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Journal articles on the topic 'Early Judaism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Goodblatt, David M. "Early Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 49, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2081/jjs-1998.

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2

Debel, Hans. "Eenheid en verscheidenheid in het vroege jodendom: De ‘jodendommen’ uit de Tweede Tempeltijd." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 67, no. 4 (November 18, 2013): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2013.67.257.debe.

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Elaborating upon the ‘Groningen Hypothesis’ on the origins of the Qumran community, Gabriele Boccaccini has developed a typology of different ‘Judaisms’ in Early Judaism. After presenting this hypothesis of a distinct ‘Enochic’ Judaism and its relationship to ‘Zadokite’ and ‘Sapiental’ Judaism, this contribution seeks to briefly evaluate the merits and limitations of this approach. More specifically, it points out that texts should be distinguished from socio-religious realities, and maintains that Early Judaism should be understood in terms of an orthopraxy rather than as a normative ideology.
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3

McKay, Heather A. "Book Reviews: Early Judaism." Expository Times 113, no. 1 (October 2001): 31–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460111300112.

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4

Youde, Fu, and Wang Qiangwei. "A Comparison of Filial Piety in Ancient Judaism and Early Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 1, no. 2 (May 27, 2015): 280–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-01010016.

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Filial piety is one of the most comparable ethical elements in the Jewish and Confucian traditions, both of which possess a clear overall ethical orientation. Ancient Judaism and early Confucianism advocate extremely similar expressions of filial piety, such as providing for and respecting one’s parents, inheriting their legacy, properly burying and mourning them, and tactful remonstration of elders. However, ancient Judaism and early Confucianism differ on the degree to which one should be filial, the scope of filial piety, and its status within each respective ethical system. Confucianism advocates a more comprehensive and nuanced version of respect for parents than Judaism, while both systems hold distinctive views regarding the extent and scope of filial piety. Both traditions advocate similar kinds of filial piety primarily because they are based on bonds of familial affection and gratitude, and their differences are cultural in nature. Two such decisive cultural factors are Judaism’s theocentrism and Confucianism’s humanism. Furthermore, the different social institutions and systems of governance brought about by these cultural differences account for the dissimilarities in Jewish and Confucian filial piety. The transcendent nature and emphasis on equality between individuals inherent in Judaism can play an informative role in the revival and reestablishment of Confucian ethics.
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LIEU, JUDITH. "‘Impregnable Ramparts and Walls Of Iron’: Boundary and Identity in Early ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity’." New Testament Studies 48, no. 3 (July 2002): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850200019x.

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The metaphor of a boundary as that which separates ‘us’ from ‘the other’ is central in modern discussion of identity as constructed, yet it is also recognized that such boundaries both articulate power and are permeable. The model is readily applicable to the Greco-Roman world where kinship, history, language, customs, and the gods supposedly separated ‘us’ from barbarians, but also enabled interaction; Jews and Christians engaged in the same strategies. At the textual level it is the different ways in which boundaries are constructed, particularly using diet and sexuality, that invite attention. This may offer a way of addressing questions of unity and diversity, of Judaism versus Judaisms, and of how ‘Christianity’ emerges as separate from ‘Judaism’.
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6

Lupovitch, Howard. "Neolog: Reforming Judaism in a Hungarian Milieu." Modern Judaism - A Journal of Jewish Ideas and Experience 40, no. 3 (September 12, 2020): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjaa012.

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Abstract This article explores the mentality of Neolog Judaism and how its early proponents fashioned a centrist, non-ideological alternative to both Orthodoxy and German-Jewish style Reform Judaism, an alternative that emphasized Judaism’s inherent compatibility with and adaptability to the demands of citizenship. Early proponents of this Neolog mentality, such as Aron Chorin and Leopold Löw, argued that adapting Jewish practice within the framework and systemic rules of Jewish law, precedent, and custom would not undermine a commitment to traditional Judaism in any way, as Orthodox jeremiads predicted; nor would it require the sort of re-definition of Judaism that Reform Jews advocated. Four aspects of Neolog mentality, in particular, laid the foundation for this outlook: a belief that Judaism has always been inherently malleable and diverse; a willingness to see leniency as no less authentic an option than stringency (in contrast to the “humra culture” that has defined Orthodox Judaism for the last two centuries); a preference for unity over schism (contra the secession of Orthodox communities in Germany and Hungary); and the use of halachic precedent and argumentation as a mandatory part of the rationale for innovation.
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7

Wright, J. Edward, and James C. VanderKam. "An Introduction to Early Judaism." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 1 (January 2002): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087715.

