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1
Gilding, Ben. "‘No distinction exists as to religion, profession, or sex’: Imperial Reform and the Electoral Culture of the East India Company's Court of Proprietors, 1760–84." Parliamentary History 43, no. 1 (February 2024): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12726.
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AbstractAs contemporaries frequently pointed out, and often in disparaging terms, the governing institutions of the British East India Company contained an almost unprecedented ‘democratical’ element. By this, they were referring to the Company's General Court of Proprietors, its sovereign deliberative body, composed of all East India stockholders. Ownership of certain proportions of stock conferred the rights to participate in debate, to vote on policy, and to elect on an annual basis the directors who governed the day‐to‐day affairs of the Company. These electoral rights were granted solely by virtue of stock‐ownership and made no distinctions based on sex, social status, nationality or religion. This article examines the ways in which women, non‐Britons and religious minorities, in particular, took advantage of the opportunities for political participation opened up by the politicisation of the East India Company's general court in the 1760s, as well as the ways in which this was discussed and debated by contemporaries both in parliament and the press. Tracing the political activities of Mary Barwell, William Bolts and Joseph Salvador provides a unique window into a variety of ways in which the Company offered an alternative venue for political activity for groups often otherwise excluded from the formal politics at Westminster. In doing so, it also shows how the democratic elements of the Company's general court played a significant role in shaping the reform of the East India Company between 1767 and 1784, a process which ultimately led to their curtailment.
2
McVay, Pamela. "Private Trade and Elite Privilege. The Trial of Nicolaas Schaghen, Director of Bengal." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (November 1996): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003971.
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It is common wisdom among the historians of the Dutch East Indies that everyone in the Dutch East India Company engaged in private trade. That is, ‘everyone’ traded in goods supposedly monopolized by the Company and ‘everyone’ abused his or her position to squeeze graft from the Company's trade. It was, supposedly, to get their hands on the private trade and graft that people joined the Dutch East India Company (VOC: Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) in the first place. But back in the Netherlands the VOC's Board of Directors (the Heeren XVII) objected vociferously to private trade, which drained Company profits and shareholder revenue. To appease the Heeren XVII back at home, the various Governors-General and Councillors of the Indies (Raad van Indië), who represented the Heeren XVII in Asia, issued annual placards forbidding private trade while the High Court (Raad van Justitie) carried out infrequent desultory trials for private trade. But these prosecutions were inevitably doomed to failure, so the story goes, because everyone engaged in private trade would ‘cover’ for everyone else.
3
LEONARD, ZAK. "‘A Blot on English Justice’: India reformism and the rhetoric of virtual slavery." Modern Asian Studies 55, no. 1 (March 20, 2020): 207–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000483.
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AbstractBeginning in the late 1830s, a coalition of non-conformists, abolitionists, free traders, and disenchanted East India Company proprietors began to vocally challenge the exploitative policies of the colonial state in British India. Led by lecturer George Thompson, these reformers pursued a rhetorical strategy of associating groups who were converted into ‘mere tools’ by the Company abroad and the aristocracy at home. These monopolistic entities degraded Indian peasant cultivators, the British working classes, and princely sovereigns alike through forms of ‘virtual slavery’ that persisted in the post-Emancipation empire. In staging these protests, reformers ran up against an adversarial Board of Control and Court of Directors who obstructed their efforts to mobilize public opinion. Probing their agitation reveals the existence of a particularly combative strain of liberal imperialist thought that defied the political status quo.
4
Peers, Douglas M. "Between Mars and Mammon; the East India Company and Efforts to Reform its Army, 1796–1832." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013388.
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The history of the East India Company's rule of India is marked by sporadic outbursts of civil-military conflict. It was not unknown in India for European officers to down tools and commit acts that bordered on outright mutiny. Perhaps this could be expected when, on the one hand, the Company, as a commercial body, sought to maximize its profits, while on the other, the army was essentially a mercenary force, ever grasping for a larger slice of the fiscal pie. If, however, we penetrate deeper into the labyrinth of their relations, we find that the issues at stake lose their simplicity. In the early nineteenth century, a third group came into play, further confusing the state of civil-military relations in India. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, which had incorporated military attitudes into the operating system of British India, had begun to assert itself. Through such spokesmen as Thomas Munro, John Malcolm, Charles Metcalfe and Mountstuart Elphinstone, an increasingly militarized rule of British India was put forward, angering the court of directors and allowing the officers to mask their private interest under the guise of the national interest. This ideology of militarism, however, must be firmly placed within the context of nineteenth-century British India for it bore little resemblance to those strains of militarism witnessed elsewhere.
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Van Ittersum, Martine Julia. "Hugo Grotius in Context: Van Heemskerck's Capture of the Santa Catarina and its Justification in De Jure Praedae (1604-1606)." Asian Journal of Social Science 31, no. 3 (2003): 511–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853103322895360.
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This article reconstructs Jacob van Heemskerck's second voyage to the East Indies and his capture of the Portuguese merchantman Santa Catarina on 25 February 1603. It incorporates important new archival evidence like Van Heemskerck's letter to the directors of the Dutch East India Company of 27 August 1603, and the original text of the verdict of the Amsterdam Admiralty Court, which confiscated the Santa Catarina on 4 September 1604. It has long been known that the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) wrote De Jure Praedae in defense of the ship's seizure and at the explicit request of the directors of the Dutch East India Company. Historians have failed to recognise, however, that Grotius' conceptualisation of natural rights and natural law in De Jure Praedae is based to a large extent on Van Heemskerck's own justification of privateering. A key notion of Grotius' rights theories - the individual's right to punish transgressors of the natural law in the absence of an independent and effective judge - follows logically from Van Heemskerck's reasoned decision to assault the Santa Catarina in revenge for Portuguese mistreatment of Dutch merchants in the East Indies. As shown by recent work in international relations theory - notably Edward Keene's Beyond the Anarchical Society: Grotius, Colonialism and Order in World Politics (Keene, 2002) - the natural law and natural rights theories that Grotius formulated in De Jure Praedae cannot be divorced from Dutch imperialism and colonialism in the early modern period.
6
a, Lalthanmawia, and Harendra Sinha. "VILLAGE POLICE SYSTEM: ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR COMMUNITY POLICING IN MIZORAM." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 11 (November 30, 2023): 576–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/17859.
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Indian policing had been revolved around rural policing. In ancient India, each village had its own headman who protected the village with the help of village watchmen or patel. These watchmen were the real executive police of the villages. During medieval period, the Mughal dynasty also adopted this indigenous village police system. The significance of village police system was also recognized by the British rulers. The Court of Directors of the East India Company and The Police Act, 1861 wanted retention of village police system. After independence, Government of India made attempts to revive rural policing system. The Model Police Act was passed in 2006 which directed the states and Union Territories to make new police laws incorporating, among other things, improved village policing system. The present paper was an attempt to study how the village police system had been revived in India by passing the Model Police Act, 2006 with special emphasis on its implementation in Mizoram. Mizoram, a small state in North East India, adopted the Mizoram Police Act, 2011 under which Village Defense Parties were established to provide better policing services to village residents. This Act revived the principles of village policing concept which had been lying dormant. It also provided for formal institutional mechanism of community policing in the state.
