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1
Adebayo, Folasade A., Suvi T. Itkonen, Taina Öhman, Essi Skaffari, Elisa M. Saarnio, Maijaliisa Erkkola, Kevin D. Cashman, and Christel Lamberg-Allardt. "Vitamin D intake, serum 25-hydroxyvitamin D status and response to moderate vitamin D3 supplementation: a randomised controlled trial in East African and Finnish women." British Journal of Nutrition 119, no. 4 (February 28, 2018): 431–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000711451700397x.
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AbstractInsufficient vitamin D status (serum 25-hydroxyvitamin D (S-25(OH)D)<50 nmol/l) is common among immigrants living at the northern latitudes. We investigated ethnic differences in response of S-25(OH)D to vitamin D3 supplementation, through a 5-month randomised controlled trial, in East African and Finnish women in Southern Finland (60°N) from December 2014 to May 2015. Vitamin D intakes (dietary and supplemental) were also examined. Altogether, 191 subjects were screened and 147 women (East Africans n 72, Finns n 75) aged 21–64 years were randomised to receive placebo or 10 or 20 µg of vitamin D3/d. S-25(OH)D concentrations were assessed by liquid chromatography–tandem MS. At screening, 56 % of East Africans and 9 % of Finns had S-25(OH)D<50 nmol/l. Total vitamin D intake was higher in East Africans than in Finns (24·2 (sd 14·3) v. 15·2 (sd 13·4) µg/d, P<0·001). Baseline mean S-25(OH)D concentrations were higher in Finns (60·5 (sd=16·3) nmol/l) than in East Africans (51·5 (sd 15·4) nmol/l) (P=0·001). In repeated-measures ANCOVA (adjusted for baseline S-25(OH)D), mean S-25(OH)D increased by 8·5 and 10·0 nmol/l with a 10-µg dose and by 10·7 and 17·1 nmol/l with a 20-µg dose for Finns and East Africans, respectively (P>0·05 for differences between ethnic groups). In conclusion, high prevalence of vitamin D insufficiency existed among East African women living in Finland, despite higher vitamin D intake than their Finnish peers. Moderate vitamin D3 supplementation was effective in increasing S-25(OH)D in both groups of women, and no ethnic differences existed in the response to supplementation.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Middle East and Islamic Studies in South Africa." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 28, no. 1 (July 1994): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400028443.
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Although muslims make up less than two percent of South Africa’s total population, they are a well-established community with high visibility. In 1994 South Africans will celebrate 300 years of Islam in South Africa. The introduction of Islam to South Africa is usually attributed to Sheikh Yusuf, a Macasser prince exiled to South Africa for leading resistance against Dutch colonization in Malaysia. But the first Muslims in South Africa were actually slaves, imported by the Dutch colonists to the Cape mainly from India, the Indonesian archipelago, Malaya and Sri Lanka beginning in 1667. The Cape Muslim community, popularly but inaccurately known as “Malays” and known under the apartheid system as “Coloureds,” therefore, is the oldest Muslim community in South Africa. The other significant Muslim community in South Africa was established over 100 years later by northern Indian indentured laborers and tradespeople, a minority of whom were Muslims. The majority of South African Indian Muslims now live in Natal and Transvaal. Indians were classified as “Asians” or “Asiatics” by the apartheid system. The third ethnically identifiable group of Muslims in South Africa were classified as “African” or “Black” by the South African government. The majority of Black Muslims are converts or descendants of converts. Of the entire Muslim population of South Africa, some 49% are “Coloureds,” nearly 47% are “Asians,” and although statistics regarding “Africans” are generally unreliable, it is estimated that they comprise less than four percent of the Muslim population. Less than one percent of the Muslim population is “White.”
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Becker, Felicitas, and P. Wenzel Geissler. "Searching for Pathways in a Landscape of Death: Religion and AIDS in East Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 1 (2007): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006607x166564.
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AbstractThe commonalities of eastern Africa's history from colonial occupation to the formation of nation states and their post-postcolonial decay, the region's shared experiences with the religions of the book—fist Islam and later Christianity—and its shared struggle with the physical, social, political and epistemological predicament of HIV/AIDS, make East Africa, with its cultural and historical diversity, a suitably coherent field to study the relationship between religion and the experience of AIDS-related suffering. The papers in this issue explore how AIDS is understood and confronted through religious ideas and practices, and how these, in turn, are reinterpreted and changed by the experience of AIDS. They reveal the creativity and innovations that continuously emerge in the everyday life of East Africans, between bodily and spiritual experiences, and between religious, medical, political and economic discourses. Countering simplified notions of causal effects of AIDS on religion (or vice versa), the diversity of interpretations and practices inserts the epidemic into wider, and more open, frames of reference. It reveals East Africans' will and resourcefulness in their struggle to move ahead in spite of adversity, and goes against the generalised vision of doom widely associated with the African AIDS epidemic. Finally, it shows that East Africans understand AIDS not as a singular event in their history, but as the culmination of a century-long process of changing spiritual imaginaries, bodily well-being and livelihoods. Intimately connected to political history and economic fortunes, it presents itself at present as an experience of loss and decay, yet it remains open-ended.
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Coates, Oliver. "New Perspectives on West Africa and World War Two." Journal of African Military History 4, no. 1-2 (October 26, 2020): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00401007.
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Abstract Focusing on Anglophone West Africa, particularly Nigeria and the Gold Coast (Ghana), this article analyses the historiography of World War Two, examining recruitment, civil defence, intelligence gathering, combat, demobilisation, and the predicament of ex-servicemen. It argues that we must avoid an overly homogeneous notion of African participation in the war, and that we should instead attempt to distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, as well as differentiating in terms of geography and education, all variables that made a significant difference to wartime labour conditions and post-war prospects. It will show how the existing historiography facilitates an appreciation of the role of West Africans in distinct theatres of combat, and examine the role of such sources as African war memoirs, journalism and photography in developing our understanding of Africans in East Africa, South and South-East Asia, and the Middle East. More generally, it will demonstrate how recent scholarship has further complicated our comprehension of the conflict, opening new fields of study such as the interaction of gender and warfare, the role of religion in colonial armed forces, and the transnational experiences of West Africans during the war. The article concludes with a discussion of the historical memory of the war in contemporary West African fiction and documentary film.
