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Academic literature on the topic 'East India Company. Court of Directors'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "East India Company. Court of Directors"

1

Gilding, Ben. "‘No distinction exists as to religion, profession, or sex’: Imperial Reform and the Electoral Culture of the East India Company's Court of Proprietors, 1760–84." Parliamentary History 43, no. 1 (February 2024): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12726.

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AbstractAs contemporaries frequently pointed out, and often in disparaging terms, the governing institutions of the British East India Company contained an almost unprecedented ‘democratical’ element. By this, they were referring to the Company's General Court of Proprietors, its sovereign deliberative body, composed of all East India stockholders. Ownership of certain proportions of stock conferred the rights to participate in debate, to vote on policy, and to elect on an annual basis the directors who governed the day‐to‐day affairs of the Company. These electoral rights were granted solely by virtue of stock‐ownership and made no distinctions based on sex, social status, nationality or religion. This article examines the ways in which women, non‐Britons and religious minorities, in particular, took advantage of the opportunities for political participation opened up by the politicisation of the East India Company's general court in the 1760s, as well as the ways in which this was discussed and debated by contemporaries both in parliament and the press. Tracing the political activities of Mary Barwell, William Bolts and Joseph Salvador provides a unique window into a variety of ways in which the Company offered an alternative venue for political activity for groups often otherwise excluded from the formal politics at Westminster. In doing so, it also shows how the democratic elements of the Company's general court played a significant role in shaping the reform of the East India Company between 1767 and 1784, a process which ultimately led to their curtailment.

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2

McVay, Pamela. "Private Trade and Elite Privilege. The Trial of Nicolaas Schaghen, Director of Bengal." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (November 1996): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003971.

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It is common wisdom among the historians of the Dutch East Indies that everyone in the Dutch East India Company engaged in private trade. That is, ‘everyone’ traded in goods supposedly monopolized by the Company and ‘everyone’ abused his or her position to squeeze graft from the Company's trade. It was, supposedly, to get their hands on the private trade and graft that people joined the Dutch East India Company (VOC: Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) in the first place. But back in the Netherlands the VOC's Board of Directors (the Heeren XVII) objected vociferously to private trade, which drained Company profits and shareholder revenue. To appease the Heeren XVII back at home, the various Governors-General and Councillors of the Indies (Raad van Indië), who represented the Heeren XVII in Asia, issued annual placards forbidding private trade while the High Court (Raad van Justitie) carried out infrequent desultory trials for private trade. But these prosecutions were inevitably doomed to failure, so the story goes, because everyone engaged in private trade would ‘cover’ for everyone else.

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3

LEONARD, ZAK. "‘A Blot on English Justice’: India reformism and the rhetoric of virtual slavery." Modern Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 207–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000483.

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AbstractBeginning in the late 1830s, a coalition of non-conformists, abolitionists, free traders, and disenchanted East India Company proprietors began to vocally challenge the exploitative policies of the colonial state in British India. Led by lecturer George Thompson, these reformers pursued a rhetorical strategy of associating groups who were converted into ‘mere tools’ by the Company abroad and the aristocracy at home. These monopolistic entities degraded Indian peasant cultivators, the British working classes, and princely sovereigns alike through forms of ‘virtual slavery’ that persisted in the post-Emancipation empire. In staging these protests, reformers ran up against an adversarial Board of Control and Court of Directors who obstructed their efforts to mobilize public opinion. Probing their agitation reveals the existence of a particularly combative strain of liberal imperialist thought that defied the political status quo.

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4

Peers, Douglas M. "Between Mars and Mammon; the East India Company and Efforts to Reform its Army, 1796–1832." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013388.

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The history of the East India Company's rule of India is marked by sporadic outbursts of civil-military conflict. It was not unknown in India for European officers to down tools and commit acts that bordered on outright mutiny. Perhaps this could be expected when, on the one hand, the Company, as a commercial body, sought to maximize its profits, while on the other, the army was essentially a mercenary force, ever grasping for a larger slice of the fiscal pie. If, however, we penetrate deeper into the labyrinth of their relations, we find that the issues at stake lose their simplicity. In the early nineteenth century, a third group came into play, further confusing the state of civil-military relations in India. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, which had incorporated military attitudes into the operating system of British India, had begun to assert itself. Through such spokesmen as Thomas Munro, John Malcolm, Charles Metcalfe and Mountstuart Elphinstone, an increasingly militarized rule of British India was put forward, angering the court of directors and allowing the officers to mask their private interest under the guise of the national interest. This ideology of militarism, however, must be firmly placed within the context of nineteenth-century British India for it bore little resemblance to those strains of militarism witnessed elsewhere.