7
Tuan, Hoang Anh. "From Japan to Manila and Back to Europe: The Abortive English Trade with Tonkin in the 1670s." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010482.
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It is a well-known fact that the reconstitution of the English East India Company in the 1660s caused a significant revolution in its Asia trade. Coincidently with this improvement, the Company also attempted to expand its trade to East Asian countries, using its Bantam Agent, its only base in Southeast Asia, as a springboard for launching this strategy. Around 1668 the Court of Committees in London was looking for an appropriate opportunity to re-open relations with Japan through the channel of Cambodia. The plan of re-entering the Japan trade – in this the directors in London might have been influenced by their officials in Bantam or they themselves had overestimated its prospects – was then put into practice at the end of 1671. Forthe Company itself, trading with Japan would obviously be profitable, as it had observed at first hand the considerable success of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) over the last decades. The English in the East also grew convinced that the regional trade between Japan and other areas would reap extra profits for the Company. Among the selected targets was Tonkin, present-day northern Vietnam. At that time, its silks and other textiles were highly valued and could fetch good prices in Japan. Traders who took Tonkinese silks to Nagasaki were then able to purchase Japanese silver and copper. These precious metals would be brought back to invest in local merchandize at other factories to keep up the flow of the Japan trade and to supply marketable goods for Europe. The ultimate aim of the English in tradingwith Tonkin was, therefore, to create the so-called Tonkinese silk-for-Japanese silver trade, like that successfully undertaken by the Dutch since 1637. Besides, the search for new markets for English manufactured goods was another reason that spurred the Company on to carry out this plan.
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PRIOR, KATHERINE, LANCE BRENNAN, and ROBIN HAINES. "Bad Language: The Role of English, Persian and other Esoteric Tongues in the Dismissal of Sir Edward Colebrooke as Resident of Delhi in 1829." Modern Asian Studies 35, no. 1 (February 2001): 75–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x01003614.
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In 1829, at the height of Lord William Bentinck's regime of reform, a keen young civil servant in north India took on one of the last of the Company's nabobs and won. It was a clash of a new style of Haileybury civilian with an old Company servant which remarkably prefigured the personal and philosophical dynamics of the Anglicist-Orientalist education debate a few years later. Sir Edward Colebrooke, Bt, was Resident of Delhi, 67 years old and nearly 50 years in the East India Company's service. His youthful adversary was his own first assistant, Charles Edward Trevelyan, aged 22 and, in Sir Edward's words, ‘a Boy just escaped from school’. In June 1829 Trevelyan charged Colebrooke with corruption, and despite being cut by many of Delhi's European residents, saw the prosecution through to its conclusion some six months later when the Governor-General in Council was pleased to order Colebrooke's suspension from the service, a sentence ultimately confirmed by the Court of Directors.
9
Blussé, Leonard. "Peeking into the Empires: Dutch Embassies to the Courts of China and Japan." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (December 2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000776.
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In the 1660s the renowned publishing company of Jacob van Meurs in Amsterdam published three richly illustrated monographs that fundamentally changed the European perceptions of the empires of China and Japan. It all started with the publication in 1665 of the travel notes and sketches that Joan Nieuhof had made ten years earlier, while travelling in the retinue of two Dutch envoys to the Manchu court in Peking. With no less than 150 copper prints, this book aroused so much interest in travel topics—it was published in Dutch, French, German, Latin, and English—that Van Meurs did not hesitate to launch a whole series of illustrated volumes about faraway countries. To keep the China lovers happy, he published a reprint of the richly illustrated China Monumentis by the German Jesuit Athanasius Kircher. In 1668, another monumental illustrated work appeared in Dutch (and later also German, English and French editions) time about Africa written by the Amsterdam physician Olfert Dapper, and shortly afterwards, when that publication also proved to be a smashing success, Van Meurs asked for the right to publish two more works, one on Japan and one on China. That privilege was obtained on March 1669. The book on Japan, Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen der Oost-Indische Maetschappij aen de Kaisaren van Japan, or “Memorable embassies of the (Dutch) East India Company to the Emperors of Japan,” was compiled by Arnoldus Montanus, a learned Dutch clergyman, who according to the preface had already published fifty-three monographs. The book on China was authored by Olfert Dapper, who this time edited the travelogues of the second and third Dutch embassies to China. What made these books so interesting is that they all were based on eyewitness accounts of the interior of the widely known but little explored empires of China and Japan by servants of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The reason why it was possible for the Dutch merchants to travel where few other westerners had gone before was that they had been sent by the directors of the company as envoys bearing tribute presents to the rulers of both realms to secure privileged trading rights.
10
Harris, Ellen T. "With Eyes on the East and Ears on the West: Handel's Orientalist Operas." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929863.
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After the formal establishment of an Austrian competitor to the English East India Company (eic) in 1722, the English drew on every resource available to force the Austrian company to close down—not only political pressure and extensive pamphleteering but also the arts. Of the fifteen operas presented by the Royal Academy of Music from 1724 to 1728, twelve, including seven by George Frideric Handel, featured settings in the Orient. Chosen by the directors of the Academy, who were also eic directors and investors, these Oriental settings kept the image of the East in front of aristocratic audiences, including important Members of Parliament, who had the power to assist the East India effort.
11
Bowen, Huw V. "The ‘Little Parliament’: The General Court of the East India Company, 1750–1784." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 857–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017325.
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The historical verdict on the General Court of the East India Company has often been an unfavourable one. The Court, the ultimate sovereign body within the company, has invariably been described in terms similar to those which used to be applied to the eighteenth-century house of commons: it has been seen as a corrupt, disorderly, and disreputable political institution. Macaulay set the general tone in 1840 when he painted a typically vivid picture of proceedings at the General Court in the mid-eighteenth century. ‘The meetings’, he wrote, ‘were large, stormy, even riotous, the debates indecently virulent. All the turbulence of a Westminster election, all the trickery and corruption of a Grampound election, disgraced the proceedings of this assembly on questions of the most solemn importance’. This unflattering and somewhat impressionistic sketch has occasionally received uncritical acceptance from modern-day historians, and indeed it may be endorsed by contemporary observations of particular events at the Court. In 1767, for example, a first-time visitor to the Court room at India House in Leadenhall Street was appalled by what he saw, and he came away with the impression that this was ‘the most riotous assembly I ever saw’. And yet, on numerous other occasions commentators were full of praise for the good order and high standards of oratory at the Court. This has prompted two of the leading modern authorities on the history of the company in Britain to comment favourably on the quality of debate at India House during the eighteenth and early-nineteenth century.
12
Fisher, Michael H. "The Resident in Court Ritual, 1764–1858." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1990): 419–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010428.
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The exchanges that comprised the formal meetings between Indian Rulers and the British Residents attached to their courts both reflected and, in some measure, determined the changing political relationships between the Indian states and the English East India Company. As the Resident and his staff introduced new symbols and meanings into his ritual intercourse with an Indian Ruler, these new elements affected the attitudes and actions taken by the audiences of these exchanges, in both India and Britain. As the military and political power of the Company flowed over or around the regional states of India during the period 1764–1858, the Company's Residents proved able to assert increasing influence over the shape of these rituals in the Indian courts.