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Somerville, Carolyn. "Pensée 2: The “African” in Africana/Black/African and African American Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 2 (May 2009): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809090606.
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In Pensée 1, “Africa on My Mind,” Mervat Hatem questions the perceived wisdom of creating the African Studies Association (focused on sub-Saharan Africa) and the Middle East Studies Association a decade later, which “institutionalized the political bifurcation of the African continent into two academic fields.” The cleaving of Africa into separate and distinct parts—a North Africa/Middle East and a sub-Saharan Africa—rendered a great disservice to all Africans: it has fractured dialogue, research, and policy while preventing students and scholars of Africa from articulating a coherent understanding of the continent.
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Burton, Eric. "Decolonization, the Cold War, and Africans’ routes to higher education overseas, 1957–65." Journal of Global History 15, no. 1 (February 13, 2020): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281900038x.
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AbstractFrom the late 1950s, Africans seeking higher education went to a rapidly increasing number of destinations, both within Africa and overseas. Based on multi-sited archival research and memoirs, this article shows how Africans forged and used new routes to gain access to higher education denied to them in their territories of origin, and in this way also shaped scholarship policies across the globe. Focusing on British-ruled territories in East Africa, the article establishes the importance of African intermediaries and independent countries as hubs of mobility. The agency of students and intermediaries, as well as official responses, are examined in three interconnected cases: the clandestine ‘Nile route’ from East Africa to Egypt and eastern Europe; the ‘airlifts’ from East Africa to North America; and the ‘exodus’ of African students from the Eastern bloc to western Europe. Although all of these routes were short-lived, they transformed official scholarship provisions, and significantly shaped the postcolonial period in the countries of origin.
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wa Muiu, Mueni. "African Countries’ Political Independence at Fifty: In Search of Democracy, Peace and Social Justice." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341271.
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Abstract What lessons can we draw from the past fifty years of political independence in African countries? Which mistakes can we avoid in the future? Can there be peace without social justice? Four mistakes must be avoided if democracy, peace and social justice are to be achieved in African countries. Drawing on lessons from Central, East, North, West and Southern Africa, I use Fundi wa Africa – a multidisciplinary approach based on a long term historical perspective to argue that individual nationhood (the first mistake) has not resulted in democracy and peace. Only Pan-Africanism (based on the needs and interests of Africans as they define them) will lead to democracy and peace. The second mistake is that leading international financial institutions (IFI) and some Africans assume that democracy has to be introduced to Africa. This assumption is based on the belief that Africans and their culture have nothing to contribute to their own development. As a result liberal democracy is promoted by these agencies as the only option available for African countries. The third mistake is the belief that a colonial state which was developed to fulfill the market and labor needs of colonial powers can lead to democracy and peace for Africans. The fourth mistake is African leaders’ and their supporters’ conviction that neither African intellectuals nor women have any place in African development and may only be given symbolic positions. Without economic independence, the political gains of the past fifty years will be lost. The founding fathers and mothers of Africa’s freedom fought and achieved political independence, but it is up to the next generation to strive for economic empowerment. Only then will African countries cease to be homes for bankrupt ideas as they are freed from conflict and hunger.
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Milej, Tomasz. "East African Community (eac) – Inspiring Constitutional Change by Promoting Constitutionalism?" International Organizations Law Review 20, no. 2 (September 12, 2023): 160–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-20020003.
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Abstract The East African Community (eac) is considered to be one of the most successful international organizations in Africa. Due to the founding Treaty’s commitment to democracy, human rights, rule of law and to achieving of a political federation, one may think that the eac has a potential to promote the ideas of transformative African constitutionalism in the participating states. However, the history of regional integration in East Africa, the eac’s current institutional set-up and its substantive law tell a different story. The organization’s elitist legacy and an integration model depending on the goodwill of the heads of state do not fully deliver on the principles which the Treaty pronounces. It is the pro-active stance taken by the East African Court of Justice (eacj) and to some extent also by the East African Legislative Assembly (eala) that keeps the constitutionalism and the hopes of East Africans alive.
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OJWANG, DAN ODHIAMBO. "THE PLEASURES OF KNOWING: IMAGES OF ‘AFRICANS’ IN EAST AFRICAN ASIAN LITERATURE." English Studies in Africa 43, no. 1 (January 2000): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00138390008691288.
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Davidson, Apollon. "Our African Studies Were Born Twice. Notes for Discussion." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020877-3.
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The article looks at the first period of Soviet African studies, when they were located within the framework of the Communist International. It is noted that the goal of the Comintern institutions and organizations associated with African countries was primarily to spread among them the idea of the coming world proletarian revolution — and that Africans should become its participants. This goal was the main one in the education system that was offered to Africans invited to study at the Moscow KUTVE — the Communist University of the Working People of the East or at the Comintern International Lenin School. Therefore, in the Comintern scientific and educational organizations, much attention was drawn to the changes in the social structures of African societies, especially to the growth of the proletariat and to the emergence of political and trade union associations.
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Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie. "The Colonial Response to African Slaves in British India ‐ Two Contrasting Cases." African and Asian Studies 10, no. 1 (2011): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921011x558628.
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Abstract The African presence in India, especially in the Deccan and Gujarat, has been well documented. Scattered references to discrete groups of Africans in other parts of India are less well known. The author recently identified a group of African slave descendants living in Lucknow, the capital of a former kingdom in northern India, following the discovery of pertinent East India Company records in the National Archives, New Delhi. Why the Africans were brought to this particular kingdom will be examined, together with their treatment by the British Government in India after the Mutiny of 1857/58. At the same time, the Government was setting up an ‘African Asylum’ in Bombay, to house and educate African children liberated from an Arab slave ship at Karachi. The question of inconsistent government policy towards African slaves in British India will be examined and it will be argued that it was tempered by differing regional and political considerations.
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Pitsiladis, Yannis. "The Dominance of East Africans in Distance Running." Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise 37, Supplement (May 2005): S134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1249/00005768-200505001-00709.
