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Journal articles on the topic 'Early medieval politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

RAO, VELCHERU NARAYANA, and SANJAY SUBRAHMANYAM. "Notes on Political Thought in Medieval and Early Modern South India." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2009): 175–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003368.

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AbstractThis essays deals with a neglected and significant strand of Indian political thought by describing and analysing the corpus known as nīti in the context of medieval and early modern South India (in particular with reference to the Telugu-speaking region). Works of nīti are presented here within a larger context, as they evolve from the medieval Andhra of the Kakatiyas into the Vijayanagara period, the Nayakas, and beyond. They are also opposed and contrasted to other texts written within the broad category of dharmashāstra, which seem to deal with a far more conservative project for the management of society and politics within a caste-based framework. Authors and compilers dealt with include Baddena and Madiki Singana, but also the celebrated emperor-poet Krishnadevaraya (r. 1509–29). An argument is made for the continued relevance of these texts for the conduct of politics in South Asia, into and beyond the colonial period.

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2

Archibald, Linda, and Brian Murdoch. "The Germanic Hero: Politics and Pragmatism in Early Medieval Poetry." Modern Language Review 94, no. 1 (January 1999): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736082.

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3

Sergeev, Victor. "“INTUITIVE POLITICS” IN EARLY MEDIEVAL PRE-STATES: AMALFI AND VENICE." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 64, no. 1 (2012): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2012-64-1-132-146.

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4

Ahl, Diane Cole, and Charles M. Rosenberg. "Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22, no. 3 (1992): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205001.

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5

McConnell, Winder, and Brian Murdoch. "The Germanic Hero: Politics and Pragmatism in Early Medieval Poetry." German Quarterly 70, no. 4 (1997): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408081.

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6

Eldevik, Randi. "The Germanic Hero: Politics and Pragmatism in Early Medieval Poetry.Brian Murdoch." Speculum 72, no. 4 (October 1997): 1201–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865993.

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7

Pauly, Rebecca M., and Charles M. Rosenberg. "Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy, 1250-1500." Italica 68, no. 3 (1991): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/479657.

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8

Kohl, Benjamin G., and Charles M. Rosenberg. "Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy, 1250-1500." Sixteenth Century Journal 22, no. 3 (1991): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541486.

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9

Bentlage, Björn, and Gerold Necker. "The Politics of Sufism and Ḥasidut in Medieval Egypt." Entangled Religions 4 (July 14, 2017): 54–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v4.2017.54-89.

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The present article is, firstly, a review of a recent publication by Elisha Russ-Fishbane that will, secondly, seek to develop an entanglement perspective on piety in the Ayyubid age. Elisha Russ-Fishbane’s book offers the first systematic presentation of the Jewish pietist movement in late twelfth- and early thirteenth-century Egypt. It is largely based on a selection of Genizah documents, the writings of the movement’s pivotal figures, as well as a synthetic and critical discussion of the disparate remarks in previous publications. The present text will seek to summarize Russ-Fishbane’s book, discuss it in relation to other pertinent literature, and suggest some thoughts on Jewish-Muslim relations, parallels to Jewish pietism in Germany, and the book’s relevance for the perspective of entanglement.

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10

Wangerin, Laura. "Empress Theophanu, Sanctity, and Memory in Early Medieval Saxony." Central European History 47, no. 4 (December 2014): 716–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001927.