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8

Grafton, Karla Fackler. "Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism." Theological Librarianship 4, no. 1 (April 7, 2011): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v4i1.184.

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9

Williams, C. H. "An Introduction to Early Judaism." Journal of Semitic Studies 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2004): 195–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/49.1.195-b.

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10

Mendelson, Alan. "Early Christianity and Hellenistic Judaism." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (October 1997): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525322.

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11

Moses, Robert E. "Tangible Prayer in Early Judaism and Early Christianity." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 25, no. 2 (November 24, 2015): 118–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820715621200.

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12

Riches, John. "Book Review: From Early Judaism to Early Church." Theology 90, no. 734 (March 1987): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8709000218.

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13

Rajak, Tessa. "The Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 63, no. 2 (October 1, 2012): 359–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3099/jjs-2012.

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14

Sato, M. "Toki, Early Judaism and the Bible." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 34 (1995): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1995.103.

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15

Matsunaga, K. "K. Tsuchido : Early Christianity and Judaism." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 38 (1999): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1999.67.

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16

de Looijer, Gwynned. "Sectarianism in Early Judaism: Sociological Advances." Dead Sea Discoveries 18, no. 2 (2011): 253–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851711x581425.

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17

Newsom, Carol. "Sectarianism in Early Judaism: Sociological Advances." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 3 (2010): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x503685.

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18

Paget, James Carleton. "Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 1, no. 2 (January 1997): 195–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zach.1997.1.2.195.

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19

Zur, Uri, and Yehuda Ashkenazi. "Land Surveying Tube in Early Judaism." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 15, no. 2 (2012): 176–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341236.

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Abstract B. Erubin 43b describes a special tube of Rabban Gamaliel, with which he was able to measure distances of up to two thousand cubits on a plane, and which he would also use to measure the depth of ravines. With this tube, he could also measure angles, or at least set the tube on a specific angle to measure distances using congruent triangles. Although the method of measurement presented in the Talmud is not clear, very few sages thoroughly studied or interpreted the measurement method. Some have understood the method, on the basis of their own contemporary mathematical knowledge, while others simply laconically quoted their predecessors without understanding the earlier sages’ explanations. Notably, in Rabban Gamaliel’s period, optical lenses were not in use. Instead, a hollow tube was adapted to allow the measurement of a fixed distance. There are diverse opinions on how this tube was used to measure distance, depth, and height. In this paper we address the measurement methods of the Geonic sages and their subsequent interpreters and assess the methods they propose.
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20

Hewitt, Marsha Aileen. "Christian anti-Judaism and early object relations theory." Critical Research on Religion 6, no. 3 (September 24, 2018): 226–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303218800378.

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The central ideas of early object relations theory are heavily inflected with Christian anti-Judaism, particularly as found in the work of Ian Dishart Suttie, now credited as the founder of this tradition. The critique of Freud launched by Suttie repudiates Freudian theory as a “disease” inextricably connected to Freud being a Jew. Suttie’s portrayal of Judaism both conforms to and replicates those theological commitments that privilege a triumphalist, supersessionist Christianity that breaks with Judaism, understood as devoid of love, ethics, and social justice interests. The paper argues that the elements organizing the central concepts that structure Suttie’s Christian prejudice constitute distorting ideological interests that circulate and shape important strands of contemporary object relations theory. Central to the authors discussed is a repudiation of Freud’s theory of unconscious drives on the basis of privileging love and intersubjectivity as the motivators of human psychological development made possible by Jesus and Christianity. The paper demonstrates that contemporary object relations theory remains heavily indebted to Suttie while remaining oblivious to his explicit anti-Judaism.
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21

Trumbower, Jeffrey A. "Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 2 (1999): 326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0044.

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22

Park, Sung-Ho. "The Gospel As a Source of Early Judaism: Matthew 18:10 and the Angelology of Early Judaism." Korean Journal of Christian Studies 116 (April 30, 2020): 71–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18708/kjcs.2020.04.116.1.71.

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23

Adams, Sean A. "Book Review: Early Judaism: John. J. Collins and Daniel C. Harlow (eds.), Early Judaism: A Comprehensive Overview." Expository Times 125, no. 2 (October 2013): 94–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524613494559c.

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24

Rogan, Wil. "Purity in Early Judaism: Current Issues and Questions." Currents in Biblical Research 16, no. 3 (May 31, 2018): 309–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x17751160.