13
Wagner, Joseph. "The Scottish East India Company of 1617: Patronage, Commercial Rivalry, and the Union of the Crowns." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 582–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.38.
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AbstractThe history of the Scottish East India Company of 1617 is a history of partnerships and rivalries within and between Scotland and England. The company was opposed by the merchants of the royal burghs in Scotland and by the East India Company, Muscovy Company, and Privy Council in England. At the same time, it was supported by the Scottish Privy Council and was able to recruit Dutch, English, and Scottish investors. The interactions between these groups were largely shaped by the union of the crowns, which saw James VI accede to the thrones of England and Ireland and move his court to London. Scotland was thus left with an absentee monarch, decreasing the access of Scottish merchants to the king while increasing the importance of court connections in acquiring that access. Regal union also created opportunities for Scots to become part of the London business world, which, in turn, could lead to backlash from English interests. Having developed in this context, the Scottish East India Company speaks to how James VI and I approached patronage and policy in his multiple kingdoms, how commercial rivalries developed in England and Scotland, and how trading companies played a role in constitutional developments in Stuart Britain.
14
Mentz, Søren. "Merchants and States: Private Trade and the Fall of Madras, 1746." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 2, no. 1 (July 22, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v2i1.37.
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Michael Pearson has argued that “rights for revenue” was an important element in the European way of organizing long-distance trade in the early modern period. The state provided indigenous merchant groups with commercial privileges and allowed them to influence political affairs. In return, the state received a part of the economic surplus. The East India Company and the British state shared such a relationship. However, as this article demonstrates, the East India Company was not an impersonal entity. It consisted of many layers of private entrepreneurs, who pursued their own private interests sheltered by the Company’s privileged position. One such group was the Company servants in Asia. The French conquest of Madras in 1746 and the following period of British sub-imperialism in India demonstrate that the state had traded off too many rights. Through the business papers of Willian Monson, a senior Company servant in Madras, the historian can describe the fall of Madras as a consequence of deteriorating relationships between private interests within the Company structure. Directors, shareholders, Company servants and private merchants in India fell out with each other. In this situation, the British state found it difficult to intervene.
15
Hasan, Farhat. "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 4 (October 1993): 711–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00001268.
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In this paper an attempt is made to outline the basic structure of taxes on trade and commerce at the Mughal port of Surat during the seventeenth century. This is explored chiefly from documents relating to the English East India Company. By the very nature of the Company being a foreign corporate body, it did not represent a typical ‘peddling’ tax-payer. But the system in so far as the ordinary merchants were concerned, can be restored for us indirectly by considering how far the Company was favoured in taxation matters. We may also reconsider the common view that the English enjoyed ‘invidious trading privileges’ by virtue of the orders of the imperial court, and that it was their privileges that explain their ultimate success in India.
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Gelderblom, Oscar, Abe de Jong, and Joost Jonker. "Learning how to manage risk by hedging: the VOC insurance contract of 1613." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 2 (March 30, 2019): 332–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez003.
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Abstract We examine an unusual contract which the Dutch East India Company (VOC) sold to investors in 1613. The firm was in a position as modelled by Froot, Scharfstein and Stein for modern corporations: facing heavy, strategic investment, about to reap the benefits, but unable to attract the necessary capital. Hedging or insurance then makes sense to safeguard continued operations. Understanding this, the VOC directors took out insurance on incoming cash from return cargoes. We analyze the contract’s price and underwriters and contrast the VOC’s single use of this peculiar instrument with the English East India Company’s later repeated application.
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HANNA, NELLY. "A Cairo Court Register." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 1 (February 2007): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743807222500.
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People mentioned in court records tend to be anonymous, but Ja'far Pasha is known from several different sources: his biography in al-Muhibbi's Khulasat al-athar shows him to be a man of learning and a successful military leader Dutch East India Company records mention him as Ottoman pasha in Yemen from 1607 to 1616 and Egyptian historical sources place him in 1617 or 1618 as governor of Egypt, where he died of the plague which bears his name (fasl Ja'far). The above court case sheds light on Ja'far Pasha's economic dealings, indicating that he was doing business in Egypt years before being appointed governor.
18
Huigen, Siegfried. "Het gebruik van “Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën” van François Valentyn door bewindhebbers van de VOC in de achttiende eeuw." Neerlandica Wratislaviensia 32 (December 2, 2021): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-0716.32.9.
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This article discusses the circulation of information extracted from François Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën (1724–1726) during the eighteenth century, both with regards to the central organs of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the Netherlands and the VOC establishments in the East Indies. First, three documents are analysed that were part of five VOC directors’ personal archives, with the aim to determine the way these directors made use of Valentyn’s book. It is concluded that for these directors Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën was probably the most important source of information about the VOC’s trading empire, while at the same time their epistemic interest was limited to matters of trade. Second, the usage of Valentyn’s book in various VOC establishments in the East Indies is assessed on the basis of correspondence between these establishments with the VOC central government in Batavia. Because of the fact that Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën was used simultaneously as a source of information by several actors, both in the Netherlands and in the East Indies, this might have resulted in standardising the operational knowledge of the East Indies within the VOC network.
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Fordham, Douglas. "Costume Dramas: British Art at the Court of the Marathas." Representations 101, no. 1 (2008): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2008.101.1.57.
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Arriving at the Maratha court of Poona in the 1790s, British artists struggled to integrate metropolitan aesthetics into the business of imperial expansion. "Costume" lay at the heart of this conflict, pitting an aesthetic concept against an early ethnographic tool of the East India Company. By focusing on British representations of the Maratha durbar, this essay argues that "costume" tested the ideological limits of Western aesthetics and imperial representation at the turn of the century.
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Riding, Tim. "Managing Expertise: The Problem of Engineers in the English East India Company, 1668–1764." Itinerario 45, no. 2 (June 24, 2021): 228–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000140.
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AbstractThis article challenges the assumption that the early modern engineer acted as a reliable agent for colonial authorities. Far from acting as trusted mediators between colony and metropole, experts could exacerbate tensions. The English East India Company knew this, and avoided engineers throughout its early history. This article considers the interplay between authorities in London and their subordinates in Bombay. The company's directors saw engineers as untrustworthy agents who increased expenditure and disrupted the company's system of consultative governance. For much of its early modern history, the company's fortifications and built environments relied on a knowledge network of informal expertise. Examining these experts-in-context reveals how expertise was managed and built environments maintained in colonial settings. When the company did turn to experts in the mid-eighteenth century, it struggled to utilise and incorporate them. This demonstrates that in some colonial contexts experts could be profoundly disruptive.
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Weststeijn, Arthur. "The VOC as a Company-State: Debating Seventeenth-Century Dutch Colonial Expansion." Itinerario 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000035.
