warfare (foreshadowed by the Crimean War) and its engendering of more and different fears as a key cause for a dramatic increase in fear-talk among Russia's soldiers. He links these fears to literature, which offered—most prominentiy in Lev Tolstoi's Sevastopol Sketches (1855)—some of the vocabulary soldiers could use to express their fears. Mikhail Dragomirov's fear-centered military theory during the Great Reforms was the next milestone. Plamper closes by sketching the history of fear after World War I, from Iosif Stalin's penal battalions to the rehabilitation of military psychology under Nikita Khrushchev and beyond.
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Troshina, Tatyana I. "“The Bloodless Revolution” of 1920 in Arkhangelsk." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2020): 888–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-888-904.
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The article is based predominantly on sources of personal provenance (memoirs of participants and eyewitnesses of the events of 1920 in Arkhangelsk, stored in the "fonds of memoirs" from the State Archive of the Russian Federation, State Archive of the Arkhangelsk Region, Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg, Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, Vologda Regional Archive of Contemporary Political History, Scientific Archive of the Karelian Research Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. and scientific archives of the local history museums in the Arkhangelsk region). These documents allow us to expand our understanding of the events that took place in Arkhangelsk in February 1920 and to supplement the information of other, synchronous, sources on this interesting fact of the Civil War: attempts to peacefully transfer power from the administration of the Northern Region (a quasi-state entity with its center in Arkhangelsk) to the command of the advancing Red Army through a “transitional government” formed from activists of local trade union organizations. The nature of the Civil War associated with ideological disorientation of the population manifested itself in the desire of certain groups (i.e., White soldiers who defected from the Red Army, workers who welcomed the change of power in 1918) to rehabilitate themselves in the eyes of the Soviet authorities. It was reflected in their insistence on establishing of the “revolutionary order” in the city even before the arrival of the Red Army. When the prepared script was disrupted, the city plunged into anarchy for several days. This article is an attempt to reconstruct the events of February 1918 in Arkhangelsk in order to demonstrate the impact made by individuals driven by their own motivations, interests, and goals on the events of historical significance.
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Cavanagh, Clare. "Pseudo-revolution in Poetic Language: Julia Kristeva and the Russian Avant-garde." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499923.
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It is important to stress that these peculiar pseudo-revolutions, imported from Russia and carried out under the protection of the army and the police, were full of authentic revolutionary psychology and their adherents experienced them with grand pathos, enthusiasm, and eschatological faith in an absolutely new world. Poets found themselves on the proscenium for the last time. They thought they were playing their customary part in the glorious European drama and had no inkling that the theatre manager had changed the program at the last minute and substituted a trivial farce.–Milan Kundera, Life Is Elsewhere (1969)In the preface to her 1980 collection Desire in Language, Julia Kristeva acknowledged her ongoing debt to the pioneering linguistic theories of Roman Jakobson, a scholar who, in her phrase, "reached one of the high points of language learning in this century by never losing sight of Russian futurism's scorching odyssey through a revolution that ended up strangling it." Kristeva's statement takes us in two directions at once, both of which I will explore in this essay: it draws attention to Jakobson's sustaining roots in the avant-garde experimentation in poetic language that flourished in Russia in the early part of this century; and it tacitly underscores Kristeva's own ties to Russian avantgarde theory and practice. For Jakobson, Kristeva has suggested, the brief, febrile period of artistic experimentation that Marjorie Perloff has called "the futurist moment" continued to inform his writing in vital ways long after its unnatural death at the hands of the Soviet state. Certainly Jakobson, like Kristeva, is preoccupied throughout his work— from his exploration of Khlebnikov's "transsense" in "Recent Russian Poetry" to his 1980 study of Holderlin's schizophrenia—with the relationship between abnormal or "trans-normal" language and poetic language that lay at the heart of formalist theory and futurist practice in early twentieth century Russia.
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Kuzio, Taras. "State-led violence in Ukraine’s 2004 elections and orange revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 4 (October 28, 2010): 383–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.10.008.
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The Ukrainian opposition faced one of the greatest degrees of state-backed violence in the second wave of democratization of post-communist states with only Serbia experiencing similar cases of assassinations and repression of the youth Otpor NGO. In the 2004 Ukrainian elections the opposition maintained a strategy of non-violence over the longest protest period of 17 days but was prepared to use force if it had been attacked. The regime attempted to suppress the Orange Revolution using security forces. Covert and overt Russian external support was extensive and in the case of Ukraine and Georgia the European Union (EU) did not intervene with a membership offer that had the effect of emboldening the opposition in Central-Eastern Europe. This article surveys five state-backed violent strategies used in Ukraine’s 2004 elections: inciting regional and inter-ethnic conflict, assassinations, violence against the opposition, counter-revolution and use of the security forces. The article does not cover external Russian-backed violence in the 2004 elections unique to Ukraine that the author has covered elsewhere.
