Academic literature on the topic 'Early Islam civil wars'
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Journal articles on the topic "Early Islam civil wars"
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Amir-Moezzi, Mohammad Ali. "The Shi’is and the Qur’an: Between Apocalypse, Civil Wars, and Empire." Religions 13, no. 1 (December 21, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13010001.
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The study is dedicated to the complex relationship between the Alides (supporters of ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṭālib and their descendants, later called the Shi’is) and the Qur’an, especially in the early times of Islam. Several points are examined in order to put these relations into perspective. First of all, it is important to remember that the Quranic corpus was elaborated in the atmosphere of the civil wars that marked the birth and the first developments of Islam. These wars seem to have played a major role in the elaboration of the official version of the Quran, which the Alides would have considered a falsified and hardly understandable version of the Revelation. The problem of falsification (taḥrīf) as well as the belief in the existence of a hidden meaning of the Quran led to the Shi’i doctrine on the necessity for interpretation (tafsīr, ta’wīl) in order to make the Sacred Text intelligible. It is also important to question the reasons for the civil wars between the faithful of Muḥammad. According to the Quran and the Hadith, Muḥammad came to announce the end of the world. He therefore also announced the coming of the Messiah, the Saviour of the end times. Now, according to some sources, ‘Alī is this Saviour. The problem is that after the death of Muḥammad, according to Shi’is, the opponents of ‘Alī took power. With the conquests and the birth of the Arab empire, the rewriting of history and the creation of a new collective memory seem to have become necessary in order to marginalise ‘Alī, among other reasons, and consolidate the caliphal power.
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Lane, Jan Erik. "The Clash within a Civilisation." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 38 (August 2014): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.38.51.
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At the end of the last century, there was much talk about a future clash of civilisations, replacing the Cold War confrontation. However, the development of events in the early 21rst century has turned the focus upon the clash within one of the largest civilisations of the World: Islam and the Muslim countries. The outcome of the political violence from the civil wars and Salafist terrorism is deaths and casualties beyond imagination. Why cannot the Moslem countries regulate their religious tensions - Sunni-Shia, Salafist jihadism - through institutional innovation, allowing for peaceful settlement and the rule of law?
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Kaw, Mushtaq A. "Transcending Multilateral Conflicts in Eurasia: Some Sustainable Peaceful Alternatives." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 349–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.349.
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In this article I argue that notwithstanding intermittent conflicts and wars among the nomadic and sedentary peoples since early times, the Asian and Middle Eastern region has been characteristic of relative peace and prosperity. This region has been known for the boom in energy trade, globalization and amalgamation of local, national and global economies during the post-Cold War era. I show how, at least in part, the gradual improvement in the indicators of social sustainability, human security and economic growth, was the natural concomitant of the historical position of this region. Yet, speedy progress in the region, this article shows, is impeded by divergent geo-political, geo-economic and geo-strategic agendas of the regional and global powers; these find manifestation in the conflicts in Middle East, Caucasia, Afghanistan, Indian Kashmir, Chinese part of Turkistan (Xinjiang) etc. The conflicts are diverse in nature, time and space, and are pre-emptive of enormous malice, hatred and heart burning among the contending parties. To downs-size one another, they perpetually build military capability and enhance defense expenditure, in hundreds of thousands of US dollars at the cost of public works, human security and precious national resources. I conclude that the conflicts can be overcome through peaceful means rather than use of force. Several alternatives are warranted for the purpose: (i) engagement of conflicting parties in composite dialogue for generational sustainability, (ii) promotion of regional and economic integration while marginalizing ethno-national, ethno-geographic, ethno-religious and ethno-sectarian disputes, (iii) revival of the region’s rich tradition of multiculturalism and human co-existence, and (iv) glorification of peace message in Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and other religions. The objective is simply making history relevant to the contemporary society, and bolstering peace efforts of the nations, philanthropists and civil society in an otherwise war-torn and conflict-ridden Asian and Middle Eastern space.