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Pitsiladis, Yannis. "The Dominance of East Africans in Distance Running." Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise 37, Supplement (May 2005): S134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005768-200505001-00709.
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Sayi, J. G., D. R. D. Premkumar, N. B. Patel, A. S. Bhandari, S. Gatere, W. B. Matuja, R. P. Friedland, E. Koss, and R. N. Kalaria. "503 Apolipoprotein E alleles in elderly east Africans." Neurobiology of Aging 17, no. 4 (January 1996): S125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0197-4580(96)80505-7.
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Kalyango, Yusuf. "East Africans Find Radio More Credible than Newspapers." Newspaper Research Journal 35, no. 2 (March 2014): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953291403500205.
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Nasir, Salsabil Osman, Helen McCarthy, and Ihab Abdel-Rahim Mohamed Ahmed. "Prevalence and Risk Factors of New-onset Diabetes after Transplant in East Africans." Saudi Journal of Kidney Diseases and Transplantation 34, no. 4 (2023): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/1319-2442.395449.
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Very little is known about the prevalence of new-onset diabetes after transplant (NODAT) in sub-Saharan and Eastern Africans. Most of the data are related to African Americans and to North and South Africans. The aims of this study were to examine the prevalence of NODAT in Sudanese renal transplant recipients, compare it with the published literature, and identify the risk factors for developing NODAT. In total, 150 patients who received a living-related kidney transplant between January 2015 and January 2016 were included in this study. Patients with diabetic nephropathy and pretransplant diabetes were excluded. Follow-up was for 2 years after the transplant. The variables studied were age, sex, body mass index, a family history of diabetes mellitus (DM), pretransplant steroid therapy, dyslipidemia, and hepatitis C virus infection. Twenty- three patients (15.3%) developed NODAT during the study period. The mean age of the patients who developed NODAT was 39 ± 14 years, and the mean time to develop NODAT was 5.78 ± 5.9 months. In the multivariate analysis, the risk factors for developing NODAT were a family history of DM (P = 0.01) and pretransplant steroid therapy (P = 0.01). The prevalence of NODAT in this study was 15.3%, which is in line with the reported literature from North Africa. However, it was significantly lower than the reported prevalence in African Americans.
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Udah, Hyacinth, Parlo Singh, Kiroy Hiruy, and Lillian Mwanri. "African Immigrants to Australia: Barriers and Challenges to Labor Market Success." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 8 (July 21, 2019): 1159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619861788.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the employment experiences of immigrants of African background in the Australian labor market. Drawing on the findings from a qualitative study conducted in South East Queensland, the paper identifies several barriers and challenges faced by Africans to meaningful employment and labor market success. The paper indicates the need to develop targeted policies to eliminate employment discrimination, reduce barriers to meaningful employment for good settlement and successful integration of African immigrants to Australia.
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Ejiogu, EC, and Adaoma Igwedibia. "The World Wars and Their Legacies in Africa and in the Affairs of Africans: The Case of East Africa—Kenya." Journal of Asian and African Studies 57, no. 1 (November 17, 2021): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211054914.
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This article drew from prominent Kenyan novelist-writer, Ngúgí wa Thiong’o’s personal history on the World Wars and their legacies in Africa and on the affairs of Africans, with a focus on East Africa, and especially his country of Kenya. Ngúgí, whose birth in 1938 and childhood years were on the cusp of the World War II (WWII), reveals that the likes of his father who dodged conscription into Britain’s Carrier Corps in the first War, and the conscription of his two elder brothers—one of whom died in service while the other returned home alive—for military service in WWII constitute significant and relevance issues for careful exploration on the subject matter of both World Wars and their legacies on the African continent. So are the various actors whose advent as actors in the affairs of Africans and others in East Africa is directly linked to World Wars I and II. Those would include the likes of Carey Francis, who came on in 1940 as the principal of the exclusive all-boys Alliance High where a generation of Kenyans that included Ngúgí received British-style public school education, Evelyn Baring, the then colonial governor-general of Kenya who superintended the imposition of the State of Emergency in Kenya, in the period 1952–1959, and even Idi Amin, a rank and file African enlistee in the King’s African Rifles (KAR) in the aftermath of the World War II. Amin and his ilk were deeply involved in the highly repressive British-led campaign during the State of Emergency in Kenya that led to the death of many of their fellow Africans. It is also noteworthy that as a soldier and subsequently, Amin became a central actor in the politics of post-independence Uganda sequel to his overthrow of Milton Obote’s government in a 1971 military coup d’état. The spiraling violence that Amin’s advent enhanced in Uganda’s body politic remains a recurrent feature of governance in that East African state. The analytical reconstruct that emerged in the article is illuminated with elements of C. Wright Mills’ age-old and all-time relevant original theory-rich methodological construct, “the sociological imagination” as the theoretical framework.
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Horton, Mark. "Asiatic colonization of the East African coast: the Manda evidence." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 118, no. 2 (April 1986): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x00139899.
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The history of early settlement of the East African coast is currently interpreted in widely differing ways. One view takes as its premise the idea that the coast was first colonized from Asia. This hypothesis, which has its roots in the work of XlXth century historians suggests that there was substantial settlement by non-Africans who established trading and religious communities. These colonies formed the basis of what has come to be known as the Swahili Culture. At first defensible peninsulas and offshore islands were chosen as safe refuges from the African tribes of the interior. Eventually contact was established between these new communities and the African coastal peoples, to the benefit of both parties. Raw materials were obtained from the hinterland of these trading outposts, which were traded and taken across the Western Indian Ocean on the seasonal monsoons. The foreign merchants married local African women and an Afro-Arab culture developed, building stone towns, mosques, and tombs, that still remain today along the coastline from Somalia to Mozambique.
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Wangila, Makhakha Joseph. "Nativization of Fear and Anxiety as Identity in Selected Fiction of East African Asians." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 10, no. 10 (October 27, 2022): 1253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v10i10.sh03.