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5

Van Ittersum, Martine Julia. "Hugo Grotius in Context: Van Heemskerck's Capture of the Santa Catarina and its Justification in De Jure Praedae (1604-1606)." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 3 (2003): 511–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322895360.

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This article reconstructs Jacob van Heemskerck's second voyage to the East Indies and his capture of the Portuguese merchantman Santa Catarina on 25 February 1603. It incorporates important new archival evidence like Van Heemskerck's letter to the directors of the Dutch East India Company of 27 August 1603, and the original text of the verdict of the Amsterdam Admiralty Court, which confiscated the Santa Catarina on 4 September 1604. It has long been known that the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) wrote De Jure Praedae in defense of the ship's seizure and at the explicit request of the directors of the Dutch East India Company. Historians have failed to recognise, however, that Grotius' conceptualisation of natural rights and natural law in De Jure Praedae is based to a large extent on Van Heemskerck's own justification of privateering. A key notion of Grotius' rights theories - the individual's right to punish transgressors of the natural law in the absence of an independent and effective judge - follows logically from Van Heemskerck's reasoned decision to assault the Santa Catarina in revenge for Portuguese mistreatment of Dutch merchants in the East Indies. As shown by recent work in international relations theory - notably Edward Keene's Beyond the Anarchical Society: Grotius, Colonialism and Order in World Politics (Keene, 2002) - the natural law and natural rights theories that Grotius formulated in De Jure Praedae cannot be divorced from Dutch imperialism and colonialism in the early modern period.

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6

a, Lalthanmawia, and Harendra Sinha. "VILLAGE POLICE SYSTEM: ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNITY POLICING IN MIZORAM." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 11 (November 30, 2023): 576–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/17859.

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Indian policing had been revolved around rural policing. In ancient India, each village had its own headman who protected the village with the help of village watchmen or patel. These watchmen were the real executive police of the villages. During medieval period, the Mughal dynasty also adopted this indigenous village police system. The significance of village police system was also recognized by the British rulers. The Court of Directors of the East India Company and The Police Act, 1861 wanted retention of village police system. After independence, Government of India made attempts to revive rural policing system. The Model Police Act was passed in 2006 which directed the states and Union Territories to make new police laws incorporating, among other things, improved village policing system. The present paper was an attempt to study how the village police system had been revived in India by passing the Model Police Act, 2006 with special emphasis on its implementation in Mizoram. Mizoram, a small state in North East India, adopted the Mizoram Police Act, 2011 under which Village Defense Parties were established to provide better policing services to village residents. This Act revived the principles of village policing concept which had been lying dormant. It also provided for formal institutional mechanism of community policing in the state.

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7

Tuan, Hoang Anh. "From Japan to Manila and Back to Europe: The Abortive English Trade with Tonkin in the 1670s." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010482.

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It is a well-known fact that the reconstitution of the English East India Company in the 1660s caused a significant revolution in its Asia trade. Coincidently with this improvement, the Company also attempted to expand its trade to East Asian countries, using its Bantam Agent, its only base in Southeast Asia, as a springboard for launching this strategy. Around 1668 the Court of Committees in London was looking for an appropriate opportunity to re-open relations with Japan through the channel of Cambodia. The plan of re-entering the Japan trade – in this the directors in London might have been influenced by their officials in Bantam or they themselves had overestimated its prospects – was then put into practice at the end of 1671. Forthe Company itself, trading with Japan would obviously be profitable, as it had observed at first hand the considerable success of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) over the last decades. The English in the East also grew convinced that the regional trade between Japan and other areas would reap extra profits for the Company. Among the selected targets was Tonkin, present-day northern Vietnam. At that time, its silks and other textiles were highly valued and could fetch good prices in Japan. Traders who took Tonkinese silks to Nagasaki were then able to purchase Japanese silver and copper. These precious metals would be brought back to invest in local merchandize at other factories to keep up the flow of the Japan trade and to supply marketable goods for Europe. The ultimate aim of the English in tradingwith Tonkin was, therefore, to create the so-called Tonkinese silk-for-Japanese silver trade, like that successfully undertaken by the Dutch since 1637. Besides, the search for new markets for English manufactured goods was another reason that spurred the Company on to carry out this plan.