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Toft, Monica Duffy. "Getting Religion? The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War." International Security 31, no. 4 (April 2007): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.31.4.97.
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From 1940 to 2000, Islam was involved in a disproportionately high number of civil wars compared with other religions, such as Christianity or Hinduism. To help explain the overrepresentation of Islam in these wars, this article introduces a theory of “religious outbidding.” The theory holds that embattled political elites will tender religious bids when they calculate that increasing their religious legitimacy will strengthen their chances of survival. In combination with three overlapping factors—the historical absence of an internecine religious civil war similar to the Thirty Years’ War in Europe, proximity of Islam's holiest sites to Israel and large petroleum reserves, and jihad (i.e., defense of Islam as a religious obligation), religious outbidding accounts for Islam's higher representation in religious civil wars. The article includes a statistical analysis of the role of religion in civil wars and tests the logic of the argument of religious outbidding in the case of Sudan's two civil wars.
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Crenshaw, Martha. "Transnational Jihadism & Civil Wars." Daedalus 146, no. 4 (October 2017): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00459.
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When rebels also employ terrorism, civil wars can become more intractable. Since the 1980s, jihadism, a form of violent transnational activism, has mobilized civil war rebels, outside entrepreneurs, foreign fighters, and organizers of transnational as well as domestic terrorism. These activities are integral to the jihadist trend, representing overlapping and conjoined strands of the same ideological current, which in turn reflects internal division and dissatisfaction within the Arab world and within Islam. Jihadism, however, is neither unitary nor monolithic. It contains competing power centers and divergent ideological orthodoxies. Different jihadist actors emphasize different priorities and strategies. They disagree, for example, on whether the “near” or the “far” enemy should take precedence. The relationship between jihadist terrorism and civil war is far from uniform or constant. This essay traces the trajectory of this evolution, beginning in the 1980s in the context of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
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Toft, Monica Duffy. "Getting Religion Right in Civil Wars." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 9 (March 23, 2021): 1607–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721997895.
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Surveying civil war in the world today is striking in terms of how often religious cleavages and grievances have become central to armed conflict. How are the causes and outcomes of religious civil wars different than other civil wars, if at all? Is Islam implicated for the contemporary surge in religious civil war? The first section reviews the literature and addresses the importance of religion for civil war. I then introduce a dataset and describe key trends in religious civil war in the third section, while in the fourth section I present tests of whether Muslim or Arab Muslim societies in particular are more prone to religious strife. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of the main findings.
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Launay, Robert. "Religion and African Civil Wars." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i1.1571.
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This volume contains an introduction and seven case studies by anthropologists,historians, and theologians. The papers were originally presented at a1999 conference on “Religion and Social Upheaval in Africa” in Denmark.As a result, some of the papers are somewhat out-of-date, although the questionsthey raise are, sadly, just as relevant as ever to the continent’s currentsituation.As Niels Kastfelt points out in his introductory essay, the authors rejectany approach that seeks to understand African civil conflicts in terms of a“New Barbarism,” an irrational manifestation of “tribal” or religious atavism.This strategy, which is perhaps most typical of journalistic accountsbut also finds some support among academics, clearly constitutes an obstacletoward any meaningful comprehension of the phenomena in question. Ina similar vein, they equally reject any notion of a “conflict of civilizations”or that African civil wars can be explained in terms of the incompatible religiousvalues of Christianity, Islam, and indigenous African religions.Rather, their papers provide a detailed account of the local context in a historicalperspective by focusing on the political, economic, and explicitlyreligious phenomena.Indeed, the lines of cleavage in many of these cases are not defined inreligious terms. As a result, the nature of the relationships between “religion”and the civil wars in question are so disparate that the volume does notquite hang together. For example, René Devisch’s paper on Kinshasa is notreally about civil war, but rather about the effects of the collapse of stateauthority and the formal economy, both of which unleashed rampant violencein the city but also led to the emergence of independent Christian healingcommunes as a sort of refuge ...