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The Empress Theophanu, wife of Otto II and regent for her son Otto III, was by all accounts a woman skilled at maneuvering through the complicated world of Ottonian politics. When she died in 991 CE, around the age of thirty, she had accomplished much: after arriving in Italy from Constantinople in 972 at around the age of twelve, she became Otto II's queen and was crowned empress of the Western Empire. During her lifetime, she was among the wealthiest women in Europe and one of the continent's most powerful people. After her husband's death, she secured the succession of her son, Otto III, and actively ruled as regent, successfully navigating the dangerous political world of the Western Roman Empire. Her activities included building churches, placing her daughters in positions of power in key nunneries, issuing acts as imperator and imperatrix, receiving ambassadors, waging war and negotiating peace—essentially doing everything expected of a male emperor with the exception of personally engaging in battle. Thietmar of Merseburg, writing around 1013, praises her rule as regent, stating that she held the kingdom for her son “in a manly fashion,” clearly intending this as a compliment. And yet, after her death and the premature death of her son a few years later, Theophanu seems to disappear from the historical record. Despite the great number of contemporary sources in which she figured during her lifetime and immediately after her death, including charters and donations, letters, chronicles, and annals, we know almost nothing about her. The few sources that do mention her in the period following her death have little good to say about her. Why did this woman fall into disfavor?

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11

LESTER, MOLLY. "The Politics of Sound and Song: Lectors and Cantors in Early Medieval Iberia." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 3 (February 18, 2021): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046920001517.

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In early medieval Iberia, Suevic and Visigothic conversions to Nicene Christianity in the 560s and 580s generated ongoing episcopal and royal attention to cathedral liturgies and to the clerics who performed them. This article turns to this Iberian context to illuminate how lectors and cantors and their aural duties became increasingly central to the production of Christian orthodoxy. It is argued that in the early 600s Visigothic anxieties over the production of correct liturgical sound eventually became a focal point of longstanding episcopal efforts to clericalise the minor officers of the Church.

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12

Olson, Katharine K. "Religion, Politics, and the Parish in Tudor England and Wales: A View from the Marches of Wales, 1534–1553." Recusant History 30, no. 4 (October 2011): 527–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013169.

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Historians of early modern England benefit from a rich and varied array of contemporary accounts by individuals that shed light on the local, regional, and wider impact of religious and other policies of successive monarchs. These include the narrative of Robert Parkyn, a Yorkshire priest, of the years 1532–54, Rose Hickman's recollections of Protestant life during the reign of Mary Tudor, to the chronicle of Henry Machyn in 1550–1563, to name but a few. More broadly, too, the history of the book and its import in illuminating various aspects of medieval and early modern popular culture, devotion, piety, reading practices and other related topics has been widely recognised. They have been successfully mined in recent years by various scholars of medieval and early modern England, Ireland, and beyond, from Eamon Duffy to Salvador Ryan and Raymond Gillespie.

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13

Claussen, M. A., and Hans Hummer. "Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe: Alsace and the Frankish Realms, 600-1000." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478398.

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14

Fasolt, Constantin, and Francis Oakley. "Politics and Eternity: Studies in the History of Medieval and Early-Modern Political Thought." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 3 (2000): 823. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671102.

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15

Thacker, Alan. "The power of the Word: the influence of the Bible on early medieval politics." Early Medieval Europe 7, no. 3 (February 26, 2003): ii. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0254.00028.

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16

Kagan (book author), Richard L., and Fabien Montcher (review author). "Clio and the Crown: The Politics of History in Medieval and Early Modern Spain." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 4 (March 15, 2014): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i4.20993.

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17

Edmonds, Fiona. "The Emergence and Transformation of Medieval Cumbria." Scottish Historical Review 93, no. 2 (October 2014): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2014.0216.

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There has long been uncertainty about the relationship between the polities known as Strathclyde and Cumbria. Did medieval writers apply these terms to the same kingdom, or were Strathclyde and Cumbria separate entities? This debate has significant implications for our understanding of the politics of northern Britain during the period from the late ninth century to the twelfth. In this article I analyse the terminology in Latin, Old English, Old Norse, Welsh and Irish texts. I argue that Strathclyde developed into Cumbria: the expansion of the kingdom of Strathclyde beyond the limits of the Clyde valley necessitated the use of a new name. This process occurred during the early tenth century and created a Cumbrian kingdom that stretched from the Clyde to the south of the Solway Firth. The kingdom met its demise in the mid-eleventh century and Cumbrian terminology was subsequently appropriated for smaller ecclesiastical and administrative units. Yet these later usages should not be confused with the tenth-century kingdom, which encompassed a large area that straddled the modern Anglo-Scottish border.

