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Relevant bibliographies by topics / East Africa Federation

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Academic literature on the topic 'East Africa Federation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "East Africa Federation"

1

MILFORD, ISMAY. "FEDERATION, PARTNERSHIP, AND THE CHRONOLOGIES OF SPACE IN 1950s EAST AND CENTRAL AFRICA." Historical Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 1325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000712.

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AbstractThis article assesses the relationship between the imposed Central African Federation (1953–63) and the ways in which East and Central African thinkers and leaders conveyed and pursued the possibilities of decolonization. Existing literature on federalism in twentieth-century Africa fails to place regional projects in dialogue, studying in isolation East Africa and Central Africa, ‘utopian’ and oppressive regionalisms. But such clear dividing lines were not articulated in the four discursive ‘sketches’ of East and Central Africa that this article brings to light: those of anti-Federation organizations in Nairobi and Ndola in 1952; students at Makerere College (Kampala) in 1953; mobile Malawian activists in regional and pan-African forums around 1955–8; and East African party publicity representatives around 1958–60. At each of these critical moments, thinkers creatively constructed various relationships between geographical space and chronological change, through the lens of a broader, interdependent East and Central Africa, as a means to fend off perceived threats to a precarious advancement towards a democratic future. Attending to the evolution of these ideas shows not only how the Central African Federation placed material constraints on regional solidarity, but how ‘thinking regionally’ could support the case for national borders, even before decolonization.

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VAUGHAN, CHRIS. "THE POLITICS OF REGIONALISM AND FEDERATION IN EAST AFRICA, 1958–1964." Historical Journal 62, no. 2 (2018): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x18000407.

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AbstractRecent scholarship discussing the ‘federal moment’ in world history after 1945 has re-examined alternatives to the nation-state in the years of decolonization, arguing against any inevitable transition from empire to nation. This article focuses on the case of East Africa, where federation seemed an attractive and likely prospect by 1963, yet never came to pass. Here, the politics of federation should be understood as a constitutive part of the contested nation-state-making process, rather than a viable alternative to it. For the leaders who initiated the politics of federation in the 1960s, regional unity promised the further centralization of power and a means of defeating ‘tribalist’ opposition. For their opponents, federation was seized on as a means of promoting the autonomy of provinces or kingdoms within a larger federal unit. Ultimately, regionalist aspiration was inseparable from national politics, and negotiations among the leaders of East African states demanded the definition of national interests which divided states rather than united them. Such conclusions suggest that historians of the federal moment might more productively focus on the functions of federalist discourse in the making of nation-states rather than debating the viability of federalist projects.

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Fagbayibo, Babatunde. "Common Problems Affecting Supranational Attempts in Africa: An Analytical Overview." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 1 (2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i1a2303.

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Ever since the colonial era, attempts have been made throughout the various regions of Africa at building supranational units chiefly for administrative and legal convenience. Examples of such attempts include the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, the East African High Commission and the federations in former French West and Equatorial Africa, all of which were attempts at forging a supranational nation state. These experiments laid the foundation for further supranational initiatives in post-colonial Africa. In this respect, every region in Africa has either experimented with or is currently experimenting with the idea of supranational regional organisations. This article aims at investigating selected attempts at supranationalism on the continent, the successes and failures of such experiments, and the lessons to be learnt from them. As Africa embarks on the journey of solidifying its unity through the establishment of leviathan continental institutions, efforts should be geared towards building on the experiences of past and present experiments at the sub-regional level. Such experiments offer instructive lessons as they are rooted in similar historical and social contexts.

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Njoh, Ambe J. "Toponymic Inscription as an Instrument of Power in Africa: The case of colonial and post-colonial Dakar and Nairobi." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 8 (2016): 1174–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616651295.

