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Journal articles on the topic 'East European Jews'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Szczerbiński, Waldemar. "East European Jews – prejudice or pride?" Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.8.

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Jews from Central-Eastern Europe play a significant role in the formation of individual and social self-awareness in the Jewish world. It seems that in the Jewish world there exists a polarised approach to the Jews from this part of the world. On the one hand, there is pride, on the other, prejudice verging on shame. Some Jews have identified themselves with the group, others did the opposite, denied having anything to do with them. The most important question of our analyses is: what is the role of Eastern European Jews in building Jewish collective identity? Byron Sherwin, an American Jew, is an example of a great fascination with the Yiddish civilisation. Not only does he recognize and appreciate the spiritual legacy of Jews in Poland for other Jews around the world, but also accords this legacy a pre-eminent status in the collective Jewish identity. At the same time, he is conscious of the fact that not all Jews, if only in the United States, share his view. It is an upshot of the deep prejudice towards the life in the European Diaspora, which has been in evidence for some time. The same applies to the Jews in Israel. The new generations see the spiritual and cultural achievements of the Eastern European Jews as a legacy that should be learned and developed. This engenders hope that the legacy of the Jews of Eastern Europe will be preserved and will become a foundation of identity for future generations.

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2

Schouten, Steven. "East European Jews in Switzerland." East European Jewish Affairs 46, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2016.1144132.

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3

Brook, Kevin A. "The Origins of East European Jews." Russian History 30, no. 1-2 (2003): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633103x00080.

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4

Kobyliansky, E., and S. Micle. "Dermatoglyphic sexual dimorphism in East European Jews." Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d'anthropologie de Paris 1, no. 1 (1989): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bmsap.1989.1696.

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5

Niewyk, Donald L., and Jack Wertheimer. "Unwelcome Strangers: East European Jews in Imperial Germany." American Historical Review 93, no. 5 (December 1988): 1352. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873631.

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6

GADIR, RAYA. "Adjustment of East European Jews in Sydney (1881-1981)." Australian Journal of Politics & History 31, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1985.tb01327.x.

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7

Berger, Shlomo. "East European Jews in Amsterdam: Historical and literary anecdotes." East European Jewish Affairs 33, no. 2 (December 2003): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501670308578004.

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8

Kalev, Henriette Dahan. "Colorism in Israel: The Construct of a Paradox." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 14 (December 2018): 2101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218810749.

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The main argument in this article is that while attempting to establish a social and national unity, the Zionist movement has ended up in a socioeconomic split that lines up with ethnic rifts and a skin color divide. The Ashkenazi (East Europeans) have set up a white skin tone as the “zero point of reference” using bio-power practices in order to turn Mizrahim (Jews of Arab and Moslem countries of origin) into “New Jews” constructed in the images of the Jews of European origin. Later this practice was applied to Ethiopian immigrants. Consequently, in order to integrate “Mizrahim” and Ethiopian, Jews developed a paradoxical “Ashkenaziation” in their appearance and their practices, which included turning Mizrahiness and black skin assets into political capital.

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9

SAPOSNIK, ARIEH BRUCE. "EUROPE AND ITS ORIENTS IN ZIONIST CULTURE BEFORE THE FIRST WORLD WAR." Historical Journal 49, no. 4 (November 24, 2006): 1105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005759.

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Zionism’s call for a Jewish return to ‘the East’ was rooted in part in a broader European fascination with ‘the Orient’. This interest in ‘the East’ coincided in time and in much of its imagery with a conceptual division of Europe itself into its ‘western’ and ‘eastern’ parts. The Jews were deeply implicated in these twin conceptualizations of ‘the Orient’ and of Europe’s own orient at home (referred to at times as halbasien, or half-Asia). The notion that Jews – particularly those of eastern Europe – constituted a semi-Asiatic, foreign element in European society became a pervasive trope by the latter part of the century, and one to which Zionist thought and praxis sought to respond in a variety of ways. When Zionists in Palestine, mostly eastern European Jews transplanted further east yet to the ‘Orient’, set out to create a new Hebrew national culture there, competing images of occident and Orient – resonating with a wide range of racial, social, political, and cultural overtones – would play defining roles in their praxis and in the cultural institutions, the rituals, and the national liturgy they would fashion.

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10

Seidman, Naomi. "Reading “Queer” Ashkenaz: This Time from East to West." TDR/The Drama Review 55, no. 3 (September 2011): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00094.