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Краюшкина and Elena Krayushkina. "The Property Insurance System in The Russian Empire, in the Latter Half of the 19th to the Early 20th Century." Economics 2, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2612.
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The system of property insurance in the pre-October-revolution Russia is explored. Typology of insurance institutions and types of insurance are proposed. Insurance legislation in the Russian Empire is reviewed and dynamics in the development of different types of insurance are assessed.
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Timiryaev, Denis O. "“But it’s All Clear: Most Poles and Germans Are Enemies of Russia”: Western Russian Intellectuals on the Polish Issue (Late 19th – early 20th Centuries)." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (August 1, 2020): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-2-135-146.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the publicism on the Polish issue of the three West Russian intellectuals – M.O. Koyalovich, A.S. Budilovich and P.A. Kulakovsky. Publicists expressed their views on all the aspects of the Polish question: the reasons for the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the debates on the historical and cultural affiliation of the Western Province, granting of autonomy to the Kingdom of Poland, assessment of the experience of solving the Polish question by Austria-Hungary and Germany, participation of the Poles in the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907. The publicists were convinced that the fall of Poland was the natural result of its historical development, and Russia was not at fault for the Polish destiny. The territories of former Old Russian principalities, incorporated into the Empire, were part of the Russian and not the Polish world. They believed that the Poles had no rights to Western Russia. At the same time, they draw the society’s attention to the existence of the Russian-Polish conflict in the region and its topicality. Publicists argued that Poland’s autonomy would only lead to another Polish rebellion. According to them, Polish autonomy in Galicia demonstrated the true attitude towards the Russian people. A similar situation would be in the Western Province if the Poles could actively pursued the polonization of the Eastern Slavs in the region. Budilovich and Kulakovsky were convinced that the revolution of 1905–1907 was only an instrument of the Poles in achieving their cherished goal – the restoration of the Commonwealth within the borders of 1772.
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Stroop, Christopher. "‘A Christian solution to international tension’: Nikolai Berdyaev, the American YMCA, and Russian Orthodox influence on Western Christian anti-communism, c.1905–60." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000049.
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AbstractBuilding on recent research into the religious aspects of the Cold War and the humanitarian efforts of the American Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in early twentieth-century Europe, this article locates the historical origins of religious anti-communism in late imperial Russian reactions to the revolution of 1905–07. It explores the interactions of Russian Orthodox Christian intellectuals, especially Nikolai Aleksandrovich Berdyaev, with prominent YMCA leaders such as Donald A. Lowrie and Paul B. Anderson, both of whom were mainline Protestants. Using Russian and US archives, the article documents the networks and mechanisms through which Berdyaev influenced his YMCA contacts. It shows that he shaped their efforts to fight communism in the interwar period and early Cold War through the promotion of religious values, or what Anderson referred to as ‘a Christian solution to international tension’. This concept was derived from early twentieth-century Russian ideas about the opposition between Christianity and ‘nihilism’ or ‘humanism’ as integral worldviews.
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Poe, Marshall. "The Military Revolution, Administrative Development, and Cultural Change in Early Modern Russia." Journal of Early Modern History 2, no. 3 (1998): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006598x00207.
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AbstractAmong Western historians it is generally agreed that the "military revolution" spurred bureaucratization, and that bureaucracy in turn caused social and cultural change. This essay examines the links between military reform, administrative development, and cultural change in the Muscovite context. It argues that the "Europeanizing" military reforms of the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth century indeed had a significant impact on both Russian government and culture, at least among the service elite. In the era of Ivan III (1462-1505), the Muscovite court was a moderately-sized gathering of unlettered warriors who, together with a small group of scribes, managed a considerable principality in northeastern Rus'. A bit more than a century later the court was a much more complex entity comprising a well-stratified political elite, a system of functionally differentiated chancelleries, and a large network of gunpowder military forces. Behind this transformation were successive waves of military reform, waves which brought with them well-elaborated literate administration. The coming of literate administration to the governing class-the court elite, chancellery personnel, and higher gentry-had four effects: integration on an imperial level; increased status and functional differentiation; a slow movement from mechanical to organic solidarity; and, finally, the impersonalization of social identity.
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Hupka, Jordan. "Stalin's Hollow Cross-the Russian Orthodox Church as a Tool of Soviet Foreign Policy." Constellations 2, no. 2 (June 7, 2011): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cons10492.