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18

Osiander, Andreas. "Before sovereignty: society and politics in ancien régime Europe." Review of International Studies 27, no. 5 (December 2001): 119–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210501008051.

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In the discipline of International Relations (IR), it seems to be an uncontroversial point that the passage of European civilization from the middle ages to the early modern period was also the transition from a system with a single supreme secular regent, the emperor, to one with plural supreme regents. This is implied in the ubiquitous view that the Thirty Years' War was a struggle between the ‘medieval’ conception of imperial suzerainty and hegemony over christendom and the ‘modern’ conception of a system composed of independent ‘sovereign’ states, with the 1648 peace that ended the war enshrining the victory of the latter.

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19

Edward Whalen, Brett. "Political Theology and the Metamorphoses of The King’s Two BodiesThe King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology, by Ernst H. Kantorowicz." American Historical Review 125, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 132–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1225.

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Abstract As is well known, Ernst H. Kantorowicz’s groundbreaking 1957 study The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology explored the “dual nature” of the king’s body in medieval and early modern religious and political thought, tracing the evolution of an idea that would ultimately underwrite the “myth of the State,” namely, that the king possessed a mortal, transitory body, but also a supranatural one that never died. Readers greeted The King’s Two Bodies as an exceptional contribution to medieval studies immediately upon its publication. As Whalen relates, however, a growing awareness of where the book fits into the trajectory of Kantorowicz’s life and early career in 1920s and 1930s Germany has reshaped scholarly analyses of his famous work. Increasing numbers of scholars now interpret Kantorowicz’s study of medieval political theology as a response and oblique challenge to contemporary theories about the theological origins of modern sovereignty, including the work of Carl Schmitt. As Whalen also suggests, in recent years, the so-called return of religion to the public sphere and ongoing debates about the validity of the “secularization” narrative, positing the transference of religious concepts to secular politics in the modern age, has inspired further rounds of critical interest in The King’s Two Bodies. Now over sixty years old, Kantorowicz’s book seems as important and vital as ever, experiencing transformations in its reception that few could have imagined when it first appeared in print.

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20

Dey, Hendrik. "POLITICS, PATRONAGE AND THE TRANSMISSION OF CONSTRUCTION TECHNIQUES IN EARLY MEDIEVAL ROME, c. 650–750." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (January 10, 2019): 177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246218000363.

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Well into the seventh century, masons in Rome built bonded-masonry walls using materials and techniques directly descended from antiquity. But walls erected starting in the eighth century are very different and distinctively ‘medieval’. The late seventh / early eighth century therefore represents a moment of rapid transition or even rupture in the Roman building industry, when older ways of doing things ceased forever. Drawing on recently excavated structures on the Palatine and at San Paolo fuori le Mura that offer new insights into this crucial transitional period, I suggest that the break with centuries-old building traditions reflects a fundamental shift in mechanisms of patronage, and of control over the city's built environment. After a hiatus in the second half of the seventh century, when the Roman construction industry languished between a Byzantine administration in decline and a Church bureaucracy not yet empowered to supplant it, early eighth-century popes faced the challenge of creating anew the means and methods to build on a substantial scale. The newly excavated structures of the early eighth century offer an unexpected perspective on the growth of, and the growing pains experienced by, Rome's nascent papal government.

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21

Izbicki, Thomas M. "Politics and Eternity: Studies in the History of Medieval and Early-Modern Political Thought (review)." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 3 (2000): 502–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0021.

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22

Dodd, Gwilym. "County and Community in Medieval England*." English Historical Review 134, no. 569 (August 2019): 777–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez187.