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What if we read “queer” Eastern European Jews not through a Central European psychoanalytic lens, but through the analytic resources of Ashkenaz? Could queer studies approaches to Yiddish culture, in their reliance on Freudian and post-Freudian perspectives, have failed to see the full contours of traditional Jewish erotic systems?

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11

Lesser, Jeffrey. "The Immigration and Integration of Polish Jews in Brazil, 1924-1934." Americas 51, no. 2 (October 1994): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007924.

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The end of World War I marked the beginning of a new era in European migration to Brazil. The immigrants that had poured into the “país do futuro” (country of the future) now came at only a trickle and the number of entries fell by over fifty percent between 1913 and 1914 and by another sixty percent the year after. In 1918 fewer than 20,000 immigrants entered Brazil, a low that would not again be approached until 1936. Even so, between 1918 and 1919 the number of arrivals to Brazil's ports almost doubled, and in 1920 almost doubled again, reaching 69,000.Post-war immigrants to Brazil differed in many ways from the pre-war group, both in national origin and in their views of success and opportunity. Although Portuguese, Italians, Spanish, and German immigrants continued to predominate, between 1924 and 1934 East European immigration to Brazil increased almost ten times to more than 93,000, representing about 8.5 percent of the total. Most of the East Europeans who migrated to Brazil in the quarter century after World War I were those fleeing the upheavals created by the establishment of the state of Poland. At the same time quotas and other forms of restriction in the U.S., Argentina, and Canada increasingly led potential migrants to look towards Brazil. The frequently destitute East Europeans rarely enjoyed the support of their often powerless governments, a factor that made such immigrants attractive to Brazil's large landowners. In 1927, a contract between the Polish Government and Brazil's Secretary of Agriculture for the transportation of 2,000 Polish families was partially based on the belief that the mixing of “docile” East Europeans with more “volatile” Southern Europeans would “go a long way to obviate any labor trouble that might otherwise occur.” Whatever positive attributes the East Europeans might have presented to Brazilian elites in terms of “dividing and conquering,” the Lithuanian government complained that the condition of its 20,000 immigrants was “so pitiable … that (we) might be forced to repatriate them.”

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12

Wistrich, Robert S. "The Jews and Nationality Conflicts in the Habsburg Lands." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408313.

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There have been few areas of the world during the past 150 years that have been as shaped by Jewish influences as East Central Europe. The prominent Czech writer Milan Kundera observed seven years ago that in the years before Hitler, the Jews were the “intellectual cement,” the essentially cosmopolitan and integrative element that forged the spiritual unit of this region. It was this small nation par excellence which added the quintessentially European color, tone and vitality to great cities like Berlin, Vienna, Prague, Budapest, not to mention Cracow, Lemberg and Czernowitz further to the east. The Nazi mass murder of the Jews, to which Stalin added his own macabre postscript after World War II, brought about the disappearance of this fructifying Jewish leaven and crushed for forty years the independence of the smaller East European nations sandwiched between Russia and Germany. Since the European revolutions of 1989, these nations, re-emerging from a semi-totalitarian deep freeze, have been recovering their national identities and historical roots long repressed under Communist rule.

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13

MENG, MICHAEL L. "After the Holocaust: The History of Jewish Life in West Germany." Contemporary European History 14, no. 3 (August 2005): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002523.

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In July 1945, Rabbi Leo Baeck remarked that the Third Reich had destroyed the historical basis of German Jewry. ‘The history of Jews in Germany has found its end. It is impossible for it to come back. The chasm is too great’. Heinz Galinski, a survivor of Auschwitz who led West Berlin’s Jewish community until his death in 1992, could not have disagreed more strongly. ‘I have always held the view’, he observed, ‘that the Wannsee Conference cannot be the last word in the life of the Jewish community in Germany’. As these diverging views suggest, opting to live in the ‘land of the perpetrators’ represented both an unthinkable and a realistic choice. In the decade after the Holocaust, about 12,000 German-born Jews opted to remain in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and comprised about half of its Jewish community. Rooted in the German language and typically married to non-Jewish spouses, they still had some connections to Germany. xSuch cultural and personal ties did not exist for the other half of West Germany’s Jewish community – its East European Jews. Between 1945 and 1948, 230,000 Jews sought refuge in occupied Germany from the violent outbursts of antisemitism in eastern Europe. Although by 1949 only 15,000 East European Jews had taken permanent residence in the FRG, those who stayed behind profoundly impacted upon Jewish life. More religiously devout than their German-Jewish counterparts, they developed a rich cultural tradition located mostly in southern Germany. But their presence also complicated Jewish life. From the late nineteenth century, relations between German and East European Jews historically were tense and remained so in the early postwar years; the highly acculturated German Jews looked down upon their less assimilated, Yiddish-speaking brothers. In the first decade after the war, integrating these two groups emerged as one of the most pressing tasks for Jewish community leaders.