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It has been said that the Second World War saved the Russian Orthodox Church from extermination. Ever since the Revolution of 1917, the religious peoples of Russia were constantly persecuted by Soviet ideologists and politicians. Prior to Operation Barbarossa, in 1941, it seemed that the days of the Russian Orthodox Church, the largest religious institution in the Soviet Union, were numbered. However, the unique climate of the Second World War forced the Soviet government to end its war against the church. The Kremlin soon saw the Church as a useful tool to help aid in the re- occupation of Eastern Europe.
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Vidnyanskyj, Stepan. "The 1956 Hungarian Revolution in Ukrainian Historiography and Memoirs." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.455.
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The article deals with Ukrainian historians’ scholarly contributions to investigate the events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, as well as the reflection of these historical and at the same time tragic events in memoir literature. The influence on the Ukrainian historical science of a new stage in the development of Hungarian and Russian historiographies of the 1956 October Revolution, which began in the late 1980s and early 1990s, is noted. Among the studies of domestic historians, the author highlights the monographs of I.Korol’, V.Luschaj and R.Pyliavets’, publications about echoes of the 1956 Hungarian events in Transcarpathia, as well as memoirs of the Ukrainian public-political and cultural figure, dissident and human rights activist L.Taniuk.
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Lgnatushko, I. V. "“The Revolution of Dignity" in Ukraine in the Context of Civilizational Choice." Discourse 6, no. 2 (May 19, 2020): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32603/2412-8562-2020-6-2-97-106.
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Introduction. The actuality of the declared topic is due to the search for a way out of the protracted crisis in Ukrainian society and Russian-Ukrainian relations. The purpose of the paper is a theoretical understanding of the civilizational choice of citizens of Ukraine during the “revolution of dignity”.Methodology and sources. When studying this topic, the author relies on the civilizational and formational approaches recognized in sociology and other humanities that explain the development of societies and states. In addition, the events of 2014 are interpreted taking into account the theory of revolutions. Herewith, the author addresses both theories developed long before the “revolution of dignity” in Ukraine, as well as contemporary Russian and foreign authors who are exploring this problem. The author focuses on the result of this process, considers the next “colour revolution“ in Ukraine as a stage in determining the civilizational future of Ukraine, as a “civilizational revolution“.Results and discussion. In the scientific community, the signs of the “classical revolution“ are usually understood by the authors quite clearly, although not without exception. The author provides definitions and interpretations of the category of “revolution”, which are widely used at present to explain the revolutionary social upheavals of the late XX – early XXI century. The general and special in the above interpretations are analyzed to explain the Ukrainian events of 2014. In addition, the provisions of the civilizational approach of the theory of states are extrapolated to the Ukrainian events of 2014 in order to determine their social significance and character.Conclusion. The concept of “civilizational revolution“ is currently quite vague and ambiguous. It is proposed to interpret the events of 2014 in Ukraine as a “civilizational revolution” in the context of the civilizational approach of the typology of states. Currently, the most acute stage is observed, accompanied by the loss of territory, armed conflict between supporters of the Western development vector and the Russian or Slavic vector.
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Johnson, Eric M. "Revolutionary Romance: Love and Marriage for Russian Radicals in the 1870s." Russian History 43, no. 3-4 (December 30, 2016): 311–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04304005.
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The Russian revolutionaries who made up the Chaikovskii circle in the early 1870s sought to implement their socialist ideals in their everyday lives. This proved nowhere more problematic than in the sphere of romantic relations. Romance was widely viewed as incompatible with true devotion to the revolutionary cause—as being, in effect, a crime—by the Chaikovskii circle radicals themselves, as well as by some later socialists. By examining the cases of particular members of the circle, I argue that romance and marriage, while highly problematic, could for some radicals not only be reconciled with revolutionary activity, but could become intimately intertwined with their devotion to the cause of revolution.
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Mezhuev, Boris. "Vasily Rozanov and Moscow University." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-269-278.
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Abstract. In the article the author attempts to examine V.V. Rozanov’s early philosophic works through the prism of his declared aspiration for formulating the theoretical basics of prospective Russian science. The author comes to the conclusion that the main goal of the early pursuits of the philosopher was the wish to present to the Moscow University the image of integral science, and to the Russian culture – the new spiritual paradigm that would agree with its claim to individuality. The author notes that Rozanov’s failure in those attempts caused his affinity with the decadent circles in 1897. At the same time the author points out that the university failed to serve as support and bulwark of order for the autocracy against revolution.