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Abstract The ‘county community’ is something of a hot potato amongst late medieval political historians. Since the publication of an influential article by Christine Carpenter in 1994, in which she condemned the county community as anachronistic and conceptually flawed, research on the political structures of late medieval England has mostly avoided the term and the idea. In other fields, the methodological challenges and conceptual complexities underpinning the idea of ‘community’ have been embraced and new, more nuanced understandings of how medieval people organised and represented themselves collectively have been achieved. It is now time for historians of politics and government in late medieval England to move beyond reductionist arguments about the existence or otherwise of county communities to investigate the assumptions and social realities that lay behind contemporary references to the ‘commonalty’, ‘commons’ or ‘people’ of one or more counties. This discussion offers the first in-depth analysis of the single most important evidence for grass-roots expressions of county solidarity: county community petitions. It argues that the county was not merely the creation of administrative expedience on the part of the Crown, but provided the basis for real and meaningful expressions of collective identity and corporate action locally. What underpinned the concept of the ‘county community’, and what gave it particular strength, was its inclusivity and flexibility. The discussion concludes by considering the particular circumstances of the early fourteenth century which helped stimulate a culture of corporate identity and self-help on the basis of the county unit.

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23

Alfaisal, Haifa S. "The Politics of Literary Value in Early Modernist Arabic Comparative Literary Criticism." Journal of Arabic Literature 50, no. 3-4 (November 11, 2019): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570064x-12341387.

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Abstract The modernist epistemic disconnect from the “medieval Islamic republic of letters,” Muhsin al-Musawi argues, is attributable both to the incursion of Enlightenment-infused European discourse and a failure to read the import of the republic’s significant cultural capital. This article explores the effects of Eurocentric incursions on transformations in literary value in two of the earliest known works of comparative Arabic literary criticism: Rūḥī al-Khālidī’s Tārīkh ʿilm al-adab ʿind al-ifranj wa-l-ʿarab wa-fiktūr hūkū (The History of the Science of Literature of the Franks, the Arabs, and Victor Hugo, 1902) and Aḥmad Ḍayf’s Muqaddimah li-dirāsat balāghat al-ʿarab (Introduction to the Study of Arab balāghah, 1921). I employ the various theoretical formulations of the decolonial school of thought, primarily Walter Mignolo’s coloniality/modernity complex, in tracing these epistemological shifts in literary value and focus on the internalization of Eurocentric critiques of Arabic literary capital. I also discuss the politics involved in such processes, presenting a decolonial perspective on these modernists’ engagement with their Arabic critical heritage.

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Berend, Nora. "Violence as Identity: Christians and Muslims in Hungary in the Medieval and Early Modern Period." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000040.

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Wrote Miklós Zrínyi (Nikola Zrinski) in the mid seventeenth century about those who died fighting against the Ottomans. The poet, who himself was engaged in both politics and war, defined Hungarian identity as Christian and premised on warfare unto death against Muslims.

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25

Frye, David. "Bishops as Pawns in Early Fifth-Century Gaul." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 3 (July 1991): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900003341.

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From 408 to 420 two men dominated the political landscape of southern Gaul: Constantine III and Constantius. They found there a region that was rife with centrifugal forces - fierce city rivalries, a squabbling priesthood, and an opportunistic nobility. But they also found a region whose unique resources made it indispensable to the stability of their regimes; southern Gaul was then both highly urbanised and rich in commerce, a prime source for taxes and educated bureaucratic officers. Not surprisingly, both Constantine and Constantius focused a great deal of energy on ensuring the continued loyalty and stability of the region. Both men were soldiers, and thus occasionally brutal in pursuit of their objectives, but their Gallic policies also reflected intelligent statecraft and an acute awareness of the changing world in which they lived. It was a world in which the border between Christianity and politics was rapidly fading, and the work of these two men both anticipated and epitomized the mixture of religion and realpolitik so characteristic of the medieval world.