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14

Walch, Teresa. "Just West of East: The Paradoxical Place of the Theresienstadt Ghetto in Policy and Perception." Naharaim 14, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2020-2001.

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AbstractWhen German authorities established the Theresienstadt Ghetto for Bohemian and Moravian Jews in late 1941, the site initially functioned much like other ghettos and transit camps at the time, as a mere way station to sites of extermination further East. The decision to reconfigure the ghetto as a site of internment for select “privileged” groups of Jews from Germany and Western Europe, and its advertisement as a “Jewish settlement” in Nazi propaganda, constituted an apparent paradox for a regime that sought to make the Greater German Reich “judenrein” (clean of Jews). This article investigates the Theresienstadt Ghetto from a historical-spatial perspective and argues that varying prejudices and degrees of antisemitism shaped divergent “spatial solutions” to segregate Jews from non-Jews, wherein the perceived divide between so-called “Ostjuden” and assimilated Western Jews played a central role. In this analysis, Theresienstadt emerges as a logical culmination to paradoxical policies designed to segregate select groups of German and assimilated Western European Jews.

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15

Adler, Eliyana R. "Bildungs Romance: East European Jews and the Desire for Education." Jewish Quarterly Review 106, no. 3 (2016): 419–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2016.0022.

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16

Hagen, William W. "Unwelcome Strangers: East European Jews in Imperial Germany. Jack Wertheimer." Journal of Modern History 61, no. 4 (December 1989): 846–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/468398.

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17

Rosen, Ilana. "Jelinek, Yeshayahu A.: "The Carpathian Diaspora: The Jews of Subcarpathian Rus' and Mukachevo"." Hungarian Cultural Studies 4 (January 1, 2011): 295–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ahea.2011.64.

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18

McCagg, William O. "Jews and Peasants in Interwar Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 21 (January 1985): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002186.

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A paradox inspires the following paper. Hungary was one of three East European countries which, between the great wars, contained at once large peasant and large Jewish populations. The others were Poland and Romania, where, in both, the record is clear enough: the peasants can be said to have disliked the Jews. In Hungary things were not so simple.

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19

Seller, Maxine S., and Selma Berrol. "East Side/East End: Eastern European Jews in London and New York, 1870-1920." History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 4 (1995): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369601.

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20

Cohen, Miriam, and Selma Berrol. "East Side/East End: Eastern European Jews in London and New York, 1870-1920." Journal of American History 82, no. 3 (December 1995): 1227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945193.

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21

Feldman, Walter Zev. "Klezmer Music in the Context of East European Musical Culture." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 1 (3) (2020): 231–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2020.1.11.

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The repertoire and social role of the klezmer musician in Eastern Europe can be best appreciated within the context of the broader “traditional” musical life of East European Jews. From the early seventeenth century onward the emphasis on the “Jewishness” and halakhic validity of all aspects of life now became fixed and part of local custom (minhag). This merging of the sacred and the secular came to affect music and dance just as it did costume, through the internal action of the Jewish community, not pressure from external sources. The instrumental klezmer music and the accompanying profession of badkhones (wedding orator) displayed both the fusion of the religious and secular in Jewish life, and a continuing tension between secular and religious allusions, moods, and techniques. The “Jewishness” in musical style – especially in instrumental klezmer music but also in Hasidic niggunim and to some extent in Yiddish song – grew by a process of cultural differentiation.This process involved both the preservation and development of ancient features, and the reinterpretation of borrowed musical material to suit principles alien to the original source.This chapter briefly characterizes the system of repertoires and genres of the East European Jews, beginning with the music of prayer, through the various paraliturgical songs, to the music of Hasidism, and the many sub-genres of religious, secular and professional song in the Yiddish language. The chapter concludes with a presentation of the two established musical professionals in traditional East European Jewish life – the khazn (cantor) and the klezmer.

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22

Hagen, William W. "Murder in the East: German-Jewish Liberal Reactions to Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland and Other East European Lands, 1918–1920." Central European History 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916101750149112.