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The study of purity has become a crucial undertaking in the scholarly quest to understand the social and theological dimensions of early Judaism and the texts that early Jews both formed and were formed by. This article surveys scholarly literature on purity in ancient and early Judaism, in order to identify and address four areas of critical inquiry that ought to be taken into consideration when questions about purity arise in the study of early Jewish writings: (1) the conceptualization of purity as a symbolic system; (2) the distinction between kinds of purity (ritual, moral, and genealogical); (3) the relation of purity to the temple and, more broadly, to space; and (4) the function of purity to construct and maintain social identity. Attention to these critical issues promises to give clarity, direction and depth to scholarship on purity in early Judaism.
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25

Kister, Menahem. "Some Early Jewish and Christian Exegetical Problems and the Dynamics of Monotheism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 37, no. 4 (2006): 548–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006306778946731.

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AbstractThe thesis of this article is that a Jewish theological formula or an interpretation of biblical passages which, in one period, successfully served one side of a polemic, became, in a later period and in another context, a springboard for an adversary's attack, or an insidious internal theological problem. The author attempts to illuminate the inner dynamics of Judaism as a monotheistic religion, and to observe the potential of inherent theological tensions in Judaism of the Second Temple period and rabbinic Judaism for the emergence of Christian and Gnostic theological concepts and interpretations which were in conflict with the Jewish ones.
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26

Deines, Roland. "The Messiah in Early Judaism and Christianity." Journal of Jewish Studies 60, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2894/jjs-2009.

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27

Xeravits, Géza. "The Messiah in Early Judaism and Christianity." Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no. 3 (2009): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006309x443945.

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28

Matthews, Shelly. "Book Review: An Introduction to Early Judaism." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 56, no. 1 (January 2002): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430005600128.

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29

Weitzman, Steven. "Revisiting Myth and Ritual in Early Judaism." Dead Sea Discoveries 4, no. 1 (1997): 21–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851797x00245.

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30

Casey, Maurice. "Book Review: An Introduction to Early Judaism." Theology 105, no. 826 (July 2002): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0210500409.

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31

Robinson, Stephen E., and John R. Levison. "Levison, "Portraits of Adam in Early Judaism"." Jewish Quarterly Review 84, no. 2/3 (October 1993): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455380.

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32

Johnson, Aaron P. "Resurrection of the Body in Early Judaism and Early Christianity (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 14, no. 2 (2006): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2006.0037.

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33

Luneva, Anna. "Transformation of Early Christian Ideas about Judaism (Based on the Analysis of Christian Polemic Literature of the II-III c. and its Historical and Cultural Context)." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.1.2.

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II–III c. gave the world what is now called “Judaism” and “Christianity”. Two religions, which are now perceived as original and separate from each other, at that time had many intersection points. Christianity had not yet rid itself of its Jewish past, and in the Jewish environment there were many people who accepted Jesus’ messianism and converted to a new faith. However, more gentiles people in the II c. come to the Christian community, while the Jewish are closing themselves from the outside world. Christian literature directed against the Jews (Adversus Judaeos) contributed to this. Although studying the treatises created in this period from in different provinces of the Roman Empire, we can see how much more refined and reasoned these works become. However, it is evident that, in the process of the development of the Adversus Judaeos texts Christian authors rarely invest their own knowledge of Judaism, but only draw us the image of the Jew of that time, borrowing arguments from the writings of their predecessors. In this article we will trace the transformation of the image of the Jews and the emergence of the concept of “Judaism” in the Christian environment on the basis of three polemic works — Justin’s “Dialogue with Trypho” (mid-2nd c.), “On the Passover” by Melito (160–170) and Tertullian’s “Against the Jews” (2nd half of 3rd c). At the same time, the analysis of the historical and cultural context of the places there the treatises were created, shows that the extent to which the image of Judaism was perceived in the Christian anti-Judaic treatises was influenced by the position of these two communities in ancient society. Furthermore, the notion “Judaism” emerges in the Christian environment, which Christian authors counter posed to “Christianity”, creating a counterculture, through which they indicated the distinctive features of their religion, showed its advantage.
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Kim, Jin Young. "Understanding the Letter to the Romans in the Sect-Cult Development of Early Churches." Religions 11, no. 5 (May 20, 2020): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11050257.