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This study analyses toponymic inscription, the exercise of street/place naming, as a tool for articulating power in Anglophone and Francophone Africa. The focus is on Dakar, Senegal and Nairobi, Kenya, which were respectively indispensable for the colonial projects of France and Britain in Africa. Dakar was for France’s West African Federation what Nairobi was for Britain’s colonial East Africa. It is shown that toponymic inscription was used with equal zeal by French and British colonial authorities to express power in built space. Thus, both authorities used the occasion to christen streets and places as an opportunity to project Western power in Africa. With the demise of colonialism, indigenous authorities in Kenya inherited the Western vocabulary of spatiality but speedily moved to supplant Eurocentric with Afrocentric street/place-names. In contrast, post-colonial authorities in Senegal remain wedded to the colonial tradition of drawing most important street- and place-names from the Eurocentric cultural lexicon. Consequently, although the vocabulary of spatiality in Nairobi projects African nationalism and power, that of Dakar continues to express mainly Western power.

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Pretorius, Z. A., W. H. P. Boshoff, and G. H. J. Kema. "First Report of Puccinia striiformis f. sp. tritici on Wheat in South Africa." Plant Disease 81, no. 4 (1997): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.1997.81.4.424d.

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During August 1996, stripe (yellow) rust, caused by Puccinia striiformis f. sp. tritici, was observed for the first time on bread wheat (Triticum aestivum) in the Western Cape, South Africa. Ensuing surveys during the growing season indicated that stripe rust occurred throughout most of the wheat-producing areas in the winter rainfall regions of the Northern, Western, and Eastern Cape provinces. The disease was also observed on irrigated wheat in the summer rainfall area south of Kimberley. Stripe rust was most severe in the Western Cape, where prolonged cool and wet conditions favored epidemic development and necessitated extensive and often repeated applications of triazole fungicides. Due to spike infection and destruction of foliage, significant losses in grain quantity and quality occurred in certain fields. Avirulence/virulence characteristics of 32 stripe rust isolates, collected from commercial wheat fields, trap nurseries, and triticale, were determined on 17 standard differential wheat lines and seven supplementary testers supplied by C. R. Wellings, Plant Breeding Institute, Cobbitty, Australia. All isolates were representative of one pathotype, characterized by avirulence to Chinese 166 (Yr1), Vilmorin 23 (Yr3), Moro (Yr10), Strubes Dickkopf, Suwon 92/Omar, Clement (Yr2,9), Triticum aestivum subsp. spelta var. album (Yr5), Hybrid 46 (Yr4), Reichersberg 42 (Yr7), Heines Peko (Yr2,6), Nord Desprez (Yr3), Carstens V, Spaldings Prolific, Heines VII (Yr2), Federation*4/Kavkaz (Yr9), and Avocet-S/Yr15, and by virulence to Kalyansona (Yr2), Heines Kolben (Yr2,6), Lee (Yr7), Compair (Yr8), and Federation 1221. Cultivars Trident (Yr17), Avocet-R (YrA), and Selkirk (YrSk) appeared heterogeneous for stripe rust reaction. The pathotype resembled race 6E16, previously detected in East and North Africa, the Middle East, and western Asia. Pathotype identity was confirmed at IPO-DLO, Wageningen, using one South African isolate of P. striiformis f. sp. tritici. In view of the rapid dispersal of the pathogen during 1996, susceptibility of several high-yielding cultivars, and favorable climatic conditions in many wheat-growing areas, stripe rust is considered potentially damaging to South African wheat production. Field observations and seedling tests have shown, however, that certain cultivars are resistant to the introduced pathotype. At present the genetic basis of this resistance is largely unknown.

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6

Romaniello, Matthew P. "Decolonizing Siberian Minds." Sibirica 18, no. 2 (2019): v—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2019.180201.

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Russian imperialism continues to leave a strong imprint on indigenous cultures across Siberia, and throughout the Russian Federation and the post-Soviet republics. Imperialism is invasive and persistent, and it might be impossible to escape its consequences. In 1986, African novelist and postcolonial theorist Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o published his influential essay collection, Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. One of his arguments is that no postcolonial subject could be free from the constraints of imperialism until she or he succeeded in freeing the mind from the trap of an imposed (and foreign) language. Ngũgĩ’s experience was based on his own life growing up in Kenya, but his lesson is as applicable to Siberia as it is for East Africa. For indigenous Siberians, language and education are at the forefront of the ongoing postcolonial struggle to maintain their cultural identities in modern Russia.