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Latham, Andrew A., and James Christenson. "Historicizing the ‘New Wars’: The case ofJihadin the early years of Islam." European Journal of International Relations 20, no. 3 (July 24, 2013): 766–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066113482990.
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Mujadžević, Dino. "The Consolidation of the Islamic Community in Modern Croatia: A Unique Path to the Acceptance of Islam in a Traditionally Catholic European Country." Journal of Muslims in Europe 3, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 66–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341276.
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Abstract Although relations between Catholic Croatia and Islam were burdened historically by more than three centuries of Ottoman/Bosnian-Habsburg/Croatian warfare on Croatian soil, creating an extremely negative image of Muslims in the Croatian culture and collective memory, during most of the 20th century, with exception of early 1990s, attitudes towards Islam and Muslims in Croatian society were surprisingly mostly positive. The legal status of the sole Muslim representative organisation, the Islamic Community in Croatia, was confirmed by special agreement with the state in 2002. The author argues that besides the obvious cultural and linguistic proximity of Bosnian Muslims and Croats, several factors contributed to this positive environment: the remoteness of Ottoman wars in time, a fear of a common political enemy (Serbia), and the Austro-Hungarian tradition of early legal recognition of Islam.
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Cantika, Sri Budi. "STRATEGI PENGENTASAN KEMISKINAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM." Journal of Innovation in Business and Economics 4, no. 2 (August 14, 2014): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jibe.vol4.no2.101-114.
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Islamic perspective views poverty as a result of several structural reasons, namely environmental damage due to human activity (Surah Ar Rum: 41); ignorance and the miserliness of the wealthy (Surah Al 'Imran: 180); tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of some people over others (Surah At-Tawbah: 34); political, bureaucracy, and economic power concentration in one hand (Surah Al Qasas; 1-88); poverty arising from external factors such as natural disaster or civil wars that drastically changed the rich become poor (Surah Saba ': 14-15). Islam proposes some strategies in order to reduce poverty which covers: 1) Promoting economic growth that benefits to the wider community (pro-poor growth); 2) Encouraging the construction of national budget which protect majority of people (pro-poor budgeting); 3) Assisting infrastructure development that aids many people (pro-poor infrastructure); 4) Establishing proper basic public services in favor of the broader community (pro-poor public services); and 5) Pushing equity and income distribution policies that prioritize the poor (pro-poor income distribution).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Early Islam civil wars"
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Farman, Mursal. "Examining Ibn 'Umar's stance during Fitan times and its impact : Re-reading his approaches to peace and conflict." Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2022. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/efa322b46499dfc4cd9f5deb4d2639660f7c8521420335dc44e47be0c684c8e0/2038016/Farman_2022_Examining_Ibn_Umars_stance_during_Fitan.pdf.
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Conflict over the Caliphate after the assassination of the third Caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656), has remained a matter of serious concern amongst the Muslim academia and intellectual circles. This conflict resulted in schism among Muslims and caused two series of civil wars. These wars seem to have been a conflict of approaches (theological, socio-political and tribal) towards the Caliphate.
ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar (610 – 73/693), a famous companion of the Prophet, opted for an approach distinct from the prevailing various approaches. Besides his meritorious active role in restoration of peace and harmony, Ibn ʿUmar is a prominent scholar too. His command over the traditional Islamic disciplines (tafsīr, ḥadīth, fiqh, sīrah, tārīkh, etc) is exemplary. His life, traditions, viewpoints, and activities are prominently highlighted in the Islamic literatures.
Despite the mention of Ibn ʿUmar in many sources reporting his peace promoting efforts, however, there is no comprehensive analytical research focusing on his role for the restoration of peace and harmony, its impact upon contemporary people and legacy in post-Ibn ʿUmar period. There seems to be a gap which this study aims to fill through a critical analysis of his views, activities and dealing with fitan through different measures.