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World War I intensified antisemitism everywhere in Central and Eastern Europe, both at the level of public opinion, among right-leaning political parties and, often, in government circles. The war elevated the significance of the Jewish question in other ways as well, and not only because the Balfour Declaration of 1917 conjured up a Zionist triumph. The prospect of a German victory over Russia promised a reordering under German hegemony of the civil condition and citizenly status of the east European Jews, such as the Central Powers' creation in November 1916 of the Kingdom of Poland in the heartland of Russia's former Polish lands had already begun to bring about. Later, in the shadow of the German defeat, there arose the quite different question of the Jews' integration into the newly founded, nationally legitimized, nationalistically agitated successor states to the now vanished multiethnic monarchies.

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23

Hirsch, Dafna. "“WE ARE HERE TO BRING THE WEST, NOT ONLY TO OURSELVES”: ZIONIST OCCIDENTALISM AND THE DISCOURSE OF HYGIENE IN MANDATE PALESTINE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 4 (October 26, 2009): 594a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990353.

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During the British Mandate period Zionist health organizations and professional groups made an extensive effort to educate the Jewish public in health and hygiene. This article analyzes the Hebrew popular-scientific discourse of hygiene. It looks at the inculcation of hygienic models of conduct as part of a project of modernization and Westernization. As the analysis demonstrates, Zionist identity was constructed as modern and Western in opposition to the Orient and Oriental ways of life. At the same time, “Occidental” and “Oriental” were unstable and sometimes ambivalent categories in the hygienic discourse. Not only the value of the categories sometimes differ (as Jews were depicted both as European settlers and as natives of the Orient), but also East European Jews appeared both as objects and as subjects of a “civilizing mission.” As a consequence, the construction of difference between European Jews and Orientals was not always grounded in different practices attributed to each of these groups but sometimes in the different value attached to the same practices when performed by members of different groups.

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Hirsch, Dafna. "“Interpreters of Occident to the Awakening Orient”: The Jewish Public Health Nurse in Mandate Palestine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750800011x.

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Recent scholarship on Zionism has shown Orientalism to be a pregnant concept through which to study the formation of Jewish society and culture in Palestine and later Israel. As this body of scholarship suggests, Zionist self-perception as an outpost of Western civilization in the Orient has played a fundamental role in shaping both Zionism's relations to the Palestinians and to its “internal Others”—mizrahi, literally, Oriental Jews. Indeed, it was Zioinist Orientalism which created the mizrahi category in the first place, turning heterogeneous Asian, North African, and Palestine's Sephardic Jewish communities into a single, supposedly coherent group in need of modernization and civilization, against which the ‘westernness’ of European ashkenazi Jews was repeatedly asserted. What these studies often overlook is that the Zionist ‘civilizing mission’ was initially directed at (east) European Jews. Thus, for many of the “culture builders” who during the mandate years operated in the yishuv—the Jewish community of Palestine—Jewish westernness was deemed a project, something yet to be achieved.

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25

Frigyesi, Judit. "Gestures of the Soul The Prayer Chant of the East-European Jews." Studia Musicologica 60, no. 1-4 (October 21, 2020): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2019.00016.

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The basic style of East-European Jewish (East-Ashkenazic) prayer chant (davenen), even when it might seem to be simple on paper, in transcription, has a complex and unique system of micro-structure. This micro-structure, which is evident in subtleties of rhythm and melody, voice quality, form, techniques of variation and ornamentation, is inventive and daring, and creates a compelling aesthetic and spiritual effect in the auditory experience. The present article discusses the question of how this creative compositional practice might have evolved. The article claims that the uniqueness of davenen results from the fact that children begin learning this “art” at a very early age, before they are able to speak and conceptualize the phenomena of the surrounding world. With davenen, a spontaneously felt language before language is learnt: a language in which words and melodies, rhythms and musical gestures and effects, emotions and fantasies and associations are merged into one whole. As a result, in the realization of prayer chant, even in the case of professional prayer leaders, originality and tradition, copying and fantasy occur together in a continual fusion of memory and forgetfulness. This article discusses Eastern European Jewish prayer chant and its learning process on the basis of its author’s decades of fieldwork and of literature and memoirs from before WWII.

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Romanova, Viktoria V. "The Far East and European jews during the nazi period (1933-1945)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Istoriya, no. 65 (June 1, 2020): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/19988613/65/6.