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This paper explores the concept of fear and anxiety in the identity formation process among East African Asians as captured in their selected works of fiction. It analyses identity and belonging by examining how emotions of fear and anxiety are presented in the selected texts through characterization and imagery. Using Bahadur Tejani's Day After Tomorrow , Peter Nazareth's In a Brown Mantle, M.G Vassanji's The In-between World of Vikram Lall and Imam Verji's Who will Catch Us as We Fall? the paper analyzes the changing trends and images of fear and anxiety among East African Asians, that make their interaction with the native Africans almost impossible. This paper is therefore geared towards exploring how the complexity of contemporary race relations between the Asians of East Africa and the native African communities, which is driven by fear and anxiety, find expression through literary narratives. In this paper I employ psychoanalytic theory in engaging with the texts owing to the emotional issues of fear and anxiety that makes it focus on the fragmented image of the Asian world and explore the alienated individual consciousness such as the interstitial position that the East African Asians find themselves in. I conclude that fear and anxiety play a role in the process of identity formation among East African Asians in their quest for belonging in the region.
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Crawford, Nicholas G., Derek E. Kelly, Matthew E. B. Hansen, Marcia H. Beltrame, Shaohua Fan, Shanna L. Bowman, Ethan Jewett, et al. "Loci associated with skin pigmentation identified in African populations." Science 358, no. 6365 (October 12, 2017): eaan8433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aan8433.
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Despite the wide range of skin pigmentation in humans, little is known about its genetic basis in global populations. Examining ethnically diverse African genomes, we identify variants in or near SLC24A5, MFSD12, DDB1, TMEM138, OCA2, and HERC2 that are significantly associated with skin pigmentation. Genetic evidence indicates that the light pigmentation variant at SLC24A5 was introduced into East Africa by gene flow from non-Africans. At all other loci, variants associated with dark pigmentation in Africans are identical by descent in South Asian and Australo-Melanesian populations. Functional analyses indicate that MFSD12 encodes a lysosomal protein that affects melanogenesis in mice, and that mutations in melanocyte-specific regulatory regions near DDB1/TMEM138 correlate with expression of ultraviolet response genes under selection in Eurasians.
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Bruner, Jason. "‘The Testimony Must Begin in the Home’: The Life of Salvation and the Remaking of Homes in the East African Revival in Southern Uganda, c. 1930-1955." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 3-4 (March 20, 2014): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340021.
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The late colonial era in Uganda was not an easy time to keep families intact. Colonial officials, missionaries, and concerned East Africans offered their diagnoses of the problems and prescriptions for responding to the dilemma. In this context, Balokole Anglican revivalists articulated new patterns and ideals of family life. These new patterns of family life were not uniform across Uganda or East Africa, but they did share common characteristics that were derived from the spiritual disciplines and religious beliefs of the Balokole revival. As such, this essay argues that the revival movement was not simply a new message of eternal salvation or primarily a form of dissent, but rather a means through which a group of African Christians sought to address quotidian domestic problems and concerns of late-colonial East Africa.
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Ward, Kevin. "The East African Revival of the Twentieth Century: the Search for an Evangelical African Christianity." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003727.
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African Christian history in the twentieth century furnishes many examples of what can justifiably be described as revival or renewal. To the extent that Christian evangelization in sub-Saharan Africa was propelled by the European missionary movement, it is not surprising that an important element in revival should be a concern to ground the Gospel in an African milieu, expressive of African cultures and sensibilities, and driven by an autonomous African agency. The missionary forms in which Christianity was expressed came under critical scrutiny. This essay is an examination of the East African Revival, a movement which originated in the Protestant mission churches in the 1930s and which continues to be a major element in the contemporary religious life of Christian churches throughout the region. There has been considerable scholarly debate about whether the East African Revival should best be seen as an ‘importation’ and ‘imposition’ of a western Evangelical revival culture in an African setting, or as marking the emergence of a distinctive ‘African’ religious sensibility expressed within Christian forms. In endeavouring to avoid the implicit essentialism which such polarities often convey, the essay aims to show how the East African Revival can fruitfully be understood as belonging both to the larger Protestant revivalist tradition, while springing out of the distinctive responses of East Africans to the Christian message as they experienced it from within African cultures which were themselves being transformed by colonialism and modernity.
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Francis, Luangisa. "Expansion of the East African Community Vis-À-Vis the Nyerere Thinking to African Unity." Journal of Developing Country Studies 6, no. 1 (December 2, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47604/jdcs.1712.
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Purpose: African Unity has had a long history since the 1960s when most African countries attained Independence. Two major views occurred in the form of moderates who preferred a gradual step towards African Unity and radicals who favored a now-now step towards Unity. The moderates’ camp was led by Julius Nyerere of Tanzania while the radicals’ camp was led by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana. The competing views did not alienate Africans in the quest for unity. They only differed in the pace at which to attain African Unity but were all for Unity. The study examines how the competing views went on side by side and finally as situation come to indicate the moderate view is gaining the upper hand. History has vindicated the moderates as what is actually going on in the name of African Unity is the building of blocks in the form of Regional Economic Communities(RECs) through which African Unity is attained. Apart from touching the whole of Africa, an indicative example is chosen from the East African Community (EAC) as evidenced by the fast-tracking towards integration levels and also the pace at which foreign countries are vying to join the Community.
Methodology: The researcher engaged with interviewees in the cadres of political analysts and scientists and jotted down the ideas pertaining to the two views on African Unity. Literature about African Unity gave a useful touch to the problem in question. Lectures on African Unity compiled in the media like you tube provided another source not forgetting speeches through the same media from persons who were/are actually acquainted with both Nyerere and Nkrumah.
Findings: The outcome of opinions from interviewees, reading literature on African Unity, listening to lectures and speeches from the mass media depicted in general that the majority of Africans preferred a cautious gradual approach and that the process is especially evident in East Africa where cautious fast-tracking and new admissions are the norms hence indicative of Nyerere’s thinking for a gradual approach towards African Unity.
Unique Contribution to Theory, Practice and Policy: The achievements attained in the quest towards Unity so far are very much inclined on the block pattern of integration.
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Mooses, Martin, and Anthony C. Hackney. "Anthropometrics and Body Composition in East African Runners: Potential Impact on Performance." International Journal of Sports Physiology and Performance 12, no. 4 (April 2017): 422–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ijspp.2016-0408.