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Lenkart, Joseph. "Russian Revolutions in Print: The Fate of the Ethnic Press." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 655–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.173.
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On October 28, 1917, Izvestiia published V.I. Lenin's directive on printing, which articulated his vision for reshaping the printing press as the “inseparable” literary organ of the party. Although Lenin's views on printing and publishing were known to his close associates, this directive outlined a clear process upon which the party was able to base its revolutionary goal of total consolidation, thus reshaping local publishing cultures and determining the fate of the ethnic press during and after the Russian Revolution. The end goal of this process was to create an extensive publishing apparatus, which was subservient to party orthodoxy and homogeneity. This article discusses the consolidation of the ethnic press by highlighting the case of the Tatar printing press during the early Soviet period.
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Medovarov, Maxim V. "The Memory about Yury F. Samarin and his Heritage in the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth and the Early Twentieth Century: Constructing the Image of a Thinker." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 381–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-381-390.
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The article is devoted to the constructing of the image of Yury F. Samarin in the Russian public consciousness from the moment of his death in 1876 to the revolution of 1917. Attention is paid to the collection of speeches in his memory. The book by Peter Linitsky and the polemics of Vladimir Solovyov and Dmitry Samarin about Slavophilism are analyzed with reference to the heritage of Yuri Samarin. The author also analyzes the appraisal of the thinker by other conservatives, primarily on the materials of “Russkoe Obozrenie” (“Russian Review”) journal. He comes to the conclusion that the heritage of Yuri Samarin was studied only fragmentary by the beginning of the 20th century, and his image in the Russian public consciousness was not yet fixed and clearly defined.
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Stanojević, Valentina. "The work of architect Victor Lukomsky in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia (1884-1947)." Nasledje, no. 21 (2020): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nasledje2021039s.
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A large number of Russian architects came to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as emigrants in the aftermath of the October Revolution (1917-1921), in the late second and early third decade of the 20th century. Among them was Victor Lukomsky, one of the most prolific Russian emigrant architects. Despite its extraordinary significance, the work of architect Victor Lukomsky (1884-1947) has not been comprehensively understood in contemporary cultural historiography. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to shed light and present details on his activities in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes / Yugoslavia to the professionals and highlight its importance, thus encouraging further research and interpretation of the contribution of Russian emigrants to the Serbian interwar architecture.
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Smolski, Andrew R., Javier Sethness Castro, and Alexander Reid Ross. "Lessons from exits foreclosed: An exilic interpretation of the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, 1910–1924." Capital & Class 42, no. 3 (February 21, 2018): 453–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816818759229.
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We apply a typology of exile to factions involved in the Mexican and Russian Revolutions of the early 20th century. Our typology is based on Grubačić and O’Hearn’s theory of exile, which seeks to explain how alternative social institutions based on mutual aid, substantive reproduction, and egalitarian, direct democracy come into being and sustain themselves. We argue for exile as a determinant of revolutionary outcomes and the state (de)formation process and that we must understand exile-in-rupture as a moment when structures are at maximal flux due to the existence of exilic factions. By doing so, we offer a novel approach to understanding revolutions and state (de)formation based upon the alliances between exilic and incorporative factions. Through descriptions of loyalty bargains made, maintained, and broken during the Mexican and Russian Revolutions, we demonstrate how factions representing autonomy and exit are excluded from the resulting political-economic order post-Revolution, while their energy and power are leveraged during revolution itself. Based on this, we argue that exile is a key component of radical strategy, but that it is often precariously based on loyalty bargains that underpin it. Due to exile’s precarity, revolutions are foreclosed by reincorporation into the capitalist world-system as states are (re)formed by incorporative factions. Therefore, exile is both a necessary and contingent component of revolution and state (de)formation.
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Ladouceur, Paul. "Social and Political Thought in the Russian Religious Renaissance." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 141–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0012.
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Abstract Before the Russian revolution of 1917 and subsequently in exile, the leading figures of the Russian religious renaissance were deeply engaged in social and political questions. Vladimir Soloviev, Sergius Bulgakov and Nicolas Berdyaev in particular presented Christian philosophies and theologies as alternatives to secular philosophies which captivated the Russian intelligentsia in late imperial Russia. Their thinking was consistent with evangelical precepts and the social thinking and actions of the early Fathers of the Church, even if not always couched in explicitly Christian terms. Major Christian theological and spiritual principles inspiring their theologies include the equality of all human beings, the evangelical imperative of love of neighbour as a reflection of love of God, the uniqueness of the human person, and freedom. Social and political thinking during the Russian religious renaissance provided a solid, if inadequately recognized, basis for the development of later Orthodox social and political theology.