This dissertation deals with three aspects of Ibn ʿUmar’s life. First, the positive role that he played during the period of fitan. On the ground of the extensive Islamic literature in Arabic, English and Urdu languages, an attempt has been made to examine the nuances of his approaches to fitan through a chronological study of his life. Second, the impact of Ibn ʿUmar’s role during post-Ibn ʿUmar period. Based on the analysis of the comments on his approaches in fitan and on the comparison of his views with that of Ahl al-Sunnah, an effort has been exerted to measure his influence on later Muslim generations. Third is the leadership model that Ibn ʿUmar offers. On the account of the analysis of his leadership moments specially in fitan times and its comparison with leadership styles, it is aimed to examine his leadership style. Thus, this study argues that with his thoughts and leadership in the times of fitan, Ibn ʿUmar left deep impression on future generations.
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Griffiths, Huw Daniel. "Renaissance geographies : space, text and history in early modern England." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1998. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21403.
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In examining the relationships between space, text and history in the early modern period, this thesis reads sixteenth and seventeenth century texts in the context of the new geographies and the shifts in spatial awareness that accompany the arrival of the early modern period. In doing so, it also employs a 'spatialised' mode of criticism that, rather than privilege any one kind of text, seeks to view all texts alongside one another, within what Foucault calls the 'space of a dispersion'. This situates the thesis within a developing interest, in renaissance studies, both in early modern spatialities, as exemplified by the work of Richard Helgerson, John Gillies and others, and in postmodern approaches to the renaissance. It is the starting point of this thesis that space is produced, rather than a vacuum waiting to be filled by the actions and actors of history. It is also a contention of this thesis that this production of space takes place on a variety of fronts. It is neither limited to the visual or plastic arts, nor the result, solely, of changing economic and political situations. The texts covered include, therefore, plays as well as political pamphlets, poetry as well as maps, scientific treatises as well as portraits. It is organised around three successive 'moments' in sixteenth and seventeenth century England - Elizabethan imperialism reign following the defeat of the Armada, the union project of James VI and I, and the immediate aftermath of the English civil wars. Rather than being seen in a chronological narrative of cause and effect, these moments 'haunt' each other, living on beyond themselves, structuring the representation of space in new contexts. Understood as anachronism, this kind of effect is one result of using 'space' alongside 'history' as the horizon against which textual analysis is performed.
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Weiss, David S. "Samuel Daniel's 'First Four Books of the Civil Wars' and Shakespeare's early history plays." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8165/.
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Literary scholars agree that William Shakespeare used Samuel Daniel's First Four Books of the Civil Wars as a source for his play Richard II, launching an interaction between the authors that lasted for many years. What has not been recognized, however, is that they may have influenced each other's works on English history before the publication of Daniel's epic poem. Textual, bibliographical and biographical evidence suggests that Daniel borrowed from some of Shakespeare's earliest works, the Henry VI plays, while writing The First Four Books, and that Shakespeare could have used a pre-publication manuscript of The Civil Wars to write Richard II. A review of extant versions of The Civil Wars, the Henry VI plays and Richard II reveals a complex relationship between the authors as they wrote and revised works on the Wars of the Roses while both had connections to the Countess of Pembroke and the Earl of Essex. This analysis illuminates the works while disclosing one of the first instances of Shakespeare's plays inspiring another artist, challenging images of Daniel as a poet who disdained theater and Shakespeare as a playwright who cared only about the popularity of his works on stage.
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Kay, Simon Michael Gorniak. "Literary, political and historical approaches to Virgil's Aeneid in early modern France." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13837.