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Maximal oxygen uptake (V̇O2max), fractional utilization of V̇O2max during running, and running economy (RE) are crucial factors for running success for all endurance athletes. Although evidence is limited, investigations of these key factors indicate that East Africans’ superiority in distance running is largely due to a unique combination of these factors. East African runners appear to have a very high level of RE most likely associated, at least partly, with anthropometric characteristics rather than with any specific metabolic property of the working muscle. That is, evidence suggest that anthropometrics and body composition might have important parameters as determinants of superior performance of East African distance runners. Regrettably, this role is often overlooked and mentioned as a descriptive parameter rather than an explanatory parameter in many research studies. This brief review article provides an overview of the evidence to support the critical role anthropometrics and body composition has on the distance running success of East African athletes. The structural form and shape of these athletes also has a downside, because having very low BMI or body fat increases the risk for relative energy deficiency in sport (RED-S) conditions in both male and female runners, which can have serious health consequences.
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Scott, Robert A., Colin Moran, Richard H. Wilson, Will H. Goodwin, and Yannis P. Pitsiladis. "Genetic influence on East African running success." Equine and Comparative Exercise Physiology 1, no. 4 (November 2004): 273–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/ecp200434.
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AbstractEast African athletes now dominate international distance running events from the 800 m to the marathon. Explanations for their phenomenal success have included optimal environmental conditions for developing distance running performance, psychological advantage and advantageous physiological characteristics. It is well established that genetics plays a role in determining inter-individual differences in exercise performance and adaptation to training stimuli. It is not known, however, to what extent inter-population differences (i.e. between ‘races’ and/or ethnic groups) in exercise performance can be attributed to genetics. There have been considerations that ‘black’ athletes are genetically adapted towards performance, given the concurrent success of athletes of West African ancestry in sprint events. However, the current notion of ‘race’ is not universally accepted, and genetic differences within and between populations are not clearly delineated by geographical or ethnic categorizations. Recent findings from mitochondrial DNA show that the populations from which Ethiopian athletes are drawn have not been isolated populations and are not genetically distinct from other Ethiopians. Y-chromosome analysis of the same population shows concurrent results, although some differences are present between athletes and the general Ethiopian population, suggesting an influence of the Y chromosome on athlete status in Ethiopia. It is concluded that there may be a role for genetics in the success of East African athletes; however, any genetic component to their success is unlikely to be limited to East Africans and is more likely to be found in other populations. At present it is unjustified to implicate a role for genetics in the success of East African runners when no genes have been identified as being important to their performance.
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Pugach, Sara. "Eleven Nigerian Students in Cold War East Germany: Visions of Science, Modernity, and Decolonization." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (December 11, 2018): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418803436.
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This article follows the story of the first African students in the German Democratic Republic, 11 Nigerians who arrived in 1951. Thousands of other African students followed them in the years leading up to the GDR's dissolution in 1990. My work is the first to chronicle the Nigerians' story, and how East Germans received and reacted to these Africans living among them. I focus on what each side hoped to gain from the exchange. East German government officials and university administrators were intent on using the Nigerian students to promote socialism as an alternative in a British colony quickly moving towards independence. Meanwhile, the students wanted scientific educations to help boost their economic standing and class status when they returned to Nigeria. Although Nigeria would never become aligned with the Soviet Bloc after decolonization, in the 1950s East Germans imagined that a socialist future was possible. Drawing on their country's sizable scientific expertise, officials argued that the GDR offered the ideal blend of technological and Marxist knowledge to attract exchange students like the Nigerians into the communist orbit.
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Pesek, Michael. "The War of Legs." Transfers 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 102–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2015.050207.
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This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”
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Faheem, Muhammad Afzal, and Nausheen Ishaque. "Demonizing Africa: A Bend in the River and Naipaul’s Comprador Intellectuality." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (June 26, 2021): 595–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i2.161.
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This paper establishes V.S. Naipaul’s position as a comprador intellectual for his essentialist representation of Africa in A Bend in the River. The position (of comprador intellectual) has been ascribed by Hamid Dabashi to the array of highly feted non-Western writers who justify the Western orientalist (mis)appropriation of the East. The unrelenting orientalist bashing of the imperialized world (Africa in this case) legitimizes the civilizational responsibility of the West to mend the situation of the supposedly inferior Africans. The violent colonial intervention to provide order and stability to the place shows Naipaul’s orientalist world view regarding the colonized Africans. The alleged, all-pervading darkness of Africans can thus be illuminated by the White colonizer’s masterful exercise of power. Naipaul, as an author, functions as a comprador intellectual who appears serving the colonial commercial interest. The West needs to destroy all the cultures that may be potential sites of resistance, so, Naipaul offers a systematic denigration of African culture to sabotage the potential culture of resistance. The narrative of African demonization justifies the colonial machinery and its exercise of violence against the natives. The paper, therefore, calls into question Naipaul’s role as a cultural intermediary, since his 'point of enunciation' (a concept given by Stuart Hall) seems to be resting on an overtly colonial trajectory of the West.
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Nnebedum, Chigozie. "Empirical Identity as Dimension of Development in Africa: With Special Reference to the Igbo Society of South-east of Nigeria." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0039.
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Abstract Identity, as discussed in this paper, is seen as a phenomenon which is constantly changing under certain circumstances. From empirical point of view, the identity of man is influenced by the environment through experience and unconscious socialization; it is continually modified by the individual’s encounter with the world. The aim of this work is to analyse the intricacies involved in understanding the situation and mentality of the Igbos as far as identity is concerned and to determine how this hampers or helps in the development of the Igbo/African society. In this work ‘identity’ as a means of development with regard to the Igbo people of South-East Nigeria is treated. The work is methodically qualitative. It analyses literatures and different views on identity and tailors the discussion of development along the lines of hermeneutical approach to subjective experiences. The Igbos and Africans find themselves sometimes in the danger of a mixture of identity. This is the case with most of the Igbo people who are scattered all over the world and who are becoming more foreign in their trends and ways of life. Being unable to maintain a definite identity, one is lost in the politics of development. Those who still hang on to pure imitation of the western life are jeopardizing their autonomy and by extension, frustrating development of the African society. Rediscovering the Igbo/African Identity and putting it to the service of development in the African continent is the task of the Africans themselves.