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27

Diner, Hasia R. "East European Jews in America, 1880-1920: Immigration and Adaptation. Vol. 3." Journal of American Ethnic History 19, no. 1 (October 1, 1999): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27502519.

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28

Ginat, Rami. "Jewish Identities in the Arab Middle East: The Case of Egypt in Retrospect." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 3 (July 18, 2014): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814000646.

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Much work has been done in recent decades on the histories of the Jews of Arab lands across a variety of time periods, reflecting an increasing interest in the historical past of the Jews of the “Orient.” While diverse, this literature may be divided into several general groups. The first comprises studies written by Western and Israeli scholars and encompasses a broad spectrum of Arabic-speaking countries. This literature has explored, among other things, issues relating to the way of life and administration of ethnically and culturally diverse Jewish communities, their approaches to Zionism and the question of their national identities, their positions regarding the Zionist–Israeli–Arab conflict in its various phases, and the phenomena of anti-Semitism, particularly in light of the increasing escalation of the conflict. It includes works by Israeli intellectuals of Mizrahi heritage, some of whom came together in the late 1990s in a sociopolitical dissident movement known as the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow Coalition. The target audience of this movement was Mizrahi Jews: refugees and emigrants from Arab countries as well as their second- and third-generation offspring. The movement, which was not ideologically homogeneous (particularly regarding approaches to the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict), took a postcolonialist approach to the Zionist narrative and enterprise, and was critical of the entrenchment of the Ashkenazi (European-extraction) Jews among the elites of the emerging Israeli society. The movement had scant success in reaching its target population: the majority of Mizrahi/Sephardi Jews living in Israel. Nevertheless, it brought to the fore the historical socioeconomic injustices that many Jews from Arab countries had experienced since arriving in Israel, whether reluctantly or acquiescently.

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29

Hoffmann, Christhard. "Encountering the 'ghetto'." Nordisk judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 32, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.109314.

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In the history of Western perceptions of Jews and the ‘Jewish problem’, the First World War marks a period of change which was, among other things, influenced by the course of the war on the Eastern Front. The German occupation of large parts of Russian Poland in 1915 brought the difficult conditions of Eastern European Jewry closer to public attention in the West, not only in Central Europe, but also in neutral states. For the Scandinavian writers who travelled to occupied Poland in 1916 and 1917, the direct encounter with East European Jewry was a new and often disturbing experience. Their travelogues represent an illuminating and, so far, unused source for Scandinavian perceptions of Jews in Eastern Europe, focusing on the ‘ghetto’ as the physical embodiment of Eastern Jewish life. Analysing these accounts, the present article discusses the different depictions of Warsaw’s Jews thematically and identifies three interwoven perspectives of the ‘ghetto’: as a site of extreme poverty; as a foreign (‘oriental’) element in Europe; and as an archetype of Jewish life in general.

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30

Pohl, Jana. ",,Only darkness in the Goldeneh Medina?" Die Lower East Side in der US-amerikanischen Kinder- und Jugendliteratur." Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 58, no. 3 (2006): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007306777834546.

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AbstractThe paper deals with the Lower East Side as a site of memory in children's literature in the United States. Contemporary children's books depict the Lower East Side in migration narratives about Eastern European Jews who came to America around the turn of the last century. They do so both verbally and visually by incorporating an often reproduced photograph that has come to symbolize the imaginary place. The Lower East Side is a Jewish site of immigrant poverty, crowded tenement houses, and sweat shops. In the examples given, it is used to dismantle the image of the Goldeneh Medina.

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31

Lowenstein, Steven M. "John M. Efron. Medicine and the German Jews: A History. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001. viii, 343 pp." AJS Review 29, no. 2 (November 2005): 390–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940536017x.

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This volume is an ambitious and wide-ranging (perhaps too wide-ranging) study of the interrelationship between medicine and German-speaking Jews throughout the ages. In essence it deals with two separate but intertwined issues: German-speaking Jews in the medical profession and the use of medical discourse to analyze and evaluate the Jewish people. The book covers a wide area both chronologically and geographically. “German Jews” is interpreted very broadly and includes a number of East European figures who either wrote in German or were trained in German universities. Although the bulk of the volume (Chaps. 4–7) deals with the period from around 1870 to the beginning of World War I, the first three chapters “begin at the beginning” (the Middle Ages) and carry the story up to the late eighteenth century.

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32

Weissbach, Lee Shai. "East European Immigrants and the Image of Jews in the Small-Town South." American Jewish History 85, no. 3 (1997): 231–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.1997.0028.