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Hosington, Brenda M. "Translation, Early Printing, and Gender in England, 1484-1535." Florilegium 23, no. 1 (January 2006): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.23.005.

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The introduction of printing to England at the beginning of the early modern period intersected with an ongoing interest in matters concerning the querelle des femmes. One result was the production of fourteen translations from Latin and French, twelve of medieval and two of humanist origin. Discussing all fourteen translations, this article proposes an overview of the varying ways in which translation, publishing, and gender were closely intertwined. The source texts, spanning almost four hundred years, varied in provenance, style, and genre and appealed to different audiences. The translating methods used are equally varied, but all owe something to what Sheila Delany calls "the literature of sexual politics."

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Nielson, Lisa. "GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF MUSIC IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC COURTS." Early Music History 31 (2012): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127912000010.

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Until the ninth century, the role of the professional musician in pre-Islamic Arabia and Mesopotamia was primarily fulfilled by women. Men were socially prohibited from working as musicians, though some transgressed gender and social boundaries by adopting feminine dress and playing ‘women's’ instruments. With the advent of Islam, patronage of qiyān (singing girls), mukhannathūn (effeminates) and later, male musicians, did not substantially change. During the early Abbasid era (750–950 ce), however, their collective visibility in court entertainments was among several factors leading to debates regarding the legal position of music in Islam. The arguments for and against took place in the realm of politics and interpretation of religious law yet the influence of traditional expectations for gendered musical performance that had existed on the cultural landscape for millennia also contributed to the formation of a musical semiotics used by both sides.In this article, I examine the representation of musicians in the early Islamic court in Baghdad from the perspective of select ninth-century Arabic texts. First, I begin with a summary of the gender roles and performance expectations for pre-Islamic court musicians and point to their continuation into the early Islamic courts. Then, I suggest how the figure of the musician became a key referent in the development of a musical semiotics used in medieval Islamic music discourse.

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HAINES, JOHN. "Living troubadours and other recent uses for medieval music." Popular Music 23, no. 2 (May 2004): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143004000133.

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This essay aims to expand on existing narratives of medieval music performance by exploring recent interpretations of the troubadours. Recent advances in the field of ethnomusicology, popular music and medieval music reception suggest the need to view medieval music performance in ways other than the conventional narrative of early music performance. This article focuses on the troubadours, originally song-makers in the late medieval Midi, or South of France. Based on my interviews with recent ‘living troubadours’ in the United States and France, I present evidence for multifarious musical interpretations of the art de trobar, or medieval troubadour art. Living troubadours under consideration here include Eco-Troubadour Stan Slaughter from Missouri and Occitan rap group Massilia Sound System from Marseille. The latter claim a special distinction as living descendants of the original troubadours; the former views himself as more remotely related to medieval music. And while all the different musicians considered here offer widely contrasting interpretations of the medieval art de trobar, they do have in common certain recent musical influences, along with a view of folk music as an open-ended, and musically flexible category. All of these artists are also united in their belief that the essence of folk song is an urgent message which, though it may range from recycling to anti-centralist politics, consistently controls the musical medium. What the groups considered here have in common with traditional early music groups is their creative use of contemporary influences to evoke for their audience the Middle Ages.

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Tock, Benoît-Michel. "Hummer (Hans), Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe. Alsace and the Frankish Realm, 600-1000." Revue d’Alsace, no. 136 (October 1, 2010): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/alsace.227.

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Dugan, H. "Scent of a Woman: Performing the Politics of Smell in Late Medieval and Early Modern England." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 38, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-2007-025.

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Vanderputten, Steven. "Faith and Politics in Early Medieval Society: Charlemagne and the Frustrating Failure of an Ecclesiological Project." Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 96, no. 3-4 (December 2001): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rhe.3.10.

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32

Kennedy, Kathleen E. "Prosopography of the Book and the Politics of Legal Language in Late Medieval England." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 3 (July 2014): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.105.