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Abalian, Anna I. "Middle Eastern policy of the Russian Federation in the post-soviet period: Dynamics of development." Political Expertise: POLITEX 16, no. 2 (2020): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.205.

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The article is an overview of the main directions of the policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East from 1991 to the present. Certain stages are identified when the transformation of the paradigm of the Middle East foreign policy and, accordingly, the change in the role of Russia in the regional arena took place. Various domestic and foreign policy factors are considered, which caused the loss of Russia’s influence in the countries of the region in the 1990s and early 2000s, but with the change in geopolitical realities, they lost their significance. This made it possible from the mid-2000s to begin the process of restoring ties with traditional Middle Eastern partners, simultaneously with the development of new areas of cooperation, in particular, with Israel and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. The article also identifies strategic priorities that affect the nature of relations between Russia and such key countries of the region as Iran and Turkey as well as determine the dynamics of their development. Particular attention is paid to the comparative analysis and assessment of the geopolitical consequences of the policy of “active neutrality” in the early stages of the “Arab Spring”, which led to the weakening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa in addition to Russian positions in the region as a whole, and Russia’s armed intervention strategy within the current Syrian crisis. In conclusion, the author argues that there is a need for further development and diversification of contacts with the countries of the Middle East region in the formation of Russian foreign policy taking into account new trends in the world political and economic arena.

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8

Kahamba, Joseph F., Anthony B. Assey, Robert J. Dempsey, Mahmood M. Qureshi, and Roger Härtl. "The Second African Federation of Neurological Surgeons Course in the East, Central, and Southern Africa Region Held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, January 2011." World Neurosurgery 80, no. 3-4 (2013): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wneu.2011.07.021.

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9

Osmond, Thomas. "Competing Muslim legacies along city/countryside dichotomies: another political history of Harar Town and its Oromo rural neighbours in Eastern Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 1 (2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000803.

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ABSTRACTBetween the Middle East and Eastern Africa, the city of Harar is often considered as the main historical centre of Islam in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Until recently, the cultural hegemony of the Muslim elites inhabiting Harar was commonly opposed to the almost pagan behaviours of the Oromo – or ‘Galla’ – farmers and cattle herders living in the wide rural vicinity of the town. The 1995 Constitution provided the different ‘ethnolinguistic nationalities’ of the new Ethiopian federation with the same institutional recognition. However, the institutionalisation of the two Harari and Oromo ‘nationalities’ seems to foster the historical duality between the city-dwellers and their close neighbours. This article proposes another political history of Harar and its ambivalent Oromo partners through the local dynamics of the Muslim city/countryside models. It reveals the both competing and complementary orders that have probably bound together the populations of Harar and its rural hinterland for more than five hundred years.

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10

Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.

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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "East Africa Federation"

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Rector, Chad. "Federations in international politics /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089474.

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2

Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard. "An assessment of the role played by political leaders, nationalism and sub-nationalism in the establishment and collapse of the East African community, 1960-1977." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2335.

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The process which culminated in the establishment of the East African Community (EAC) in 1967 started in the early 1920s. The idea was first conceived in Britain. Initially, East Africans vehemently opposed this idea fearing that it would sustain British hegemony in the region, but their resentment did not prevent the establishment of the East African High Commission (EAHC) in January 1948. It was only in the 1950s and 1960s that East African leaders embraced the idea due to political and economic reasons. In 1961 they converted the EAHC into the East African Common Services Organisation (EACSO) and in 1967 they established the EAC. Nationalism and sub-nationalisms in the region cast a spell on the EAC. The coup, which took place in Uganda in 1971, strained relations between Idi Amin and Presidents Nyerere and Kenyatta thus making it impossible to hold regional meetings. Eventually, the EAC collapsed in June 1977.<br>Political Science<br>M.A. (Politics)

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3

Omoro, Mariam Fatuma Akoth. "Organisational effectiveness of regional integration institutions: a case study of the East African community." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1325.