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This article examines how the model of sect-cult development in antiquity helps us understand Paul’s discussion of Jewish traditions in the Letter to the Romans. In the traditional Augustinian–Lutheran scholarship, Romans has often been interpreted within the binary framework of Judaism and Christianity, as Paul showcasing one of the earliest examples of Christian opposition to Judaism. Based on the recent studies on Second Temple Judaism and the modified model of sect-cult reflecting the ancient context, I argue that Romans reveals internal conflicts between cultic and sectarian tendencies present among early churches of the first century C.E. The cultic tendency is reflected in Roman gentile believers’ assimilation of the Jewish tradition with the Greco–Roman virtue of self-mastery and their growing separation from Judaism. Paul, on the other hand, tries to establish the unity between believing gentiles and Israel as exhibiting his sectarian understanding of the gospel and the gentile mission. By placing Romans in the trajectory of sect-cult development of an early church, we stop reading it as a text that justifies the Christian antagonism to Judaism, but as a text that shows an early apostle’s passionate effort to create a unified people of God in the hope for the final salvation.
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35

Rosen-Zvi, Ishay. "Pauline Traditions and the Rabbis: Three Case Studies." Harvard Theological Review 110, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816017000037.

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The comparative study of Paul and the rabbis, an interest of students of the New Testament ever since Christian Hebraism, radically changed in the second half of the twentieth century. If “the study of relations between Judaism and early Christianity, perhaps more than any other area of modern scholarship, has felt the impact of World War II and its aftermath,” then, within this, Pauline scholarship has felt this impact the most. Various post-Holocaust studies read Paul not only in connection to early Judaism but specifically to rabbinic Judaism, which they saw as the epitome of both halakhic and Midrashic discourses. Turning to Tannaitic and Amoraic literatures expressed an urgent need to recontextualize Paul as part of traditional Judaism.
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Hewamanage, Wimal. "A Critical Review of Dietary Laws in Judaism." International Research Journal of Engineering, IT & Scientific Research 2, no. 3 (March 1, 2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjeis.v2i3.44.

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In this article, the author has already discussed about laws in Judaism, that are the key dietary laws in Judaism, commentary of dietary laws, vegetarianism and Judaism, the slaughter house, and why there are especial laws in Judaism. As a religion, contained; a great history, literature, culture and ritualistic customs it shows its identity among other world religions. Having vegetarian food has been appreciated in Judaism in its early history like other world religions. As the second step it has been allowed for vegetarian and non-vegetarian food introducing some ethical instruction on the subject of kosher food, laws of ritual slaughter, slaughterer, torn apart for eating living beings. This can be considered as a norm in Judaism.
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37

Tong, M. Adryael. "Protecting Difference: Protectionist Strategies and the Parting of the Ways." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 32, no. 4-5 (June 1, 2020): 364–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341480.

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Abstract This article takes an interdisciplinary look at protectionist doxa at the intersection of two distinct fields: early Christian studies and rabbinics. I argue that both fields maintain a protectionist doxa of difference; that is, a doxa that early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism are fundamentally different from each other. This difference, which supports the constitution of each field as separate from the other, nevertheless has a secondary effect of shaping our approach to our objects of study—early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. Specifically, this doxa of difference occludes the ways in which early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism can be similar. I focus specifically on the current “polysemy” debate within rabbinics and show how this doxa has functioned to obstruct comparative approaches across disciplines rather than facilitate them.
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38

Mirguet, Françoise. "The Study of Emotions in Early Jewish Texts: Review and Perspectives." Journal for the Study of Judaism 50, no. 4-5 (November 6, 2019): 557–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12505292.

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AbstractThis article reviews recent research on emotions in the field of early Judaism, mostly in literature. The article starts with an example from the biblical story of Joseph, to illustrate the need for a culturally sensitive understanding of emotions. Various approaches to emotions are then examined: philology and the history of the self, the construction of identity, structures of power (including gender), experiences with the divine, and emotions as adaptive practices. Each section starts with a brief outline of the scholarship conducted in other fields and serving as a background for research on early Judaism. The conclusion considers several facets of emotions, as they are highlighted by various disciplines; cultural manipulations of emotions often harness the tensions that may result from these multiple facets. The article closes with a brief assessment of the contribution of emotion research to the broader study of early Judaism and with perspectives for further research.
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39

Coggins, Richard. "Book Review: History of Judaism III: The Cambridge History of Judaism, the Cambridge History of Judaism the Early Roman Period." Expository Times 111, no. 9 (June 2000): 307–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460011100907.

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40

Utterback, Kristine T. "“Conversi” Revert: Voluntary and Forced Return to Judaism in the Early Fourteenth Century." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168654.