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AbstractThis article explores the intersection of book history and prosopography. It uses several case studies of copies of the medieval parliamentary statutes translated into English, together with later copies of English statutes translated into French, to argue for both thick prosopographical study of individual volumes and large, statistically based studies of books drawn from the largest possible data sets. Together, these methods amount to a new “prosopograhy of the book.” The case studies analyzed here reveal a complicated politicized relationship not only between script and print but also between French and English in the early Tudor era.

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Fabian, Lara. "Bridging the Divide: Marriage Politics across the Caucasus." Electrum 28 (2021): 221–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.21.015.13373.

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The early relationships between the polities of Armenia and K‘art‘li in the South Caucasus and their neighbours in the North Caucasus is a central, but underappreciated, factor in the development of the South Caucasus’ social and political world in the Hellenistic period. Typically, only military aspects of these interactions are considered (e.g., Alan raids and control thereof). Hazy evidence of cross-Caucasus marriage alliances preserved in both the Armenian and Georgian historiographic traditions, however, hints at a far wider sphere of interaction, despite the inherent challenges in gleaning historical reality from these medieval accounts. This paper contextualizes two stories of cross-Caucasus marriage related to foundational dynastic figures in the Armenian and Georgian traditions, Artašēs and P‘arnavaz respectively, within a wider body of evidence for and thought about North-South Caucasus interaction. Taken as a whole, this consideration argues that North-South relationships should be seen as integral to the political development of the South Caucasus.

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Wadden, Patrick. "Dál Riata c. 1000: Genealogies and Irish Sea Politics." Scottish Historical Review 95, no. 2 (October 2016): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2016.0294.

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Recent scholarship has identified the last decade of the tenth century as a period of special significance in the transmission of genealogical texts related to the early medieval kingdom of Dál Riata. Some of those responsible for the preservation of these texts seem to have been especially concerned to assert the ancestral link between the kings of Scotland in their own time and the earlier rulers of Dál Riata. This paper argues that the interest shown in this genealogical connection, the accuracy of which has been doubted, arose in response to specific political circumstances. Although Dál Riata disappeared almost entirely from the contemporary record at the end of the eighth century, its reappearance in historical and pseudo-historical texts written in Ireland during the late tenth and early eleventh centuries suggests that several parties from across the Irish Sea world were then competing for authority in the region. In this context the heightened interest in their descent from the rulers of Dál Riata apparent in texts of the 990s can be understood as an assertion of the political rights of the kings of Scotland in the face of contemporary challenges from Ireland and the Isles.

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35

de Vries, Lyke. "The Rosicrucian Reformation." Daphnis 48, no. 1-2 (March 19, 2020): 270–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04801011.

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The first two Rosicrucian texts, the Fama Fraternitatis and the Confessio Fraternitatis, were published in the early seventeenth century as mission statements of a secret fraternity. This article investigates a key aspect of these heterodox writings that is not fully explored in the existing literature, namely the call for a general reformation of religion, politics, and knowledge. This article compares this call for reform, which was embedded into an apocalyptic context, to medieval and early-modern prophecies and confessional views, and thereby aims to establish its origins and originality.

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Komarzyca, Daniel. "The „Tao” of Ethics and Politics: A Radical Reading of Taoist Philosophy." Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 14, no. 4 (January 9, 2020): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1895-8001.14.4.6.

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The paper explores the possibility of finding radical elements of individualistic and libertarian especially left-libertarian thought in Taoist philosophy. It demonstrates that philosophical Taoism should be treated in a comprehensive way, with a particular emphasis on ethics. In connection with this, the anti-authoritarian ethico-political dimension of early Taoism is examined, and it is argued that the Taoist philosophers of ancient China had a deep respect for the equal liberty of individuals, who are all unique by nature. As a result, findings suggest that Taoist anarchism in early medieval China evolved as the logical conclusion from ancient Taoist ethico-political thought since radical ideas were embodied in it. The research goal of this paper is to develop a Taoist-libertarian virtue ethics and to show its political relevance. Therefore, it is also intended to show how Taoist libertarianism avant la lettre undermines political authority despite being neither consequentialist nor deontological, unlike typical American libertarianism.