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This study sought to establish the critical underpinnings for the organisational effectiveness of regional integration institutions (RIIs). The interest arose out of a general observation of failure by RIIs in Africa to effectively achieve the objectives for which they were established. Informed by theories of organisational effectiveness, the study hypothesised that RIIs are likely to be effective in achieving the objectives for which they were established if the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are embedded in their institutional structures, systems and processes. The East African Community (EAC) was used as a unit of analysis. A comparative analysis of the world's most advanced RII, the European Union (EU) was also undertaken. The findings revealed that the basic fundamentals of organisational effectiveness theory are only weakly ingrained in the EAC while deeply embedded in the EU. Recommendations were made on how the EAC could improve its organisational effectiveness.<br>PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION<br>MA (PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION)

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Books on the topic "East Africa Federation"

1

International Federation of Women Lawyers. Regional Meeting--Africa and Middle East. Law and shelter : Regional Meeting, Africa and Middle East, Nairobi, 7th-10th December 1987, International Federation of Womeh Lawyers. The Federation, 1987.

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2

Shachtman, Tom. Airlift to America: How Barack Obama, Sr., John F. Kennedy, Tom Mboya, and 800 East African students changed their world and ours. St. Martin's Press, 2010.

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3

Report of the Committee on Fast Tracking East African Federation, 26th November, 2004. East African Community, 2004.

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Arne, Tostensen, ed. Fast-tracking East African integration: Assessing the feasibility of a political federation by 2010. Institute of Policy Analysis and Research, 2005.

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Katiba, Kituo cha, ed. Federation within federation: The Tanzania Union experience and the East African integration process : a report of the Kituo cha Katiba fact-finding mission to Tanzania. Fountain Publishers on behalf of Kituo cha Katiba, 2010.

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6

Muriuki, Godfrey, and Abunuwasi Mwami. The federo question of Buganda in Uganda within the context of the East African Political Federation: A report of the Kituo cha Katiba fact-finding mission to Uganda. Edited by Kituo cha Katiba. Fountain Publishers on behalf of Kituo cha Katiba: Eastern Africa Centre for Constitutional Development, 2012.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Joint hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, One Hundred Second Congress, first session : Conference on Security, Stability, Development, and Cooperation in Africa, July 30, 1991. U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Ninety-ninth Congress, second session : Soviet and East European emigration policies, April 22, 1986. U.S. G.P.O., 1986.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Ninety-ninth Congress, second session : Soviet and East European emigration policies, April 22, 1986. U.S. G.P.O., 1986.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, CSCME, prospects for collective security in the Middle East, October 14, 1993. U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "East Africa Federation"

1

Vaughan, Chris, Julie MacArthur, Emma Hunter, and Gerard McCann. "Thinking East African: Debating Federation and Regionalism, 1960–1977." In African Histories and Modernities. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52911-6_3.

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"6. The Unraveling of East Africa and the Caribbean." In Federations. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9780801459177-008.

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Schimmelfennig, Frank, Thomas Winzen, Tobias Lenz, et al. "The East African Community." In The Rise of International Parliaments. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864974.003.0013.

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The East African Community (EAC) was established in 1967, abolished ten years later, and re-established in 1999. In both cases, it included an international parliamentary institution, the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA). EALA is remarkable for its far-reaching legislative competencies. The EALA is best explained by a combination of diffusion and purpose. The chapter argues that the EAC builds on colonial institutions for the East African region, which were oriented towards establishing a federation and had always featured a legislative assembly. Member states followed this organizational template in both 1967 and 1999. Democratization, while not a cause of EALA itself, is shown to play a role in strengthening EALA in the 1999 treaty.

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de Jong, Greta. "To Build Something, Where They Are." In You Can't Eat Freedom. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629308.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the efforts of the Federation of Southern Cooperatives to encourage cooperative enterprises and other economic development initiatives in rural southern communities. The services it provided to cooperatives ensured the survival of many black-owned businesses and encouraged African Americans to remain in the South instead of migrating away. The FSC’s activist staff continued the struggles for civil rights and social justice by working to increase black representation in economic development initiatives, encouraging black political participation, and organizing local communities to fight persistent racism. These efforts generated resistance from powerful white southerners. In 1979, accusations that the FSC was misusing government grants to fund political activities sparked an eighteen-month-long investigation that disrupted and weakened the organization, despite finding no evidence of wrongdoing.