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AbstractWhat was seventeenth-century Dutch expansion in Southeast Asia all about? In the traditional historiography, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) was predominantly presented as a multinational corporation and non-state colonial actor. Recent research, however, has significantly challenged this view, stressing instead the imperial aspects of VOC rule. This article aims to break new ground by analysing the vocabularies used in seventeenth-century reasoning about Dutch expansion overseas. Focusing on three critics of the VOC from the 1660s and 1670s, Pieter van Dam, Pieter de la Court, and Pieter van Hoorn, the article shows how voices within and outside of the ranks of the Company tried to make sense of the many-faced VOC as a commercial company that was also, in different ways, a state. In an on-going debate that centred on the issues of colonisation, conquest, free trade, and monopoly, the VOC was characterised as a distinctive political body that operated as an overseas extension of the state (Van Dam), as a competitor of the state (De la Court), or as a state as such (Van Hoorn). Following Philip J. Stern's recent analysis of the English East India Company, the VOC should therefore be considered to be a particular political institution in its own terms, which challenged its critics to think about it as a body politic that was neither corporation nor empire, but rather a Company-State.
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Mishra, Rupali. "Diplomacy at the Edge: Split Interests in the Roe Embassy to the Mughal Court." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 1 (January 2014): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.208.
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AbstractAs the first official English ambassador to the Mughal court, Sir Thomas Roe found himself at the outer reaches of English knowledge, experience, and influence in the early seventeenth century. This article examines the difficult position Roe felt himself to occupy, triangulating between the different interests he represented—his own interests, those of the East India Company that employed him, and those of the Crown that accredited him. Roe's letters revealed his difficulties in conducting what he saw as the essential tasks of the ambassador, and his limited success in establishing his status and authority both at the Mughal court and over the Company factors in India. As someone at the forefront of English overseas activities in the early seventeenth century, Roe's experiences shed light on the lived experience of English expansion. His case demonstrates the difficulties of adapting the tools of Tudor-Stuart statecraft to England's widening global reach.
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Farooqui, Amar. "Religion, the ‘riot’ of 1807 in Delhi, and anti-Company sentiment." Studies in People's History 3, no. 2 (November 22, 2016): 174–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448916665727.
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The East India Company’s occupation of Delhi in 1803 created a new situation at the seat of the Mughal court, where the citizens had to treat with an alien government and its native instruments though formally they were still subjects of the Mughal emperor seated in the Red Fort. It is this situation, not so much any religious or communal issue, which explains the riot of 1807 directed against Harsukh Rai, a banker and major agent of the Company.
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SHODHAN, Amrita. "The East India Company’s Conquest of Assam, India, and “Community” Justice: Panchayats/Mels in Translation." Asian Journal of Law and Society 2, no. 2 (September 7, 2015): 357–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2015.12.
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AbstractThe East India Company troops fighting the Burmese aggression on the frontier of Bengal in Eastern India “freed” upper and lower Assam territories in 1825. David Scott of the Bengal Service was appointed to oversee the establishment of civil and revenue administration in these frontier territories. He established a hierarchical multiple structure of “native courts”—called panchayats—as the chief medium of civil and criminal justice. This was ostensibly continuing a traditional Assamese form of dispute resolution—the mel; however, the British criminal jury as well as the expert assessor model animated the system. After his death in 1831, the system was brought in line with the rest of the Bengal administration based on the British court system. His experiment, paralleled in many other newly conquered and ceded districts from the Madras territories to Central India, suggests the use of this mode in post-conquest situations by British administrators in South Asia.
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Kuiters, Willem G. J. "Reactions to Change: European Society in Bengal under the East India Company Flag, 1756-1773." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024554.
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Over the 1750s and 1760s, the East India Company became the principal ruler of Bengal. This rise to power was initially achieved by a limited use of military force combined with the clever manipulation of local politics and discontent in Bengal court circles provoked by the young and incautious Nawab Siraj-ud-daula. The Nawaby's army was defeated at Plassey after his most important generals conspired with the British against him. The British concluded a very advantageous treaty with his successor, Mir Jafar, who became increasingly dependent on their goodwill.
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van Meersbergen, Guido. "“Intirely the Kings Vassalls”: East India Company Gifting Practices and Anglo-Mughal Political Exchange (c. 1670–1720)." Diplomatica 2, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 270–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-02020005.
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Abstract This article examines the role of gift exchanges in political relations between the East India Company and the Mughal imperial administration. Focusing on the period 1670–1720, it discusses the items selected for presentation, the occasions at which they changed hands, and the hierarchical relationships expressed and acknowledged through these transactions. It argues that in exchanges both with the central court and with provincial authorities, transfers of valuables in cash and kind between English and Indian actors were embedded in a wider imperial discourse regarding sovereignty and service. By acknowledging the continuum running from courtly engagements to everyday political interactions at local sites of power, a notion of Company diplomacy comes into view that straddled the boundaries between inter-polity relations and intra-imperial solicitation. As such, the case study invites us to rethink our notion of diplomacy as it pertained to relations between the English Company and Mughal state.
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COHEN, BENJAMIN B. "The Court of Wards in a Princely State: Bank Robber or Babysitter?" Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (January 18, 2007): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x05002246.
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Scholarship on institutional history rarely brings the academe to a heightened state of excitement. However, when institutions cross spans of time and place while intersecting with multiple cultural identities and levels of power, things can become more captivating. An ideal institution for examination of this very process is the Court of Wards. Originally devised in Tudor England, the Court was later brought to India by members of the East India Company and put into wide use throughout the subcontinent. In India, its purpose was to shelter child heirs and their estates, eventually returning heir and estate to autonomy when ruling age was reached. However, while the Court in England and in India has received some critical review, we can extend its investigation one step further by examining its use in the ‘other India’, that of the princely states. How did this administrative unit become adopted and adapted to some of India's 560 princely states? To what degree were the Court and its administrators able to rectify an inherent tension within the Court's purpose? It was largely designed to protect child heirs and their estates, and return them in due time. But, in a princely state, in some circumstances, the ultimate ‘owner’ of any land was the chief prince. Did the Court mediate between the wishes of the ruling prince and his (or her) smaller ‘little kings?’ In short, to what extent was the Court of Wards at times a babysitter, and at other times a bank robber?
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Tracy, James D. "Asian Despotism? Mughal Government as Seen From the Dutch East India Company Factory in Surat." Journal of Early Modern History 3, no. 3 (1999): 256–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006599x00260.
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AbstractIn the current debate about early modern European perceptions of Asia, the rich documentation produced by the Dutch East India Company has been largely overlooked. The Surat factory, whose correspondence is extant from 1636, was in close connection with the centers of Mughal authority, and the factory here, unlike in some other Dutch outposts, was never allowed to be transformed into a fortified enclosure from which the "hatmen" could challenge the agents of the state with impunity. In published accounts of Asian government, including those written in Dutch, "despots" held sway over lands whose only law was the ruler's whim. But Company documents from Surat (and elsewhere in India) consistently depict local officials as manipulating for their own profit their control over European trade, often in flagrant disregard of trading privileges carefully negotiated with the Mughal court. The image of an all-powerful sovereign, though not altogether absent, is sometimes evoked as a way of explaining to Company superiors in Batavia (Djakarta) or Amsterdam why their servants in Surat could not do as they were bidden. But if Company men developed over time a credible local knowledge of Mughal government, they were no different from stay-at-home European Christians in their view of the Mughal realm's Muslim elites: in this age of continuing warfare between Christendom and Islamdom, a "faithless Moor" was always and everywhere the same.