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37

Balkwill, Stephanie. "When Renunciation is Good Politics: The Women of the Imperial Nunnery of the Northern Wei (386–534)." Nan Nü 18, no. 2 (February 20, 2016): 224–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685268-00182p02.

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In order to examine the ways in which women of the court interacted with the Buddhist monastic establishment in early medieval China, this article investigates one particularly important nunnery, the imperially-funded Yaoguang si (Jeweled radiance nunnery) of the Northern Wei (368–534). Using the Luoyang qielan ji (Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang, T. no. 51.2092), the Weishu (Book of the Wei), and selections from entombed mortuary epigraphy, or muzhiming, the study will introduce a number of women from the Yaoguang si whose lives complicate our understandings of what it meant to be a bhikṣuṇī (nun) in early medieval China, particularly in the turbulent North. Arguing that the women of the Northern Wei court moved in and out of the nunnery in order to advance their own political standing and safeguard their tumultuous lives, this study will reveal how ordained women appear to have lived at court, while, in some cases, women of indeterminate ordination status lived in the nunnery. Such a study both problematizes received notions of Buddhist ordination for women in China – largely influenced by the Biqiuni zhuan (Biographies of the Bhikṣuṇīs, T. no. 50.2063) – while also exposing just how antagonistic life was for women who lived and worked in a patriarchal court that did not provide space or opportunity for them to advance politically.

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Lawson, Todd. "The Politics of Knowledge in Premodern Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i3.1536.

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This is an excellent book. With a beautiful, exemplary scholarly style, OmidSafi treats the reader to a deep sounding of accounts of the frequently marginalizedplayers and problems of Islamicate intellectual, religious, political, and social history. The welcome news is that we must learn to treat nothingas marginal in the formation of culture and thought. The audiences andconversations analyzed and interpreted here provide a previously largelyunnoticed door to some very serious truths about the rise, formation, andespecially the characteristic institutional formations of early and later medievalIslamicate society. While I think the title is a mistake (premodern producesinappropriate expectations), one is equally sympathetic with theauthor’s avoidance of the “M” word for a number of reasons. One of themost pernicious of these is that medieval frequently functions as a euphemismfor Islamic or Islamicate in a milieu still disinclined to appreciate theformative, creative, and enduring genius of this great civilization and thedebt that our world so profoundly owes it. Forgive the khutbah, but it seemsthat this cannot be repeated too often, unfortunately ...

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Hirel-Wouts, Sophie. "Richard L. Kagan, Clio and the Crown: The Politics of History in Medieval and Early Modern Spain." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 41-2 (November 1, 2011): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.4145.

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Freed, John B. "Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe: Alsace and the Frankish Realm, 600-1000. Hans J. Hummer." Speculum 82, no. 2 (April 2007): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400009714.

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Scull, Christopher. "Power and Politics in Early Medieval Britain and Ireland. Edited by S. T. Driscolland M. R. Nieke." Archaeological Journal 147, no. 1 (January 1990): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1990.11077970.

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WEST, CHARLES. "Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe: Alsace and the Frankish Realm, 600-1000 - by Hans Hummer." Early Medieval Europe 15, no. 4 (October 10, 2007): 460–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2007.00217_5.x.

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Ryan, Michael F. "S. T. Driscoll and M. R. Nieke (ed), Power and politics in early medieval Britain and Ireland." Peritia 8 (January 1994): 246–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.227.

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Ian Wood. "Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe: Alsace and the Frankish Realm, 600–1000 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 2 (2008): 328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.0.0051.

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Bowers, Kristy Wilson. "A Review of “Clio and the Crown: The Politics of History in Medieval and Early Modern Spain”." History: Reviews of New Books 39, no. 1 (November 23, 2010): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2011.520196.