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This thesis examines the increasing sophistication of sixteenth-century French literary engagement with Virgil's Aeneid. It argues that successive forms of engagement with the Aeneid should be viewed as a single process that gradually adopts increasingly complex literary strategies. It does this through a series of four different forms of literary engagement with the Aeneid: translation, continuation, rejection and reconciliation. The increasing sophistication of these forms reflects the writers' desire to interact with the original Aeneid as political epic and Roman foundation narrative, and with the political, religious and literary contexts of early modern France. The first chapter compares the methods of and motivations behind all of the sixteenth-century translations of the Aeneid into French; it thus demonstrates shifts in successive translators' interpretations of Virgil's work, and of its application to sixteenth-century France. The next three chapters each analyse adaptation of Virgil's poem in a major French literary work. Firstly, Ronsard's Franciade is analysed as an example of French foundation epic that simultaneously draws upon and rejects Virgil's narrative. Ronsard's poem is read in the light of Mapheo Vegio's “Thirteenth Book” of the Aeneid, or Supplementum, which continues Virgil's narrative and carries it over into a Christian context. Next, Agrippa d'Aubigné's response to Virgilian epic in Les Tragiques is shown to have been mediated by Lucan's Pharsalia and its anti- epic and anti-imperialist interpretation of the Aeneid. D'Aubigné's inversion of Virgil is highlighted through comparison of attitudes to death and resurrection in Les Tragiques, the Aeneid and Vegio's Antoniad. Finally, Guillaume de Salluste du Bartas' combination, in La Sepmaine and La Seconde Sepmaine of the hexameral structure of Genesis with Virgil's narrative of reconciliation after civil war is shown to represent the most sophisticated understanding of and most complex interaction with the Aeneid in sixteenth-century France.
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Régnier-McKellar, Sara Siona. "“Houses and families continue by the providence and blessing of God”: patriarchy and authority in the British Civil Wars." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/1478.
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The British Civil Wars were not just physical battles but ideological battles as well. Legitimate authority was hotly contested and each faction vied for public support by invoking a mandate meaningful to a heterogeneous audience: the safeguarding of the family and the patriarchal order. In early modern England and Scotland, the family was understood as emblematic of the social and political order; thus, the protection of the family – both private and political - was presented as the surest way of assuaging God’s wrath and re-establishing order in the three kingdoms. This thesis demonstrates the ubiquity of the language of patriarchy in the Civil Wars and the extent to which political and ideological debates centred on questions of legitimate patriarchal authority.
Books on the topic "Early Islam civil wars"
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Loxley, James. Royalism and poetry in the English Civil Wars: The drawn sword. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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D, Meyerson Mark, and English Edward D, eds. Christians, Muslims, and Jews in medieval and early modern Spain: Interaction and cultural change. Notre Dame, Ind: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999.
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Poetry and allegiance in the English civil wars: Marvell and the cause of wit. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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Weinberg, Sidney R. Jewish combatants in the wars of early America: American Jewish combatants in the wars of early America : all were military casualties--killed, wounded, taken prisoner, or seriously ill in line of duty, during the early days of the American Republic, 1776-1865. [Philadelphia]: Xlibris Corp., 2000.
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Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, oil, and fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.
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Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, oil and fundamentalism in Central Asia. 2nd ed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.
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Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, oil, and fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven: Yale Nota Bene, 2001.
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Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, oil, and fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.
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Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Militant Islam, oil, and fundamentalism in Central Asia. Waterville, Me: Thorndike Press, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Early Islam civil wars"
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Collins, Roger. "Frontier wars and civil wars, 350–395." In Early Medieval Europe 300–1000, 30–44. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21290-3_3.
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Collins, Roger. "Frontier wars and civil wars, 350–395." In Early Medieval Europe 300–1000, 31–46. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27533-5_3.
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Aleef, Dastan. "Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 175–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_9.
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AbstractThe former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.
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Harris, Carolyn. "The English Civil Wars and the French Revolution." In Queenship and Revolution in Early Modern Europe, 155–91. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137491688_6.
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Peters, Erin. "Introduction – Remembering the Civil Wars: Royalist Print Culture in Early Restoration England." In Commemoration and Oblivion in Royalist Print Culture, 1658-1667, 1–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50475-9_1.
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Moore, Kathleen. "Muslim American community organizations from the civil rights era to the early twenty-first century." In Routledge Handbook of Islam in the West, 151–66. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429265860-14.
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Minehan, Philip B. "The Communist Parties, the British and the Soviet Union in the Early Phases of the Civil Wars." In Civil War and World War in Europe, 123–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-73640-9_5.