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8

PRIOR, KATHERINE, LANCE BRENNAN, and ROBIN HAINES. "Bad Language: The Role of English, Persian and other Esoteric Tongues in the Dismissal of Sir Edward Colebrooke as Resident of Delhi in 1829." Modern Asian Studies 35, no. 1 (February 2001): 75–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x01003614.

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In 1829, at the height of Lord William Bentinck's regime of reform, a keen young civil servant in north India took on one of the last of the Company's nabobs and won. It was a clash of a new style of Haileybury civilian with an old Company servant which remarkably prefigured the personal and philosophical dynamics of the Anglicist-Orientalist education debate a few years later. Sir Edward Colebrooke, Bt, was Resident of Delhi, 67 years old and nearly 50 years in the East India Company's service. His youthful adversary was his own first assistant, Charles Edward Trevelyan, aged 22 and, in Sir Edward's words, ‘a Boy just escaped from school’. In June 1829 Trevelyan charged Colebrooke with corruption, and despite being cut by many of Delhi's European residents, saw the prosecution through to its conclusion some six months later when the Governor-General in Council was pleased to order Colebrooke's suspension from the service, a sentence ultimately confirmed by the Court of Directors.

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9

Blussé, Leonard. "Peeking into the Empires: Dutch Embassies to the Courts of China and Japan." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (December 2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000776.

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In the 1660s the renowned publishing company of Jacob van Meurs in Amsterdam published three richly illustrated monographs that fundamentally changed the European perceptions of the empires of China and Japan. It all started with the publication in 1665 of the travel notes and sketches that Joan Nieuhof had made ten years earlier, while travelling in the retinue of two Dutch envoys to the Manchu court in Peking. With no less than 150 copper prints, this book aroused so much interest in travel topics—it was published in Dutch, French, German, Latin, and English—that Van Meurs did not hesitate to launch a whole series of illustrated volumes about faraway countries. To keep the China lovers happy, he published a reprint of the richly illustrated China Monumentis by the German Jesuit Athanasius Kircher. In 1668, another monumental illustrated work appeared in Dutch (and later also German, English and French editions) time about Africa written by the Amsterdam physician Olfert Dapper, and shortly afterwards, when that publication also proved to be a smashing success, Van Meurs asked for the right to publish two more works, one on Japan and one on China. That privilege was obtained on March 1669. The book on Japan, Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen der Oost-Indische Maetschappij aen de Kaisaren van Japan, or “Memorable embassies of the (Dutch) East India Company to the Emperors of Japan,” was compiled by Arnoldus Montanus, a learned Dutch clergyman, who according to the preface had already published fifty-three monographs. The book on China was authored by Olfert Dapper, who this time edited the travelogues of the second and third Dutch embassies to China. What made these books so interesting is that they all were based on eyewitness accounts of the interior of the widely known but little explored empires of China and Japan by servants of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The reason why it was possible for the Dutch merchants to travel where few other westerners had gone before was that they had been sent by the directors of the company as envoys bearing tribute presents to the rulers of both realms to secure privileged trading rights.

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10

Harris, Ellen T. "With Eyes on the East and Ears on the West: Handel's Orientalist Operas." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929863.

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After the formal establishment of an Austrian competitor to the English East India Company (eic) in 1722, the English drew on every resource available to force the Austrian company to close down—not only political pressure and extensive pamphleteering but also the arts. Of the fifteen operas presented by the Royal Academy of Music from 1724 to 1728, twelve, including seven by George Frideric Handel, featured settings in the Orient. Chosen by the directors of the Academy, who were also eic directors and investors, these Oriental settings kept the image of the East in front of aristocratic audiences, including important Members of Parliament, who had the power to assist the East India effort.

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Books on the topic "East India Company. Court of Directors"

1

editor, Foster William 1863-1951, ed. The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the court of the Great Mogul, 1615-1619: As narrated in his journal and correspondence. London: Hakluyt Society, 2017.

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England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). By the King: Whereas there hath fallen out an interruption of amitie betweene the Kings Maiestie and the most Christian king .. Imprinted at London: By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill ..., 1985.

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Anonyma. Observations on a Letter from Earl Cornwallis to the Court of Directors of the East India Company, P. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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Anonyma. Observations on a Letter from Earl Cornwallis to the Court of Directors of the East India Company, P. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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5

Letters from the Right Hon. Henry Dundas to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the East-India Company, upon an Open Trade to India. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2023.