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Forced to choose between conversion and death, many medieval Jews chose to be baptized as Christians. While not all Jews in Western Europe faced such stark choices, during the fourteenth century pressure increased on the Jewish minority to join the Christian majority. Economic, social, and political barriers to Jews often made conversion a necessity or at least an advantage, exerting a degree of coercion even without brute force. Once baptized these new Christians, called conversi, were required to abandon their Jewish practices entirely. But what kind of life actually awaited these converts? In the abstract, the converts had clear options: they could either remain Christians or return to judaism. Reality would surely reveal a range of possibilities, however, as these conversi tried to live out their conversion or to reject it without running afoul of the authorities. While the dominant Christian culture undoubtedly exerted pressure to convert, Jews did not necessarily sit idly by while their people approached the baptismal font. Some conversi felt contrary pressure to take up Judaism again. In the most extreme cases, conversi who reverted to Judaism faced death as well. This paper examines forces exerted on Jewish converts to Christianity to return to Judaism, using examples from France and northern Spain in the first half of the fourteenth century.
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41

Savin, Alexey E. "Criticism of Judaism in Hegel's Early “Theological” Writings." History of Philosophy 23, no. 2 (October 2018): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-68-80.

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42

Shear, Adam, J. H. Chajes, and Matt Goldish. "Between Worlds: Dybbuks, Exorcists, and Early Modern Judaism." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477349.

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43

Roddy, Nicolae, and Ingrid Hjelm. "The Samaritans and Early Judaism: A Literary Analysis." Journal of Biblical Literature 120, no. 3 (2001): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267921.

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44

Bohak, Gideon. "Between Worlds: Dybbuks, Exorcists, and Early Modern Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 55, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2541/jjs-2004.

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45

VanderKam, James C., and Ingrid Hjelm. "The Samaritans and Early Judaism: A Literary Analysis." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 1 (January 2002): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087712.

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46

Painchaud, Louis. "PEARSON, Birger A., Gnosticism, Judaism and Early Christianity." Laval théologique et philosophique 47, no. 2 (1991): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/400614ar.

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47

Wright, Benjamin G. "An Introduction to Early Judaism. James C. VanderKam." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 326 (May 2002): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357696.

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48

Bockmuehl, Markus. "Creatio ex nihiloin Palestinian Judaism and Early Christianity." Scottish Journal of Theology 65, no. 3 (July 27, 2012): 253–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930612000105.

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AbstractRecent decades have witnessed a near-consensus of critical opinion (1) that the idea of God's creation of matter ‘out of nothing’ is not affirmed in scripture, but instead (2) originated in a second-century Christian reaction against Gnosticism's convictions about matter as evil and creation as the work of an inferior Demiurge. (3) Judaism's interest, by contrast, was generally deemed late and philosophically derivative or epiphenomenal upon Christian ideas. This essay re-examines all three convictions with particular reference to the biblical creation accounts in Palestinian Jewish reception. After highlighting certain interpretative features in the ancient versions of Genesis 1, this study explores the reception of such ideas in texts like the Dead Sea Scrolls and early rabbinic literature. It is clear that the typically cited proof texts from biblical or deutero-canonical books indeed do not yield clear confirmation of the doctrine they have sometimes been said to prove. Genesis was understood even in antiquity to be somewhat ambiguous on this point, and merely to say that creation gave shape to formlessness need not entail anycreatio ex nihilo. This much seems uncontroversial. Nevertheless, closer examination also shows that the Scrolls and the rabbis do consistently affirm Israel's God as the creator ofallthings, explicitly including matter itself. Graeco-Roman antiquity axiomatically accepted that ‘nothing comes from nothing’, which also meant the pre-existence of matter. To be sure, the conceptual terminology of ‘nothingness’ came relatively late to Christians, and even later to Jews. Yet the substantive concern for God's free creation of the world without recourse to pre-existing matter is repeatedly affirmed in pre-Christian Jewish texts, and constitutes perhaps the single most important building block for the emergence of an explicit doctrine of ‘creation out of nothing’. In its Jewish and Christian origins, therefore, the idea ofcreatio ex nihiloaffirms creation's comprehensive contingency on the Creator's sovereignty and freedom. This in fact is a point which has been rightly and repeatedly accented in both historic and modern Christian theology on this subject (e.g. by K. Barth and E. Brunner, J. Moltmann and C. Gunton). Well before its explicit articulation in dialogue with Hellenistic philosophy, the doctrine of God's creation of all matter was rooted in biblical texts and their Jewish interpretation, which in turn came to be refined and enriched through Christian–Jewish dialogue and controversy.
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49

Eddinger, Terry W. "Book Review: The Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 42, no. 2 (April 19, 2012): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146107912441309k.

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50

Garland, David E. "Book Review: Early Judaism and its Modern Interpreters." Review & Expositor 84, no. 2 (May 1987): 326–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463738708400215.

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