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33

Schouten, Steven. "Jews in the East European Borderlands. Essays in Honor of John D. Klier." East European Jewish Affairs 43, no. 3 (December 2013): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2013.872421.

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34

Klein-Pejšová, Rebekah. "“De-Fiddler-on-the-Roof-ization”." Journal of Austrian-American History 7, no. 1 (May 2023): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaustamerhist.7.1.0080.

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Abstract The ways in which István Deák’s scholarship influences East Central European Jewish historiography present a paradox. While on one hand he elevates a deeply human approach to history writing that centers on individuals and their choices and highlights contingencies and patterns of behavior, on the other he is preoccupied with the institutions that hold states together. In this way, Jews largely represent a Staatsvolk, a state people, in his work, whose allegiance to Austria-Hungary proved especially fateful following the monarchy’s demise. Yet, under his mentorship, students became disabused of ideologies and abstraction and study not nostalgic perceptions but Jews as regular people, earnestly and authentically.

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35

Estraikh, Gennady. "Vilna on the Spree: Yiddish in Weimar Berlin." Aschkenas 16, no. 1 (March 26, 2007): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch.2006.103.

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Yiddish-speakers, or Ostjuden (Eastern [European] Jews), who built a visible minority in the-turn-of-the-twentieth-century Berlin, usually migrated to the Kaiserreich capital from the then German territory of Posen (Poznan) as well as from Russian and Austro-Hungarian Poland. In Berlin, they would settle in the proletarian East of the city, most notably in the Scheunenviertel (Barn Quarter), the slum quarter »a few blocks northeast of Alexanderplatz, bounded by Linienstrasse to the north, Oranienburgerstrasse to the west and south and Landsberger Allee to the east.« The Scheunenviertel, however, never became a Jewish ghetto in the true sense of the word, because Ostjuden lived there together with other outsiders twice over – non-German and foreign-born. In addition, absorption of Jewish newcomers usually faced less problems in Berlin than, for example, in Vienna. Although thousands of full-bearded »caftan Jews« and their families never acquired assets for social mobility and stayed put in the Alexanderplatz area, many others would work their way up from the lowest rung on the social ladder and move to more elegant districts, including Charlottenburg, merging there with »real« Western Jews.

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36

Hieke, Anton. "Farbrekhers in America: The Americanization of Jewish Blue-Collar Crime, 1900-1931." aspeers: emerging voices in american studies 3 (2010): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.54465/aspeers.03-10.

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The mass immigration of Eastern European Jews between 1880 and 1924—some two and a half million came to the United States—caused a thorough change in the nature of New York Jewry. Following wealthier German uptown Jews, it was now marked by poor Polish or Russian Jews living on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. The Jewish quarters functioned as the hinges between Eastern Europe and the US for many immigrants. Crime was a shade of it. Jews only constituted a small minority of American society; their Americanized criminal structures, however, became one of the most influential factors of modernization of crime from the fringes to the center of American society. Through the development of the Jewish underworld, the exclusion of and the cooperation with criminals of a different ethnic background, as well as the professionalization and the struggle for respectability, the phenomenon of Jewish blue-collar crime itself experienced an Americanization. Additionally, this process of Americanization was key not only to the rise but also to the downfall of Jewish American blue-collar crime in New York.

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Maksymiak, Małgorzata A. "Beggars, nymphomaniac women, miracle rabbis and other East European Jews: the East as a category of social difference." Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 19, no. 4 (October 22, 2019): 434–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725886.2019.1678819.

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Morgentaler, Goldie. "When Dickens Spoke Yiddish: Translations of Dickens into the Language of East European Jews." Dickens Quarterly 34, no. 2 (2017): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dqt.2017.0012.

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Johnson, S. "Breaking or Making the Silence? British Jews and East European Jewish Relief, 1914-1917." Modern Judaism 30, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mj/kjp023.

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Welch, Susan. "Gender and Selection During the Holocaust: Transports of Western European Jews to the East." Journal of Genocide Research 22, no. 4 (May 12, 2020): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2020.1764743.

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Bartal, Israel. "Non-Jews and Gentile Society in East European Hebrew and Yiddish Literature 1856-1914*." Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry 4, no. 1 (January 1989): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/polin.1989.4.53.

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Dymshits, Valery. "Commandment or Good Deed? The Concept of Mitzvah in the Traditions of East European Jews." Slavic & Jewish Cultures: Dialogue, Similarities, Differences, no. 2018 (2018): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3356.2018.6.