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Barton, Carlin. "Hercules in a Skirt, or the Feminization of Victory during the Roman Civil Wars and Early Empire." In Religion, Gender, and Culture in the Pre-Modern World, 63–73. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230604292_4.
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Lind, Andrew. "‘You may take my head from my shoulders, but not my heart from my soveraigne’: Understanding Scottish Royalist Allegiance During the British Civil Wars, 1639–1651." In Loyalty to the Monarchy in Late Medieval and Early Modern Britain, c.1400-1688, 211–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37767-0_11.
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Svatoňová, Eva. "The Dark Side of Laughter: Humour as a Tool for Othering in the Memes of Czech Far-Right Organization Angry Mothers." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 239–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_11.
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AbstractFar-right grassroot organizations were early adopters of the internet and social media and have been using it to spread their ideologies, mobilize people and network since the 1990s. With the increased usage of social media, their communication style has naturally changed. Due to the interactive nature of social media, the far-right groups started to communicate in a savvy style based on meme and DIY aesthetics. This style allows these groups to blurry the line between serious and irony (Shifman, L., Memes in Digital Culture. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 2014) but also between facts and misinformation (Klein, O., The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies 154–179, 2020). There is a burgeoning body of literature investigating the way and for what purposes such organizations use the internet in which the researchers look particularly on memes (Klein, O., The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies 154–179, 2020) but also humour (Billig, M., Comic racism and violence. In S. Lockyer, & M. Pickering (Eds.), Beyond a joke. The limits of humor (pp. 25–44). New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005a; Billig, M., Laughter and ridicule. Towards a social critique of humor. London: SAGE Publications, 2005b). However, not many studies explored the link between humour and morality. The aim of this exploratory study, in which humour is viewed as a means of claims making and negotiation of political views, is to deepen the knowledge of how humour in memes produced and reproduced by far-right organizations can serve as a tool for constructing a moral order. To do so, I analysed memes used on the far-right Facebook page run by Czech organization Angry Mothers which engage in anti-Islam and anti-gender activism. Based on Michael Billig’s (2005) distinction between rebellious and disciplinary humour, I argue that the organization used rebellious humour to present themselves as an alternative to mainstream media and resistance to the alleged dictatorship of liberal elites and disciplinary humour to put minorities (both sexual and ethnic) “in their place”.
Conference papers on the topic "Early Islam civil wars"
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.
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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
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Lee, Joshua D., and Leila Sai Srinivasan. "Reducing Carbon and Improving Thermal Comfort for an Orphan Village in Rural Liberia." In 2020 ACSA Fall Conference. ACSA Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.fallintercarbon.20.16.
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Liberia experienced two devastating civil wars during the 1990s and early 2000s that resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths and nearly total destruction of its electrical and water infrastructure systems. The loss of these systems has been especially acute and persistent in rural areas where power is generally provided by small, inefficient, gas-powered generators to power lighting and electric fans. Thus, it is imperative that buildings in Liberia reduce their carbon footprint while improving thermal comfort by employing a variety of passive strategies. The project presented in this paper tested a variety of strategies and adapted them to the specific program, climate, society, materials, and methods of construction currently available in rural Liberia. The team used a series of computational fluid dynamic (CFD) simulations to assess the best combination of ventilation strategies for thermal comfort. Based on the previous research these simulations were focused on increasing air speeds to improve thermal comfort in this hot and humid climate. A comparison of the baseline design against interventions such as wind funnels and angles of the slats in jalousie windows show the way the wind speeds and patterns of wind movement thereby enabling informed decision making. These recommendations were then constructed and tested in the first built prototype, a communal home for orphans on a new eco-village near Buchanan City. This made it possible to calibrate subsequent simulation models with the actual ventilation metrics and airflow patterns onsite as the campus expands. An iterative process of simulations and physical site measurements has led to a number of important insights for this development and those in the surrounding area as elements of this work are already being copied in the area, creating a new, more sustainable, lower carbon vernacular for rural Liberia.