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na Pombejra, Dhiravat. "The Voyages of the “Sea Adventure” to Ayutthaya, 1615–1618: The English East India Company and its Siam–Japan Trade." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (December 2013): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000818.
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The English East India Company (EIC) first arrived in Siam in 1612, when its traders were given a royal audience by King Songtham (r. 1610/11–28) in Ayutthaya. Peter Floris and Lucas Antheuniss, Dutchmen working for the EIC, came to Patani on theGlobeand then branched out to other ports, exploring the possibilities of trade in mainland Southeast Asia. Armed with a letter from King James I, the EIC employees led by Antheuniss and Thomas Essington were able not only to approach the court, but also to observe for themselves the possibilities of trade in Siam. This first sojourn in Ayutthaya marked the start of over a decade of Anglo–Siamese contacts, through the establishment and maintenance of an EIC factory in Ayutthaya.During this first phase, the EIC was to stay in Ayutthaya for only eleven years, closing its factory in 1623. It was not until the 1660s, after a gap of around thirty years, that the company returned to trade in Siam. After a troubled stay, the EIC once again left Siam in 1685, and was engaged in war with the court of King Narai (r. 1656–88) over several disputes. The only English merchants coming to Siam after 1688 were “country traders” mostly based in India.
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Rietbergen, P. J. A. N. "Witsen's World: Nicolaas Witsen (1641–1717) between the Dutch East India Company and the Republic of Letters." Itinerario 9, no. 2 (July 1985): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300016144.
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In a collection of essays concerning the inevitably diverse vicissitudes of the representatives of that phenomenon collectively known as ‘the Company's servants,’ the inclusion of Nicolaas Witsen may come as a surprise. In our democratic age, he undoubtedly would have termed himself a ‘servant’ of the Dutch East India Company; in his own, more hierarchical times, he will have considered himself one of the Company's masters, as indeed he was. Whatever the powers of the Heren XVII may actually have been, Witsen for many years was one of the directors of the Amsterdam Chamber, the Company's most powerful division, and one of Amsterdam representatives to the bi-annual assembly which actually directed the Company's affairs at home, and tried to do so abroad, in its far-flung commercial empire, where other servants often held far greater, and less controlable power.
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Wickramasinghe, Nira, and Alicia Schrikker. "The Ambivalence of Freedom: Slaves in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 03 (June 20, 2019): 497–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000159.
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This article discusses slavery and the lives of enslaved people in Jaffna, northern Sri Lanka, under Dutch and British rule. It argues that by sanctioning and tapping into a perceived local practice of slavery and legally constituting slaves, Dutch colonial rulers further strengthened the power of the dominant caste Vellalar over their subordinates. This was done through processes of registration, legal codification, and litigation. For some enslaved people, however, bureaucratization provided grounds for negotiation and resistance, as well as the potential to take control over their individual lives. British rule that took over areas controlled by the Dutch East India Company or Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie—first in the guise of the East India Company (1796–1802), then under the Crown (1802–1948)—introduced a number of measures, acts, and incentives to dismantle slavery as it was practiced on the island. This article draws from Dutch and early British period petitions, court records, commission reports, and slave registers to interrogate the discourse of freedom that permeated the British abolition of slavery from 1806 to 1844 and suggests that in Jaffna after abolition there remained bondage in freedom.
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Agmon, Danna. "Historical Gaps and Non-existent Sources: The Case of the Chaudrie Court in French India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 4 (October 2021): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000311.
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AbstractThis article develops a typology of historical and archival gaps—physical, historiographical, and epistemological—to consider how non-existent sources are central to understanding colonial law and governance. It does so by examining the institutional and archival history of a court known as the Chaudrie in the French colony of Pondichéry in India in the eighteenth century, and integrating problems that are specific to the study of legal history—questions pertaining to jurisdiction, codification, evidence, and sovereignty—with issues all historians face regarding power and the making of archives. Under French rule, Pondichéry was home to multiple judicial institutions, administered by officials of the French East Indies Company. These included the Chaudrie court, which existed at least from 1700 to 1827 as a forum where French judges were meant to dispense justice according to local Tamil modes of dispute resolution. However, records of this court prior to 1766 have not survived. By drawing on both contemporaneous mentions of the Chaudrie and later accounts of its workings, this study centers missing or phantom sources, severed from the body of the archive by political, judicial, and bureaucratic decisions. It argues that the Chaudrie was a court where jurisdiction was decoupled from sovereignty, and this was the reason it did not generate a state-managed and preserved archive of court records for itself until the 1760s. The Chaudrie’s early history makes visible a relationship between law and its archive that is paralleled by approaches to colonial governance in early modern French Empire.
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Moore, Robin J. "John Stuart Mill and Royal India." Utilitas 3, no. 1 (May 1991): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095382080000087x.
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Though John Stuart Mill's long employment by the East India Company (1823–58) did not limit him to drafting despatches on relations with the princely states, that activity must form the centrepiece of any satisfactory study of his Indian career. As yet the activity has scarcely been glimpsed. It produced, on average, about a draft a week, which he listed in his own hand. He subsequently struck out items that he sought to disown in consequence of substantial revisions made by the Company's directors or the Board of Control. He also listed items that achieved publication (mostly only in part) as parliamentary papers and they amount to about ten per cent of his drafts. The two lists, published in the most recent volume of his Collected Works, reveal, at the least, the ‘political’ despatches from which he did not seek to dissociate himself. The despatches were not entirely his work and authorship in the conventional sense may not be assumed. They were the product of an elaborate process, in which many hands were engaged. At worst, they were his work in much the same way that an Act of Parliament is the work of the Crown Solicitor who drafts the bill. At best they were his as are the drafts of a civil servant who believes in policy statements that he prepares for his political masters. The greatest English philosopher and social scientist of the nineteenth century was, in his daily occupation, an employee. His Company was charged with initiating policies for the Indian states and they were subject to the control of a minister of the Crown.
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Arutyunyan, Ruben. "Effect of Dutch Expansion in Malaya on Local Public Authority System." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University. Series: Humanities and Social Sciences 2023, no. 4 (December 25, 2023): 496–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2542-1840-2023-7-4-496-504.
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The Dutch expansion in Malaya was associated with the Dutch East India Company, also known as the Dutch VOC. It influenced the development of public authority institutions in Malaya and the Indonesian islands. The VOC had a trade monopoly in the East Indies and adopted state governmental methods and functions in the region. The Charter of 1602 gave the Company rights to maintain a military garrison, build forts, appoint judges, and conclude treaties outside Europe. In the first half of the XVII century, the Dutch defeated the Portuguese in their colonial rivalry for the Indonesian islands and Malaya. As the VOC expanded its boundaries, it used the structure of public authority to manage the colonies. The author analyzed the structure of the VOC public administration, its bodies, and public institutions in Malacca and other colonial cities. The Dutch colonial court system in Malaya and the Indonesian islands included European and traditional courts. However, Batavia had a local authority known as the College van Schepenen while the island of Java had Adat and Islamic courts.