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The term mitzvah is very significant in the traditional culture of the East European Jews. It meant a commandment when it was carried out by a professional for money, and a good deed when the same work was performed by an “amateur” gratis. The not received fee was credited to “amateur’s” heavenly account and accumulated there. The idea of a list of sins and mitzvot continuously maintained in heaven gave rise to the idea of heavenly bookkeeping, a kind of personal account with income (mitzvot) and expenses (sins) in a monetary form.

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Bernhardsson, Magnus T. "Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i2.1867.

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1n this interesting and well-researched book, Bruce Masters analyses the historyof Chris tian and Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire's Arabprovinces and how they fared within a Muslim majority and hierarchy. Byand large, this important study is a story of modernization, identity, and ecclesiasticalpolitics that focuses primarily on Christian communities in Aleppo,Syria. The book's main themes are somewhat familiar: How Christian andJewish communities were in an advantageous position to benefit fromincreasing European influence in the Middle East, and how a secular politicalidentity (Arab nationalism) emerged in the Levant. The book's value liesnot in its overarching thesis, but rather in the details of the story and theimpressive research upon which this well-crafted narrative is based.Masters chronicles how the identities of Christians and Jews evolveddue to their increasing contact with western influences, or, as Masters labelsit, "intrusion." The status quo was forever transformed because manyChristians began to distance themselves, economically and socially, fromtheir Muslim neighbors. Masters, a historian who teaches at Connecticut'sWesleyan University, contends that the western intrusion altered Muslimattitudes toward native Christians. In the nineteenth century, local Christianswould serve for some Muslims as "convenient surrogates for the anger thatcould only rarely be expressed directly against the Europeans."Although the Arab provinces experienced serious sectarian strife in thenineteenth century, these antagonisms were, by and large, absent in the ...

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Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "The Anti-Semitism of History: The Case of the Russian Neo-Pagans." European Review 20, no. 2 (March 30, 2012): 264–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000482.

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Almost a generation has gone by since the end of the Cold War, a time that has brought many changes. It has become steadily clearer that not the affirmation of the centrality of the democratic West – as asserted by Francis Fukuyama in his famous essay – but the opposite has occurred. There has been continuous erosion of the power of the West. First, the economic and geopolitical balance has increasingly shifted to Southeast Asia, where quite a few states have authoritarian, even totalitarian, socioeconomic arrangements. China is, of course, the best-known example. Second, the demographic and cultural tides have changed. In the past, Europe sent waves of émigrés all over the world. Now the West has become the destination of millions from non-European countries. The pattern of cultural adaptation has also undergone dramatic changes. A considerable number of non-Europeans have no desire to assimilate, or at least they wish to preserve their heritage. All these processes – especially as they relate to the fact that the West is losing its economic competitiveness – cause a response that often leads to racism and neo-fascism. Those who study European neo-fascists almost instinctively compare them with pre-Second World War fascists and Nazis. This temptation is reinforced by the fact that these neo-fascists often use Nazi symbols and trappings. However, a close look at these European neo-fascists/neo-Nazis and their prewar counterparts indicates that their similarities are usually deceptive and they actually belong to quite different species. Present-day neo-fascists/neo-Nazis are not imperialists, as were the German Nazis who dreamed about a worldwide empire. Current European right-wingers are parochial isolationists. They want not an empire but the cleansing of their state from newcomers, especially those of non-European origin. Many are even suspicious of European unity; they see the European Union as the key that opens the gates of their countries, not just to Asians/Africans but to East Europeans, seen as almost an alien race. Second, their view of Jews is different from that of the Nazis. They may be anti-Semitic, but their dislike of Jews is hardly the central element of their worldview. Moreover, they are similar to many of the general public who differentiate between ‘their’ native Jews – against whom they have no grudges – and newcomers from, say, Eastern Europe, whom they consider parasitic aliens. Furthermore, they have problems with the church. Some may be neo-pagans; in this they are also quite different from the Nazis, who had a tense relationship with the church but did not openly oppose it. Russian rightists in many ways follow the model of the European far right. This is due not only to direct ideological borrowing but also to similar conditions. Russia's heartland, for example, is also a major destination for non-European migrants. Still, the Russian far right's views unquestionably have elements arising from the country's specific conditions. As a result, they have developed several peculiar ideological characteristics. They are often pagan and quite hostile to the Orthodox Church. They also see Jews as part of an unholy cabal of Asiatics set on Russia's destruction.