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Bowie, Karin, and Alasdair Raffe. "Politics, the People, and Extra-Institutional Participation in Scotland, c. 1603–1712." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 797–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.119.

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AbstractThis article examines popular political participation in early modern Scotland. In Scotland, some of the preconditions of public politics identified by recent scholars were less obviously present than in England or France. There was no culturally dominant metropolis or royal court; the volume of printed publications, though rising across the period, remained comparatively small. Because of these characteristics, historians of popular involvement in Scottish politics should pay particular attention to the traditional means of participation inherited from the medieval and Reformation periods. The article explores three forms of extra-institutional participation, each of which evolved out of formal, institutional political practices, but were deployed by ordinary Scots seeking to express their views. Protestations––formal statements of dissent from a statute or decision––developed in the courts, but were used in extramural contexts in the seventeenth century. Crowd demonstrations in towns took the place of traditional means of consultation, as urban government became increasingly oligarchical. And after congregational involvement in the appointment of parish ministers was legally instituted in 1690, significant numbers of small landowners and the landless poor claimed to have a say in the choice of their minister.

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Carpenter, Christine. "Gentry and Community in Medieval England." Journal of British Studies 33, no. 4 (October 1994): 340–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386061.

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There is now a strong case for banning the word “community” from all academic writing and an even stronger one for banning it from the vocabulary of politics. As one early modern historian has put it, the word is becoming a “shibboleth.” It is employed where “group” or “society,” for example, would be more appropriate, and, worst of all, its use is often not just a matter of slack thought but expresses an implicit hankering for some mythical past when there were “communities.” The increasing overworking of the word by politicians and other public figures can be related to an uneasy feeling that the sense of belonging and of mutual obligation implicit in the idea of “community” are disappearing. Accordingly, if they call things “communities” often enough, that will somehow create them. This prelapsarian attitude to communities is, as we shall see, quite as fundamental to historical use of the term. It is the purpose of this article to examine critically how the word has been applied in relation to the medieval English gentry, to ask whether there can be any legitimate use in this context, and to look at the types of identity, whether communitarian or not, that may have obtained among this important group within medieval society.Historiographically, the “gentry community,” as is well-known, first appeared in the seventeenth century, specifically in the work of Alan Everitt.

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Gallego, María Ángeles, and Patricia Giménez-Eguíbar. "HE WHO LOSES HIS LANGUAGE LOSES HIS LAW: THE POLITICS OF LANGUAGE IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN IBERIA." Ideação 22, no. 2 (December 7, 2020): 121–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.48075/ri.v22i2.25293.

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Todorov, Boris. "Politics and Power in Early Medieval Europe: Alsace and the Frankish Realm, 600–1000 by Hans J. Hummer." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 38, no. 1 (2007): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2007.0042.

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Branch, Jordan. "Mapping the Sovereign State: Technology, Authority, and Systemic Change." International Organization 65, no. 1 (January 2011): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818310000299.

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AbstractThis article examines the effect of cartography on the development of the modern state system. I argue that new mapping technologies in early modern Europe changed how actors thought about political space, organization, and authority, thus shaping the creation of sovereign states and international relations. In particular, mapping was fundamental to three key characteristics of the medieval-to-modern shift: the homogenization of territorial authority, the linearization of political boundaries, and the elimination of nonterritorial forms of organization. Although maps have been interpreted as epiphenomenal to political change, each of these three transformations occurred first in the representational space of maps and only subsequently in the political practices of rulers and states. Based on evidence from the history of cartographic technologies and their use by political actors, the practices and texts of international negotiations, and the practical implementation of linearly bounded territoriality by states, this article argues that changes in the representational practices of mapmaking were constitutive of the early-modern transformation of the authoritative structure of politics. This explanation of the international system's historical transformation suggests useful new directions for investigations into the possibility of fundamental political change due to the economic, social, and technological developments of globalization.

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