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Preud’homme, Nicolas J. "A French Manuscript on Trade and Diplomacy in Iran during the Zand Era." Journal of Persianate Studies 15, no. 2 (April 27, 2023): 215–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-bja10032.
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Abstract A highly interesting memoir about Iran, written by Jean-François-Xavier Rousseau (1738–1808), an agent of the French East India Company (Compagnie des Indes orientales) in Basra, apparently unpublished and unknown until now, covers the political situation of the late Zand period of the 1770s in an effort to promote French trade in the Persian Gulf. This text, entitled Situation actuelle du royaume de Perse (The Current Situation of the Kingdom of Persia), is a valuable document that sheds light on the French commercial strategy towards Iran and testifies to the social contacts between European merchants, diplomats, local rulers, and the Zand court in the eighteenth century.
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Rahusen-De Bruyn Kops, Henriette. "Not Such an ‘Unpromising Beginning’: The First Dutch Trade Embassy to China, 1655–1657." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 535–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003025.
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As early as 1613, the leadership of the Dutch East India Company [VOC] recognized the importance of direct trade with China. Attempts to gain a foothold on the Chinese coast by use of force in the early decades of the century were unsuccessful. Beginning in 1624, the Dutch used a fortified settlement on the island of Taiwan as the next best thing to a mainland base. When their position on Taiwan was threatened in the middle of the century, the VOC directors decided to try to get their mainland trading privileges through diplomacy. Although later embassies have received more extensive scholarly attention, relatively little research has been done into the expectations and strategies of the various parties involved in the first VOC embassy of 1655–1657.
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WILKINSON, CALLIE. "Weak Ties in a Tangled Web? Relationships between the Political Residents of the English East India Company and their munshis, 1798–1818." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 05 (July 5, 2019): 1574–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000932.
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AbstractAlthough historians have long recognized the important role that Indians played in the English East India Company's operations, the focus has usually been on the mechanics of direct rule in ‘British’ India. Yet, the expertise of Indian cultural intermediaries was arguably even more important, as well as more contested, in the context of the Company's growing political influence over nominally independent Indian kingdoms. This article examines the relationships between the East India Company's political representatives (Residents) and their Indian secretaries (munshis) at Indian royal courts during a period of dramatic imperial expansion, from 1798 to 1818. The article considers how these relationships were conceptualized and debated by British officials, and reflects on the practical consequences of these relationships for the munshis involved. The tensions surrounding the role of the munshi in Residency business exemplify some of the practical dilemmas posed by the developing system of indirect rule in India, where the Resident had to decide how much responsibility to delegate to Indian experts better versed in courtly norms and practices, while at the same time maintaining his own image of authority and control. Although the Resident–munshi relationship was in many respects mutually beneficial, these relationships nevertheless spawned anxieties about transparency and accountability within the Company itself, as well as exciting resentments at court. Both Residents and munshis were required to negotiate between two political and institutional cultures, but it was the munshi who seems to have borne the brunt of the risks associated with this intermediary position.
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Ziad, Waleed. "Mufti ‘Iwāz and the 1816 “Disturbances at Bareilli”:Inter-Communal Moral Economy and Religious Authority in Rohilkhand." Journal of Persianate Studies 7, no. 2 (November 5, 2014): 189–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341272.
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In the Spring of 1816, the North Indian town of Bareilli witnessed a series of protests following the imposition of a House Tax by the East India Company government. Under the leadership of Mufti ‘Iwāz, a local ‘ālem associated with reformist Sufi traditions, various Muslim and Hindu communities of Bareilli engaged in collective action which culminated in a violent confrontation. Reading court records against the grain, this paper argues that the protests represented a complex form of negotiation framed within Islamo-Persianate paradigms—including symbols, language, and authority structures—which continued to define modes of popular political expression in the early colonial period. By focusing on Mufti ‘Iwāz, the incident provides rare insights into the practical relationship between Muslim orthodoxy, communal dynamics, and political authority. I argue that with the collapse of Mughal rule, the mufti assumed a role as an intermediary between the people of Bareilli and Company officials derived from precolonial conceptions of moral, popular, and spiritual authority shared by Hindu and Muslim communities.
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Ranjeva-Rabetafika, Yvette, René Baesjou, and Natalie Everts. "Of Paper and Men: A Note on the Archives of the VOC as a Source for the History of Madagascar." Itinerario 24, no. 1 (March 2000): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008676.
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In July 1752, two days after their arrival at a roadstead in Saint Augustine's Bay on the south-western coast of Madagascar, ‘theGreat Island’, two junior merchants of the Dutch East India Company ship Schuylenburch headed for the residence of king Ratsimandresy (Ramanrasse in the Dutch sources). They were Philip Boomgaard and Dirk Westerhoff, responsible for commercial affairs and on a trade mission for the Company. On the way to the king's residence, about two miles inland from ‘Toulier’ (Toliara), they were welcomed by Ramanrasse's son, ‘crovmprince Revenoe’, and they offered him a few gifts they had brought along. However, upon taking a closer look at the presents Revenoe disdainfully threw astring of beads on the ground replying ‘that the Dutch were nothing more than traffickers, and that he expected them upon their arrival to present him with proper gifts just like the British and French traders that frequented his father's court were accustomed to do’.
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Aslanian, Sebouh. "Trade Diaspora versus Colonial State: Armenian Merchants, the English East India Company, and the High Court of Admiralty in London, 1748–1752." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 13, no. 1 (March 2004): 37–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.13.1.37.
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Aslanian, Sebouh. "Trade Diaspora versus Colonial State: Armenian Merchants, the English East India Company, and the High Court of Admiralty in London, 1748-1752." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 13, no. 1 (2004): 37–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2006.0002.
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Gupta, Ashin Das. "Pieter Phoonsen of Surat, c. 1730–1740." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (July 1988): 551–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009677.
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Pieter Laurens Phoonsen, son of Bernard Phoonsen, a distinguished servant of the Dutch East India Company, was born at Gale in Ceylon in 1691 and probably never saw the Netherlands in his life. He was enrolled as a common sailor on a ship of the Dutch Company at Batavia in the year 1707. The peak of his career in the service of the Company was reached when he succeeded Herman Bruinink as the directeur of the Dutch council at Surat late in the year 1728. The papers produced at the Dutch lodge at Surat throughout the 1730s show Phoonsen as an efficient servant of the Company, an upright man keen to uphold the honour of the white race in an alien environment and, on the whole, aloof from the fearful complications of these years in the city of Surat. Phoonsen's colleagues in the council at Surat carefully emulated their chief and the official papers give no ground to suspect that the Indian world enmeshed in any way with life as it went on behind the walls at the Dutch lodge or that the Company, whatever the directors might say, had any well-founded reason for complaint. True, such upright men were not universally admired even at the time. Apart from the distant suspicion of Amsterdam, there was scepticism closer at hand. Writing an ordinary business letter in the early 1730s, Henry Lowther, the chief of the English factory at Surat, noted: ‘The Dutch have sold their cargo, that is the Chief and Council have bought it underhand but at what price no one knows.’ The prolix correspondence from the Dutch lodge at Surat was not, however, tainted with such meanness.