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Halperin, Liora R. "TRADING SECRETS: CONSTRUCTIONS AND CONTEXTS OF TWO MIDDLE EASTERN JEWISH GUARDS IN THE EARLY PETAH TIKVA AGRICULTURAL COLONY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743818001162.

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AbstractTwo Arabic-speaking Jewish guards worked in the European Jewish agricultural colony of Petah Tikva soon after its founding, northeast of Jaffa, in 1878: Daud abu Yusuf from Baghdad and Yaʿqub bin Maymun Zirmati, a Maghribi Jew from Jaffa. The two men, who worked as traders among Bedouin but were recruited for a short time by the colony, offer a rare glimpse of contacts between Ashkenazi and Middle Eastern Jews in rural Jewish colonies established in the last quarter of the 19th century, colonies that are often regarded as detached from their local and Ottoman landscape. The article first argues that Zionist sources constructed these two men as bridges to the East in their roles as teachers of Arabic and perceived sources of legitimization for the European Jewish settlement project. It then reads beyond the sparse details offered in Ashkenazi Zionist sources to resituate these men in their broad imperial and regional context and argue that, contrary to the local Zionist accounts, the colony was in fact likely to have been marginal to these men's commercial and personal lives.

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Bathrick, David. "Holocaust Film before the Holocaust: DEFA, Antifascism and the Camps." Cinémas 18, no. 1 (April 4, 2008): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017849ar.

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AbstractThe period prior to the 1970s has frequently been portrayed internationally as one of public disavowal of the Jewish catastrophe politically and cinematically and as one in which there was a dearth of filmic representations of the Holocaust. In addition to the Hollywood productionsThe Diary of Anne Frank(1960), Stanley Kramer’sJudgment at Nuremberg(1961) and Sidney Lumet’sThe Pawnbroker(1965), one often spoke of just a few East and West European films emerging within a political and cultural landscape that was viewed by many as unable or unwilling to address the subject. This article takes issue with these assumptions by focusing on feature films made by DEFA between 1946 and 1963 in East Berlin’s Soviet Zone and in East Germany which had as their subject matter the persecution of Jews during the Third Reich.

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Hirsch, Richard G. "The Ninetieth Anniversary of the World Union for Progressive Judaism." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490110.

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AbstractThe ninetieth anniversary of the World Union enables us to highlight our achievements. In 1973 we moved the international headquarters from New York to Jerusalem and built a magnificent cultural/educational centre there. We pioneered the development of a dynamic Reform/Progressive movement in Israel consisting of congregations, kibbutzim, an Israel religious action centre and educational, cultural and youth programmes. We became active leaders in the Jewish Agency for Israel and the World Zionist Organization. We established synagogues and educational programmes in the Former Soviet Union, Europe, Latin America and the Far East, thus fulfilling our mandate to perpetuate Jewish life wherever Jews live. We formulated an ideology of Reform Zionism as an antidote to the contracting Jewish identity induced by contemporary diaspora conditions. Whereas we encourage aliyah for Jews who want to live in Israel, we are adamantly opposed to those who advocate aliyah as a positive response to anti-Semitism. Instead, we demand that European democracies guarantee equal rights and full security to Jews as well as to all other groups in society.

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Cherie Woodworth. "Where Did the East European Jews Come From?: An Explosive Debate Erupts from Old Footnotes." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 11, no. 1 (2009): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.0.0136.

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Sholokhova, Lyudmila. "The Yiddish Wedding Folk Songs of East European Jews: Function, Ethnography, Sociology, Texts, and Music." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 40, no. 2 (2022): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2022.0024.

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Binder, Harald. "Making and Defending a Polish Town: “Lwów” (Lemberg), 1848-1914." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020439.

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Many east central European towns and cities bear several names, reflecting the ethnic and religious diversity once characteristic of the region. The town chosen in 1772 by the Habsburgs as capital of their newly acquired province of Galicia serves as an example. In the second half of the nineteenth century Ruthenian national populists referred to the city as “Ľviv”; Russophiles designated the city “Ľvov.” For Poles and Polonized Jews the town was “Lwów,” and for Germans as well as German- and Yiddish-speaking Jews the city was “Lemberg.” The ethnic and linguistic reality was, in fact, much less clear than these divisions would suggest. For much of the period of Habsburg rule, language barriers remained permeable. The city's inhabitants were multilingual, often employing different languages depending on the type of communication in which they were engaged. By the

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