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Bhat, Girish N. "The Moralization of Guilt in Late Imperial Russian Trial by Jury: The Early Reform Era." Law and History Review 15, no. 1 (1997): 77–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/827706.
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Ever since the official promulgation of the judicial reform statutes of 1864 in late imperial Russia, a scholarly commonplace has been the reform's contribution to the remarkable emergence of several generations of brilliant Russian trial lawyers and an internationally famous tradition of outstanding judicial oratory during the half-century preceding the Bolshevik revolution. This impressive display of judicial learning and courtroom artistry occurred in the context of Western-style trial by jury, the reform's most daring innovation. Introduced in 1866 after two years of energetic preparation, Russia's system of trial by jury bequeathed to scholars the most powerful emblem of the post-1864 Russian legal order: the courtroom confrontation between the defense attorney (zashchitnik) and the state's prosecutorial agent, the procurator (prokuror). In this judicial clash, the defense counsel has represented the eloquent, keen-witted, Western-educated champion of the individual and even the “defender of public interests.” The procuratorial representative has come to embody the interests of a regime whose relentless and often undisguised statism belied the reform statutes' open proclamation of the principles of legality and the “rule of law.”
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Ershov, Vitalii F., and Mariya V. Katagoshchina. "REVOLUTION IN INTERNATIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE RUSSIAN ÉMIGRÉS. BOOK REVIEW: PIVOVAR, E.I. (2021), THE WORLD OF RUSSIAN EMIGRES IN THE LATE 20 TH – EARLY 21 ST CENTURY, ALETEIYA, SAINT PETERSBURG." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian Studies. History. Political Science. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2021-2-111-121.
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The publication offers a critical review of The World of Russian Émi- grés in the late 20 th – early 21 st century , a Russian monograph in the English lan- guage. The reviewers point out that Efim Pivovar, the author of the monograph, is the founder of a scientific school that pioneered the study of Russian émigrés; furthermore, this is another study in a series of works devoted to the phenome- non. The authors state that Pivovar sees the modern Russian émigrés as part of an institutionally structured and dynamically developing system that aspires to build multilateral interaction with Russia, while boasting a significant potential for international influence in the informational, economic, cultural and scientific and intellectual areas. In particular, the reviewers focus on the methodology and conceptual structure of the study under review; they appraise the effectiveness of the civilisational approach used by the author of the monograph, as well as the author’s interpretation of such complex and ambiguous terms as “Russian Émigrés”, “Russian World”, “Man of the Russian World”, “Compatriot Living Abroad”, etc. The reviewers appreciate the author’s approach, which allows the above concepts to be seen as important elements of Russian public policy. The author is also to be commended for his attempt to use the history of interaction between Russia and the Russian émigrés (especially in the neighbouring states of the former USSR) as a lens through which he considers the issues of interna- tional relations in the Eurasian region. The reviewers conclude by stating that Pivovar’s research qualifies as a relevant interdisciplinary work of high interest to both the academic and the general non-specialist community.
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Gorshenin, Aleksandr V. "A gymnasium student who stepped into the revolution: the initial stage of revolutionary activity of the Bolshevik Serafima Ivanovna Deryabina (1904–1908)." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 2 (May 29, 2020): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202207.
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Serafima Ivanovna Deryabina (18881920) is known as a revolutionary who acted in the Ural-Volga region in the early 20th century, starting from the period of the first Russian revolution and ending with the events of the Civil war. The heyday of her revolutionary, organizational and party activities occurred at the Samara stage of life (19151918), but this was preceded by a significant period of formation of the revolutionary woman in the conditions of the first Russian revolution and then in the years of post-revolutionary political reaction. This paper attempts to analyze the conditions for the formation of revolutionary views and the beginning of the underground activities of S.I. Deryabina in 19041908. The author attempts to establish her role among the Bolshevik organizations of Yekaterinburg at that time and to consider the details of the arrests of the young Bolshevik woman. To achieve this goal documents from the Federal (the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History) and regional (the state archive of the Sverdlovsk Region, the center for documentation of public organizations in the Sverdlovsk Region and the Samara Regional State Archive of Socio-Political History) archives were used. These archives as well as published sources help the author to reconstruct the activity of the revolutionary woman within the framework of the historical period and region under study.
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Garcia, Ziva Galiliy. "Workers, Industrialists, and Mensheviks: Labor Relations and the Question of Power in the Early Stages of the Russian Revolution." Russian Review 44, no. 3 (July 1985): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129302.
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