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Jones, Rebecca. "‘Nigeria is my Playground’: Pẹlu Awofẹsọ's Nigerian travel writing." African Research & Documentation 125 (2014): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00020665.
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Since the turn of the millennium a crop of travel books by Africans or Africans in diaspora describing their travels within Africa have appeared to assert a fresh African self-representation in travel writing. Noo Saro-Wiwa's travel book Looking for Transwonderland (2012) tells the story of British-Nigerian journalist and travel writer Saro-Wiwa's travels around Nigeria for the first time since the death of her father Ken Saro-Wiwa. Looking for Transwonderland describes Saro-Wiwa's journey all over Nigeria, from Lagos to the north via the east and southwest, including a stop in her father's village in Ogoniland. Saro-Wiwa represents herself as a pioneer, one of the first travel writers of western-published, tourist-oriented travel writing about a country which in global tourism terms is “this final frontier that has perhaps received fewer voluntary visitors than outer space” (p.8).
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MAHONE, SLOAN. "THE PSYCHOLOGY OF REBELLION: COLONIAL MEDICAL RESPONSES TO DISSENT IN BRITISH EAST AFRICA." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001769.
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This article opens with a retelling of colonial accounts of the ‘mania of 1911’, which took place in the Kamba region of Kenya Colony. The story of this ‘psychic epidemic’ and others like it would be recounted over the years as evidence depicting the predisposition of Africans to episodic mass hysteria. This use of medical and psychological language in primarily non-medical contexts serves to highlight the intellectual and political roles psychiatric ideas played in colonial governance. The salience of such ideas was often apparent in the face of increasing social tension, charismatic leadership and a proliferation of East African prophetic movements. This article addresses the attempts by the colonial authorities to understand or characterize, in psychological terms, a progression of African ‘rebellious types’ in society that often took the form of prophets and visionaries, but were diagnosed as epileptic, neurotic or suffering from ‘religious mania’.
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Gadsby, Blair Alan. "The Nones of Mombasa: Religious Disbelief and Disaffiliation on the East African Coast." Journal of Africana Religions 12, no. 1 (January 2024): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrireli.12.1.0029.
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Abstract Religious disbelief (RDb) and religious disaffiliation (RDa), which describe the intellectual, cultural, and social lives of contemporary citizens referred to as “Nones” (i.e., “none of the above” as a respondent’s choice among religious options), are emerging as sociological categories of increasing interest to religious studies scholars. Much of the research done thus far focuses on Western nations and religions. This study and the observations herein apply some of these same interests and methods to the African nonreligious scene. As a field site, the cosmopolitan city of Mombasa (pop. 1.2 million) on the Kenyan coast has for many recent generations been home to a variety of African, Arab, Indian-Asian, and European races, cultures, and religions. African Traditional Religions (ATRs), Islam(s), Indian religions, and Christianities all have a presence in this religiously pluralistic milieu. In this cosmopolitan context, we should expect to find among urban Africans some representation of trends found across the world, one of which is a potentially growing, if silent and low-profile, population called “Nones.”
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Healey, Joseph G. "Now it is Your Turn: East Africans Go in Mission." Missiology: An International Review 31, no. 3 (July 2003): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960303100307.
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This study presents a wide variety of data and examples on East African (Kenyan, Tanzanian, and Ugandan) Catholic missionaries going to other places in their own country, to other countries in Africa, and to other continents. The increasing number of African priests, Brothers, Sisters, and laypeople being sent throughout the world is striking and has important ramifications for the future shape of global Catholicism and global Christianity. The letters (including personal testimonies) from Kenyan missionaries around the world are a source of narrative missiology. Like the famous mission diaries of old, these letters portray both the personal struggles and the searching of the African missionaries themselves and the methods of their missionary evangelization.
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Alpers, Edward A., and Matthew S. Hopper. "Speaking for Themselves? Understanding African Freed Slave Testimonies from the Western Indian Ocean, 1850s-1930s." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 1, no. 1 (September 29, 2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v1i1.20.
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In this article we mine an array of British anti-slavery materials seeking the voices of enslaved East Africans in the western Indian Ocean. We draw attention to the numerous problems of translation involved in this kind of basic research and to the critical role played by both indigenous and British interpreters in the process of enabling captive Africans to “speak for themselves.” The lesson here is that historians must exercise particular care in utilizing these precious sources.
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Raleigh, V. Soni, and R. Balarajan. "Suicide and Self-burning Among Indians and West Indians in England and Wales." British Journal of Psychiatry 161, no. 3 (September 1992): 365–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.161.3.365.
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Suicide levels in England and Wales during 1979–83 were low among males from the Indian subcontinent (SMR 73) and significantly high in young Indian women (age-specific ratios 273 and 160 at ages 15–24 and 25–34 respectively). Suicide levels were low in Caribbeans (SMRs 81 and 62 in men and women respectively) and high in East Africans (SMRs 128 and 148 in men and women respectively). The excess in East Africans (most of whom are of Indian origin) was largely confined to younger ages. Immigrant groups had significantly higher rates of suicide by burning, with a ninefold excess among women of Indian origin. The pressures leading to higher suicide levels among young women of Indian origin highlight the need for making appropriate forms of support and counselling available to this community.
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Udah, Hyacinth. "‘Not by Default Accepted’: The African Experience of Othering and Being Othered in Australia." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 3 (January 23, 2017): 384–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616686624.
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In the face of the increasing migration of black Africans to Australia, this paper seeks to raise conversations about the meta-discourses of Otherness in the Australian society. The paper aims to provide insights into black Africans’ experience of othering and being othered in Australia. The paper draws from a broader study which examined the lived experiences of Africans in South East Queensland and highlights that the presentation of white as norm in Australia, one of or the institutional and social contexts that create conditions reinforcing othering practices, is perpetuated, especially, when the racial order in society is not acknowledged and challenged. The paper proposes that the condition of Africans in Australia may not just be explained by their immigration status or their lack of skills but linked to how they are positioned and constructed in Australia as visible ‘Others.’