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Choudhury, Rishad. "Wahhabis without Religion; or, A Genealogy of Jihadis in Colonial Law, 1818 to 1857." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 42, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 404–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9987892.
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Abstract This article offers a new interpretation of the “Indian Wahhabi” beyond an ostensibly religious identity. Examining encounters between a centralizing state and decentralized circulatory regimes, the study thus illuminates an overlooked sociolegal genealogy of the jihadi militant in colonial India. From 1818, the East India Company secured its sovereignty by designating as deviant or permissible a host of itinerant figures in and around South Asia. In police records, court transcripts, and legislative archives, pilgrims with links to Arabia accordingly began appearing as suspected Wahhabis. Yet, in then seeking to distinguish “faqirs” from “fanatics,” colonial law used logics and exceptions with two important implications. First, as the “Wahhabi” came to imply a violent counterclaim to sovereignty, it also became a juridical formulation more political than religious. The faqir pilgrim here supplied the conceit of religion. Second, the complex question of jihad produced a deeper paradox, as grappling with a “religious” problem without “religion” stretched secular jurisprudence to breaking points. Until 1857, around South Asia, states of emergency hence dominated official responses to Wahhabis. Ultimately, colonial law's gestures not only rendered unexceptional its regimes of exception. Ironically, they also reified religion, such that Islam and violence became culturally consubstantial in colonial thought.
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An, Ran, Yuncheng Man, Shamreen Iram, Erdem Kucukal, Muhammad Noman Hasan, Ambar Solis-Fuentes, Allison Bode, et al. "Computer Vision and Deep Learning Assisted Microchip Electrophoresis for Integrated Anemia and Sickle Cell Disease Screening." Blood 136, Supplement 1 (November 5, 2020): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2020-142548.
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Introduction: Anemia affects a third of the world's population with the heaviest burden borne by women and children. Anemia leads to preventable impaired development in children, as well as high morbidity and early mortality among sufferers. Inherited hemoglobin (Hb) disorders, such as sickle cell disease (SCD), are associated with chronic hemolytic anemia causing high morbidity and mortality. Anemia and SCD are inherently associated and are both prevalent in the same regions of the world including sub-Saharan Africa, India, and south-east Asia. Anemia and SCD-related complications can be mitigated by screening, early diagnosis followed by timely intervention. Anemia treatment depends on the accurate characterization of the cause, such as inherited Hb disorders. Meanwhile, Hb disorders or SCD treatments, such as hydroxyurea therapy, requires close monitoring of blood Hb level and the patient's anemia status over time. As a result, it is crucially important to perform integrated detection and monitoring of blood Hb level, anemia status, and Hb variants, especially in areas where anemia and inherited Hb disorders are the most prevalent. Blood Hb level (in g/dL) is used as the main indicator of anemia, while the presence of Hb variants (e.g., sickle Hb or HbS) in blood is the primary indicator of an inherited disorder. The current clinical standards for anemia testing and Hb variant identification are complete blood count (CBC) and High-Performance Liquid Chromatography (HPLC), respectively. State-of-the-art laboratory infrastructure and trained personnel are required for these laboratory tests. However, these resources are typically scarce in low- and middle-income countries, where anemia and Hb disorders are the most prevalent. As a result, there is a dire need for high accuracy portable point-of-care (POC) devices to perform integrated anemia and Hb variant tests with affordable cost and high throughput. Methods: In 2019, the World Health Organization (WHO) listed Hb electrophoresis as an essential in vitro diagnostic (IVD) technology for diagnosing SCD and sickle cell trait. We have leveraged the common Hb electrophoresis method and developed a POC microchip electrophoresis test, Hemoglobin Variant/Anemia (HbVA). This technology is being commercialized under the product name "Gazelle" by Hemex Health Inc. for Hb variant identification with integrated anemia detection (Fig. 1A&B). We hypothesized that computer vision and deep learning will enhance the accuracy and reproducibility of blood Hb level prediction and anemia detection in cellulose acetate based Hb electrophoresis, which is a clinical standard test for Hb variant screening and diagnosis worldwide (Fig. 1C). To test this hypothesis, we integrated, for the first time, a new, computer vision and artificial neural network (ANN) based deep learning imaging and data analysis algorithm, to Hb electrophoresis. Here, we show the feasibility of this new, computer vision and deep learning enabled diagnostic approach via testing of 46 subjects, including individuals with anemia and homozygous (HbSS) or heterozygous (HbSC or Sβ-thalassemia) SCD. Results and Discussion: HbVA computer vision tracked the electrophoresis process real-time and the deep learning neural network algorithm determined Hb levels which demonstrated significant correlation with a Pearson Correlation Coefficient of 0.95 compared to the results of reference standard CBC (Fig.1D). Furthermore, HbVA demonstrated high reproducibly with a mean absolute error of 0.55 g/dL and a bias of -0.10 g/dL (95% limits of agreement: 1.5 g/dL) according to Bland-Altman analysis (Fig. 1E). Anemia determination was achieved with 100% sensitivity and 92.3% specificity with a receiver operating characteristic area under the curve (AUC) of 0.99 (Fig. 1F). Within the same test, subjects with SCD were identified with 100% sensitivity and specificity (Fig. 1G). Overall, the results suggested that computer vision and deep learning methods can be used to extract new information from Hb electrophoresis, enabling, for the first time, reproducible, accurate, and integrated blood Hb level prediction, anemia detection, and Hb variant identification in a single affordable test at the POC. Disclosures An: Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Hasan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties. Ahuja:Genentech: Consultancy; Sanofi-Genzyme: Consultancy; XaTec Inc.: Consultancy; XaTec Inc.: Research Funding; XaTec Inc.: Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months; Genentech: Honoraria; Sanofi-Genzyme: Honoraria. Little:GBT: Research Funding; Bluebird Bio: Research Funding; BioChip Labs: Patents & Royalties: SCD Biochip (patent, no royalties); Hemex Health, Inc.: Patents & Royalties: Microfluidic electropheresis (patent, no royalties); NHLBI: Research Funding; GBT: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Gurkan:Hemex Health, Inc.: Consultancy, Current Employment, Patents & Royalties, Research Funding; BioChip Labs: Patents & Royalties; Xatek Inc.: Patents & Royalties; Dx Now Inc.: Patents & Royalties.
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BES, LENNART. "Sultan among Dutchmen? Royal dress at court audiences in South India, as portrayed in local works of art and Dutch embassy reports, seventeenth–eighteenth centuries." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (June 30, 2016): 1792–845. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000232.
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AbstractFrom the fourteenth century CE onwards, South Indian states ruled by Hindu kings were strongly influenced by politico-cultural conventions from Muslim-governed areas. This development was, for instance, manifest in the dress and titles of the rulers of the Vijayanagara empire. As has been argued, they bore the title of sultan and on public occasions they appeared in garments fashioned on Persian and Arab clothing. Both adaptations exemplified efforts to connect to the dominant Indo-Islamic world. From Vijayanagara's fragmentation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, new Hindu-ruled kingdoms arose. We may wonder to what extent those succeeding polities continued practices adopted from Islamic courts. With that question in mind, this article discusses royal dress at court audiences in four Vijayanagara successor states, chiefly on the basis of embassy reports of the Dutch East India Company and South Indian works of art. It appears that kings could wear a variety of clothing styles at audiences and that influences on these styles now came from multiple backgrounds, comprising diverse Islamic and other elements. Further, not all successor states followed the same dress codes, as their dynasties modified earlier conventions in different ways, depending on varying political developments.