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Albert, Richard. "Why Amendment Rules?" In Constitutional Amendments. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190640484.003.0002.

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Virtually all constitutions codify amendment rules. But why? What are the uses and purposes of constitutional amendment rules? Amendment rules of course create a legal process for reformers to alter the constitution. But amendment rules serve important purposes even if the constitution is never amended at all because they have essential uses beyond the obvious one of textual alteration. Amendment rules have three categories of uses: formal, functional, and symbolic. Their formal uses include repairing imperfections, distinguishing constitutional from ordinary law, entrenching rules against easy repeal or revision, and establishing a predictable procedure for constitutional change. Their functional uses include checking the court, promoting democracy, heightening public awareness, pacifying change, and managing difference. Symbolically, amendment rules can be used to express constitutional values. This chapter explains all of these many uses of amendment rules and illustrates each of them with examples drawn from constitutions around the world. This chapter also interrogates the symbolic uses of amendment rules: How can we know whether the values expressed in constitutional amendment rules reflect authentic political commitments? This chapter explains with reference to the German Basic Law that it is possible to evaluate the authenticity of the values in amendment rules by investigating the design of amendment rules and their subsequent interpretation. This chapter considers constitutions from Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Central African Republic, Chad, China, Cuba, Ecuador, Germany, Kazakhstan, Kiribati, Saint Lucia, South Africa, Spain, the Russian Federation, the Soviet Union, Ukraine, the United States, and Yugoslavia.

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Conference papers on the topic "East Africa Federation"

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Heard, R. G. "International Initiatives Addressing the Safety and Security of Disused Sealed Radioactive Sources (DSRS)." In ASME 2010 13th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2010-40028.

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High activity radioactive sources provide great benefit to humanity through their utilization in agriculture, industry, medicine, research and education, and the vast majority are used in well-controlled environments. None-the-less, control has been lost over a small fraction of those sources resulting in accidents of which some had serious — even fatal — consequences. Indeed, accidents and incidents involving radioactive sources indicate that the existing regime for the control of sources needs improvement. Additionally, today’s global security environment requires more determined efforts to properly control radioactive sources. Consequently, the current regimes must be strengthened in order to ensure control over sources that are outside of regulatory control (orphan sources), as well as for sources that are vulnerable to loss, misuse, theft, or malicious use. Besides improving the existing situation, appropriate norms and standards at the national and international levels must continue to be developed to ensure the long-term sustainability of control over radioactive sources. In order to improve the existing situation, concerted national and international efforts are needed and, to some degree, are being implemented to strengthen the safety and security of sources in use, as well as to improve the control of disused sources located at numerous facilities throughout the world. More efforts must also be made to identify, recover, and bring into control orphan sources. The IAEA works closely with Member States to improve the safety and security of radioactive sources worldwide. Besides the IAEA Technical Assistance Programme and Technical Cooperation Fund, donor States provide significant financial contributions to the Nuclear Security Fund and/or direct technical support to other States to recover condition and transfer disused sources into safe and secure storage facilities and to upgrade the physical protection of sources that are in use. Under the USA-Russian Federation-IAEA (“Tripartite”) Initiative, for example, disused sources of a total activity of 2120 TBq (57251 Ci) were recovered and transported into safe and secure storage facilities in six countries of the former Soviet Union. Additionally, physical protection upgrades were performed in thirteen former Soviet Union republics at facilities using or storing high activity radioactive sources. Other donors have also provided funding for projects related to the safety and security of radioactive sources in the same region. Additionally, the EU and other countries are making regular and significant contributions to the IAEA for projects aimed at upgrading the safety and security of radioactive sources in South-Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Asia and Africa. Depending on the status of the radioactive source (in use, disused, or orphan) and the actual technical, safety and security situation, several options exist to ensure the source is properly brought or maintained under control. This paper will describe those options and the systematic approach followed by the IAEA in deciding on the most appropriate actions to take for the high activity sources that need to be recovered or removed from the countries under that request assistance.

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