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Bjarnesen, Jesper, Jack Boulton, Uroš Kovač, Ndubueze Mbah, Bruce Whitehouse, and Robert Wyrod. "Of Masks and Masculinities in Africa." Africa Spectrum 58, no. 3 (December 2023): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00020397231217520.
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Contemporary forms of precarity, migration, connectivity, and sociality have transformed what it means to be a man in many African communities. Responding with agency and creativity to various incentives and constraints, Africans have adapted practices pertaining to labour, marriage, and sexuality to the exigencies of modern life amid the impacts of European colonialism, rapid urban growth, economic hardship, and political conflict. Drawing upon ethnographic and historical research to study settings in East, West, and Southern Africa, the articles in this special issue review the social changes that have taken place regarding men's roles and assess prospects for the emergence of counter-hegemonic masculinities.
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Baliamoune-Lutz, Mina. "Trade Relations between the GCC and South Africa." Journal of African Development 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2010): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrideve.12.1.0052.
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Abstract In this paper, I present an overview of major similarities and differences between the GCC countries and South Africa and describe South Africa's trade with the Arab Gulf by examining South Africa and GCC's major traded commodities and South Africa's trade with its major trading partners and with the GCC countries. Then I discuss those trade areas that seem to be most promising in South Africa's trade relations with the six GCC countries. Finally, I outline potential future developments. While I primarily discuss these issues from the perspective of South Africa, I also point out potential trade opportunities from GCC countries' perspective. Today the Arab countries of the Middle East face a challenge familiar to all South Africans: to create jobs for the large cohort of young people reaching working age. Over the next decade or so, the Middle East may experience population growth of 150m people – the equivalent of adding two Egypts. In demographic terms, the task is similar to that facing SA–only larger. Rising labor force participation by women only increases the pressure. The task is immense and the stakes are high. Marcus Noland and Howard Pack (2008), Global Dialogue
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Monnakgotla, Nomakhosazana R., Amokelani C. Mahungu, Jeannine M. Heckmann, Gerrit Botha, Nicola J. Mulder, Gang Wu, Evadnie Rampersaud, et al. "Analysis of Structural Variants Previously Associated With ALS in Europeans Highlights Genomic Architectural Differences in Africans." Neurology Genetics 9, no. 4 (June 16, 2023): e200077. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/nxg.0000000000200077.
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Background and ObjectivesAmyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS) is a degenerative condition of the brain and spinal cord in which protein-coding variants in known ALS disease genes explain a minority of sporadic cases. There is a growing interest in the role of noncoding structural variants (SVs) as ALS risk variants or genetic modifiers of ALS phenotype. In small European samples, specific short SV alleles in noncoding regulatory regions ofSCAF4,SQSTM1, andSTMN2have been reported to be associated with ALS, and several groups have investigated the possible role ofSMN1/SMN2gene copy numbers in ALS susceptibility and clinical severity.MethodsUsing short-read whole genome sequencing (WGS) data, we investigated putative ALS-susceptibilitySCAF4(3′UTR poly-T repeat),SQSTM1(intron 5 AAAC insertion),andSTMN2(intron 3 CA repeat) alleles in African ancestry patients with ALS and described the architecture of theSMN1/SMN2gene region. South African cases with ALS (n = 114) were compared with ancestry-matched controls (n = 150), 1000 Genomes Project samples (n = 2,336), and H3Africa Genotyping Chip Project samples (n = 347).ResultsThere was no association with previously reportedSCAF4poly-T repeat,SQSTM1AAAC insertion, and longSTMN2CA alleles with ALS risk in South Africans (p> 0.2). Similarly,SMN1andSMN2gene copy numbers did not differ between South Africans with ALS and matched population controls (p> 0.9). Notably, 20% of the African samples in this study had noSMN2gene copies, which is a higher frequency than that reported in Europeans (approximately 7%).DiscussionWe did not replicate the reported association ofSCAF4,SQSTM1, andSTMN2short SVs with ALS in a small South African sample. In addition, we found no link betweenSMN1andSMN2copy numbers and susceptibility to ALS in this South African sample, which is similar to the conclusion of a recent meta-analysis of European studies. However, theSMNgene region findings in Africans replicate previous results from East and West Africa and highlight the importance of including diverse population groups in disease gene discovery efforts. The clinically relevant differences in theSMNgene architecture between African and non-African populations may affect the effectiveness of targetedSMN2gene therapy for related diseases such as spinal muscular atrophy.
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Simo Bobda, Augustin. "The formation of regional and national features in African English pronunciation." English World-Wide 24, no. 1 (May 9, 2003): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.24.1.03sim.
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Serious studies on English pronunciation in Africa, which are only beginning, have so far highlighted the regional and sociolinguistic distribution of some features on the continent. The present paper revisits some aspects of these studies and presents a sort of pronunciation atlas on the basis of some selected features. But more importantly, the paper examines how these features are formed. It considers, but goes beyond, the over-used theory of mother-tongue interference, and analyses a wide range of other factors: colonial input, shared historical experience, movement of populations, colonial and post-colonial opening to other continents, the psychological factor, speakers’ attitudes towards the various models of pronunciation in their community, etc. For example, the Krio connection accounts for some striking similarities between Nigerian, Sierra Leonean and Gambian Englishes despite the wide geographical distance between them. The positive perception of their accent, which they judge superior to the other West African accents, has, in the past three decades, shaped the English pronunciation of Ghanaians in a particular way. The northward movements of populations have disseminated to East Africa some typically Southern African features. Links between Southern and East Africa, and Asia, are reflected in the presence of some Asian features in East and Southern African Englishes. The paper shows how African accents of English result from the interaction between the influence of indigenous languages and Africans’ exposure to several colonial and post-colonial Englishes.
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Matusevich, Maxim. "An exotic subversive: Africa, Africans and the Soviet everyday." Race & Class 49, no. 4 (April 2008): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808089288.