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Carey, Peter. "Civilization on Loan: The Making of an Upstart Polity: Mataram and its Successors, 1600–1830." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (July 1997): 711–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00017121.
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This paper focuses on the south-central Javanese state of Mataram and its late seventeenth- and mid-eighteenth-century successors—Kartasura (1680–1746), and Surakarta (founded 1746) and Yogyakarta (founded 1749). It concentrates principally on the administrative, military and cultural trends of the period, looking at the ways in which Mataram and its heirs imported their cultural styles from the defeated east Javanese and pasisir (north-east coast) kingdoms, while developing a Spartan polity dominated by the exigencies of war and military expansion. The disastrous reign of Sultan Agung's successor, Sunan Amangkurat I (r. 1646–77), and the emergence of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) as a major political force in Java led to the rapid eclipse of Mataram/Kartasura's military influence duringJava's ‘Eighty Years War’ (1675–1755) when the heritage of the great early Mataram rulers was squandered. This period of turmoil ended in the permanent division (paliyan) of south-central Java between the courts of Surakarta (Kasunanan, founded 1746, and Mangkunegaran, founded 1757) and Sultan Mangkubumi's new kingdom of Yogyakarta, which, in terms of its martial traditions, was the principal inheritor of the early Mataram polity. At the same time, the political authority of the courts continued to face challenges from regional power centres, not least the powerful administrators of Yogyakarta's eastern outlying provinces (mancanagara)based in Madiun and Maospati, and the networks of Islamic schools (pesantrèn) and tax-free religious villages (perdikan), which drew their strength both from court patronage and the piety of local communities.
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BORSCHBERG, PETER. "Cornelis Matelief, Hugo Grotius, and the King of Siam (1605–1616): Agency, initiative, and diplomacy." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (July 4, 2019): 123–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000609.
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AbstractThis article addresses the proactive agency of the Siamese kings in cementing commercial and diplomatic ties with the Dutch in the first two decades of the seventeenth century. The focus will be on two interrelated developments: one, the first diplomatic mission to the Dutch Republic in 1608–1610 and, two, a scheme hatched by Siamese officials to assist the Dutch in obtaining access to the Chinese market. This was deemed necessary after the Dutch, supported by some overseas Chinese businessmen from Southeast Asia, failed to gain trading access in 1604. On the Dutch side, two men stand in the limelight: Admiral Cornelis Matelief de Jonge, a director of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and supreme commander of its second fleet to Asia, and Hugo Grotius, who at the time was a rising star in the Dutch government and would later be celebrated as one of the pathfinders of modern international law. Both their published and unpublished manuscripts will be examined to ascertain how Matelief and the VOC directors reacted to these Siamese initiatives and how, in turn, the admiral sought to mobilize and co-opt the Siamese into his own commercial and military agenda, with the help of Grotius.
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Susilowati, Endang. "Mata Rantai Perdagangan Lada di Kalimantan Bagian Tenggara Pada Abad ke-17-18." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 5, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v5i2.31958.
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In the period of 17th century up to 18th century, pepper was one of the important commodities of Southeastern Kalimantan. Pepper was produced by Dayak tribes in rural areas of Southeastern Kalimantan, transported through the rivers and traded in Banjarmasin, which was the most important port in the region. Merchants from all around the globe visited Banjarmasin to trade for this commodity. This article aims to study the linkage of the pepper trade in Banjarmasin which involved pepper farmers in rural areas, Chinese and Banjar merchants as the middlemen, Sultan and court officials as the holders of privileges in pepper trade, and foreign traders (Chinese, Dutch, and the British) as the buyer of pepper in the port city of Banjarmasin. By discussing the role of each part of the link, the relationship between these parts can be seen clearly. The results of this study indicate that pepper farmers are the most disadvantaged party in this trade link, they hardly benefit from the growing trade of the pepper they produced. Meanwhile the middlemen, Sultan and court officials had enjoyed huge profits. The Sultan even used pepper as a political tool to gain the support of Dutch authorities (Dutch East-India Company) in dealing with their enemies. Another important link was the Chinese, Dutch and British merchants who competed for the pepper supplies. The Chinese traders who charged the pepper for a higher price had easier way to obtain the pepper supplies than the Dutch and British traders who were supported by their trading authorities.
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Sidorova, Svetlana E. "The Fall of the Princely House of Bhosle: A Three-part Drama in Letters." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017604-1.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the doctrine of lapse, which was actively used in the 1840-1850s by the British authorities in India. The status of princely state could be abolished and the land was transferred to the East India Company if the ruler was either manifestly incompetent or died without a male heir. In 1854, this was the fate of the Nagpur princely state, one of the largest political formations in the South Asian subcontinent. The liquidation of the court and princely privileges took several years and was accompanied by an exchange between Bhosle family and the British officials of memoranda, notes and letters, which reveal in detail the “kitchen” – practices and theoretical justifications – of this kind territorial annexations. Methodologically, the proposed analysis is localized in the field of Emotion Studies and is specifically devoted to imperial feelings that developed in the zone of interaction between different levels of the power hierarchy formed by the colonial situation. The Sepoy uprising of 1857-1858, which became one of the consequences of the “doctrine of lapse” policy and endangered the very existence of the British Raj, forced the British authorities to abandon the further territorial expansion and pay more attention to the sentiments of local rulers, many of whom sided with the rebels. Later establishing ties with local traditional elites, building emotionally trusting relationships with them became an important area of activity of the colonial administration, in which a lot of funds and efforts were invested.
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Geelen, Alexander, Bram van den Hout, Merve Tosun, Mike de Windt, and Matthias van Rossum. "On the Run: Runaway Slaves and Their Social Networks in Eighteenth-Century Cochin." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (2020): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shaa007.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Despite growing attention to the history of slavery in the Indian Ocean and Indonesian Archipelago worlds, the debate on the nature or characteristics of slavery in these regions has been left largely unsettled. Whereas some scholars emphasize the existence of harsh forms of hereditary slavery similar to those found in the Americas, others argue that the nature of slavery in Asia was urban, status-based, and milder than in the Atlantic world. This article explores case studies of slaves escaping in and around the Dutch East India Company (VOC) city of Cochin. Studying court records that bring to light the strategies and social networks of enslaved runaways provides new insights into the characteristics of slavery and the conditions of slaves in and around VOC-Cochin. The findings indicate that the social and everyday conditions under which slaves lived were highly diverse and shaped by the direct relations between slave and master, influenced by elements of trust, skill, and control. Relations of slavery nevertheless remained engrained by the recurrence of physical punishments and verbal threats, despite sometimes relatively open situations. This reminds us that easy dichotomies of “benign,” “Asian,” “household,” or “urban” versus “European,” “Atlantic,” or “plantation” slavery obscure as much as they reveal.