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6

John, Sullivan. Observations Respecting the Circar of Mazulipatam, in a Letter From John Sulivan, Esquire, to the Court of Directors of the East-India Company. Gale ECCO, Print Editions, 2018.

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7

Contributors, Multiple. An Abstract of the Orders and Regulations of the Honourable Court of Directors of the East-India Company, and of Other Documents by Charles Cartwright. Gale Ecco, Print Editions, 2018.

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8

Roxburgh, William 1751-1815. Plants of the Coast of Coromandel: Selected from Drawings and Descriptions Presented to the Hon. Court of Directors of the East India Company; V. 3. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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William, 1751-1815 Roxburgh, Sir1743-1820 Banks Joseph, and Mackenzie D. Plants of the Coast of Coromandel: Selected From Drawings and Descriptions Presented to the hon. Court of Directors of the East India Company Volume; Volume 3. Franklin Classics, 2018.

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Beowulf. A Letter to the Court of Directors of the East-India Company From Warren Hastings, Esq. Governor-General of Bengal. Dated, Fort-William, March 20, 1783. Gale ECCO, Print Editions, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "East India Company. Court of Directors"

1

Marshall, P. J. "The Court of Directors' Dispatch to the Bengal Council, 21 November, 1766." In East India Company V2, 203–4. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003100997-40.

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Marshall, P. J. "The Court of Directors to the Board of Control, 6 November, 1805." In East India Company V2, 142–44. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003100997-17.

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Marshall, P. J. "A Report of a Committee of Correspondence of the Court of Directors, 9 February, 1813." In East India Company V2, 225–29. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003100997-50.

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Marshall, P. J. "The First Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors on Exports, 1 September, 1791." In East India Company V2, 210–11. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003100997-43.

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5

"The Court of Directors 1755-58." In Guardian of The East India Company. I.B.Tauris, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755625963.ch-003.

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Peacock, Thomas Love. "253. To the Court of Directors of the East India Company, 12 March 1856." In The Letters of Thomas Love Peacock, Vol. 2: 1828-1866. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00068197.

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Desmond, Ray. "Tea And Opium." In The European Discovery of the Indian Flora, 231–44. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198546849.003.0017.

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Abstract Before the end of the nineteenth century, cinchona on many private plantations had been ruthlessly uprooted to make way for tea, one of the most profitable commodities handled by the East India Company. Dutch and English factors in India had soon acquired the tea-drinking habit: they served it at business meetings and on social occasions; with the addition of sugar-candy or lemon it was a cooling drink; mixed with hot spice it was a remedy for ‘headache, gravel and griping in the guts’. Portuguese and Dutch merchants introduced the beverage to Europe-the precise date is unknown but by about 1610 it had reached the Netherlands through Chinese junks trading with Java. Not until 1657 did the first public sale of tea in London take place; it soon became available in the city’s coffee houses and in 1660 Samuel Pepys tentatively sipped his first cup. His wife took it as a cure for ‘her cold and defluxions’. Initially there was some confusion about its culinary use-some households garnished the boiled leaves with butter and salt. The correct recipe for its preparation had been presumably established when the Court of Directors decreed in July 1664 ‘good tea to be provided for the Company’s occasions’.

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8

"1. Documents from the East India Company Directors." In The European Canton Trade 1723, edited by Marlene Kessler, Kristin Lee, and Daniel Menning, 15–62. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110421439-004.

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"Chapter One. The Company And The Court." In Dutch East India Company Merchants at the Court of Ayutthaya, 17–34. BRILL, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004156005.i-279.15.

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Ninan Thomas, Pradip. "The East India Company, the Victorian Internet, and Information Anxieties in India." In Information Infrastructures in India, 37–50. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192857736.003.0003.

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This chapter provides an overview of the technologies and management of information in two eras of British rule—during the era of the East India Company when the accent was on informal forms of information surveillance especially that related to commercial information and the era of direct rule characterized by the institutionalization of modern information infrastructures such as the telegraph that enabled the British to control the flows of information on the economy such as the pricing of primary products and the control of political information. These investments in the control and management of rational information structures were, to some extent, a response to the private flows of commercial information to Company directors at the expense of the Crown. Control over information flows became an all-consuming project post the Sepoy Mutiny.

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