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The Leninist argument, that the class struggle of the European proletariat was intertwined with the liberation of the `toiling masses of the East', led to an official ideology of Soviet internationalism in which Africans occupied a special place. Depictions of the evils of racism in the US became a staple of Soviet popular culture and a number of black radicals, among them Langston Hughes, Paul Robeson and Claude McKay, flocked to the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s, inspired by the belief that a society free of racism had been created. While there was some truth to this view, people of African descent in the Soviet Union nevertheless experienced a condescending paternalism, reflected also in their cinematic portrayal and in popular literature and folklore. With the onset of the cold war, young Africans were encouraged to study in Russia, where they received a mixed reaction and, on account of occasional conflict with the authorities and Soviet cultural norms, became symbols of dissent against official Soviet culture. Later, in the perestroika period, Africa became a scapegoat for popular discontent amidst a worsening climate of racism.
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Sutaria, Shailen, Rohini Mathur, and Sally A. Hull. "Does the ethnic density effect extend to obesity? A cross-sectional study of 415 166 adults in east London." BMJ Open 9, no. 5 (May 2019): e024779. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2018-024779.
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ObjectivesTo examine the prevalence of obesity by ethnic group and to examine the association between ethnic density and obesity prevalence.Design and settingCross-sectional study utilising electronic primary care records of 128 practices in a multiethnic population of east London.ParticipantsElectronic primary care records of 415 166 adults with a body mass index recorded in the previous 3 years.Outcome measures(1) Odds of obesity for different ethnic groups compared with white British. (2) Prevalence of obesity associated with each 10% increase in own-group ethnic density, by ethnic group.ResultsUsing multilevel logistic regression models, we find that compared with white British/Irish males, the odds of obesity were significantly higher among black ethnic groups and significantly lower among Asian and white other groups. Among females, all ethnic groups except Chinese and white other were at increased odds of obesity compared with white British/Irish. There was no association between increasing ethnic density and obesity prevalence, except among black Africans and Indian females. A 10% increase in black ethnic density was associated with a 15% increase in odds of obesity among black African males (95% CI 1.07 to 1.24) and 18% among black African females (95% CI 1.08 to 1.30). Among Indian females, a 10% increase in Indian ethnic density was associated with a 7% decrease in odds of obesity (95% CI 0.88 to 0.99).ConclusionWider environmental factors play a greater role in determining obesity than the ethnic composition of the area for most ethnic groups. Further research is needed to understand the mechanism through which increasing ethnic density is associated with increased odds of obesity among black Africans and decreased odds of obesity among Indian females.
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Kayima, J., J. Liang, Y. Natanzon, J. Nankabirwa, I. Ssinabulya, J. Nakibuuka, A. Katamba, et al. "Association of genetic variation with blood pressure traits among East Africans." Clinical Genetics 92, no. 5 (March 19, 2017): 487–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cge.12974.
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Wilson, Richard. "Can Genetics Explain the Dominance of East Africans in Distance Running." Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise 37, Supplement (May 2005): S134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1249/00005768-200505001-00710.
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Wilson, Richard. "Can Genetics Explain the Dominance of East Africans in Distance Running." Medicine & Science in Sports & Exercise 37, Supplement (May 2005): S134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00005768-200505001-00710.
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Kalaria, R. N., J. A. Ogeng’o, N. B. Patel, J. G. Sayi, J. N. Kitinya, H. M. Chande, W. B. Matuja, et al. "Evaluation of Risk Factors for Alzheimer’s Disease in Elderly East Africans." Brain Research Bulletin 44, no. 5 (January 1997): 573–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0361-9230(97)00310-9.
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Matte, Claudine, Julie Lacaille, Lynn Zijenah, Brian Ward, and Michel Roger. "HLA-G exhibits low level of polymorphism in indigenous East Africans." Human Immunology 63, no. 6 (June 2002): 495–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0198-8859(02)00391-9.
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Karmwar, Manish. "India-Africa: Rediscovering Trade Relations through Cultural Assimilation." VEETHIKA-An International Interdisciplinary Research Journal 6, no. 4 (December 7, 2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.48001/veethika.2020.06.04.002.
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Indo-African trade relations are one of the imperative segments to understand African settlements in different parts of Indian sub-continent. Several Africans rose to positions of authority as generals and governors, in the Janjira and Sachin kingdoms they rose from king-makers to Emperors. The evidence of African trade in India has a significant history. From ancient times, three valuable export commodities which were prized in Africa: pepper, silk and cotton. The migration from the African sub-continent into India went up only in the sixth century A.D. but we have had an incredible trade-relation from time immemorial. From the Sixth century through the fifteenth century the history of the East African coast is somewhat illuminated by Arabs, Persians and Europeans. During the course of the sixteenth century the Portuguese dominated the Indian Ocean and its shoreline. Portugal was determined to remove Muslim merchants, especially Arabs, in the Indian Ocean system. This paper tries to explore India Africa relation especially with east Africa from earliest times to nineteenth century A.D. The paper recognizes the fact that trade and natural resources have been the principal reason behind the age-old links between Africa and India. The paper identifies the Cultural assimilation and African diaspora through the ages which has a vital facet to further strengthen the Trade Relations.
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SUNSERI, THADDEUS. "THE POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF THE COPAL TRADE IN THE TANZANIAN COASTAL HINTERLAND, c. 1820–1905." Journal of African History 48, no. 2 (July 2007): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002733.
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ABSTRACTBetween 1830 and 1880 copal was the major trade commodity from mainland Tanzania apart from ivory. Unlike ivory, copal was a product of a distinct environment, the lowland forests of the East African coastal hinterland. This region's copal was the best in the world for making high-value carriage varnish. It therefore found a ready market in the West, especially New England, whose traders brought cotton textiles to trade with East Africans for copal. The monopolization by hinterland polities of the copal–cloth trade nexus enabled them to consolidate politically as a sub-entrepôt of the Zanzibar commercial state. After 1880 a global demand for wild rubber, a product of far more diverse landscapes, posed a threat to the copal economy, and in part ushered in German colonialism. New colonial tax, labor and conservationist policies spelled the decline of the copal economy and its communities as they lost access to the coastal forests.