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Journal articles on the topic 'East India Company (French)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 23 February 2023

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1

Sapuntsov, Andrey Leonidovich. "Initiatives on privatization of colonial activity within the framework of French East India Company." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34724.

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This article examines the colonial activity of French East India Company, which was a commercial enterprise engaged in international trade founded in 1664. The goal of this research is to determine the prerequisites for its establishment, conditions for the formation of capital and administrative branches, perspectives on expanding the network of trading stations and trade routes. An assessment is given to the directive formation of capital and work of the officials (patrons). The article employs the methods of analysis of the historical documents, testimonies of travelers, synchronism, diachrony and cognitive symbiosis. Attention is given to unattainability of levelling off the profit margin French East India Company through trading exchange and work of transnational corporations. The scientific novelty consists in revealing the causes of unstable situation of French East India Company and insufficient development of market relations within its metropolitan territory, which led to a series of rearrangements and speculations, poor equipment of ships and shipwrecks. The results can be used ib studying trade companies of the early Modern Age, particularly with regards to Iberia and colonization of the West Indies. The conclusion is formulated on the prerequisites for the establishment of a powerful French East India Company that were not implemented; and the unstable economic situation resulted in annulment of the company during the Great French Revolution.

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2

S. Mohan and Lalit Kumar. "Danish East India Company: Establishment and Company's business activities in India and Southeast Asia 1620-1650." TECHNO REVIEW Journal of Technology and Management 1, no. 2 (January 15, 2022): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/trjtm2021.v01.n02.003.

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In the history of India of the 17th century, the activities of European trading companies started in India, mostly English, Portuguese, Dutch, and French have been studied mostly about them. But at the same time there was another major trading company. The one we are studying here was the Danish East India Company. The main purpose of this thesis is to know how this company was established. And how this company, despite its limited resources, continued its economic activities in India and South-East Asia. Along with this, what challenges did the company face from its representatives in India. and how the company had relations with the local rulers in India. In the end, due to many reasons, this company collapsed earlier than other European companies.

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3

Cross. "The Last French East India Company in the Revolutionary Atlantic." William and Mary Quarterly 77, no. 4 (2020): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.5309/willmaryquar.77.4.0613.

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4

Barendse, René J. "The Long Road to Livorno: The Overland Messenger Services of the Dutch East India Company in the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 12, no. 2 (July 1988): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004708.

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The overland communications between Asia and Europe were of crucial importance to the economic and military survival of the East India companies. This applies equally to the English, French and Dutch East India companies - and even to the Portuguese empire.At some of the most crucial moments of its history, the very survival of the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC) depended on the thin thread connecting it overland to Europe. One of these crises occurred in the mid-seventeenth century when during the first Anglo-Dutch war, English fleets challenged Dutch naval supremacy in the Indian Ocean. Reflecting on the defeat of the British fleets and the near eradication of the English East India Company or EIC's naval presence there in 1654, the Dutch director of Surat commented: ‘We would never have gained such an easy victory if the English had reacted more promptly or had we not received warnings so promptly [tijdig].’ Similarly, the catastrophic defeat suffered at a later date by the French admiral De la Haye is normally attributed to De la Haye's hesitations. Yet is is doubtful whether the VOC would have been able ot assemble a fleet quickly enough to destroy De la Haye's fleet had the VOC not received messages overland.

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5

Ballhatchet, Kenneth. "The East India Company and Roman Catholic Missionaries." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 2 (April 1993): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900015852.

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The general opinion of historians has been that the East India Company was opposed to the presence of Christian missionaries in India. It is generally held also that when the Charter Act of 813 left the Company with no option but to admit them, its governments in India maintained a fairly consistent posture of religious neutrality. These notions have recently been reinforced by Penelope Carson. But thisignores the Company's policies towards Roman Catholic missionaries. In the eighteenth century the Company welcomed Roman Catholic missionaries. It was at the nvitation of the Bombay government that Italian Carmelite missionaries settled there in 1718. It was at the invitation of the authorities of Fort St George that a French Capuchin mission was established in Madras in 1742. When the Company came into Kerala towards the end of the eighteenth century an Italian Carmelite mission was already established there, with a bishop and two priests. The mission was soon receiving material support from the Company.

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6

Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Hybrid affairs: Cultural histories of the East India companies." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 419–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618778408.

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Danna Agmon, A Colonial Affair: Commerce, Conversion and Scandal in French India, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017, xvi + 217pp. Anna Winterbottom, Hybrid Knowledge in the Early East India Company World, Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, xii + 324pp.

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Alemi, Khadija, and Seyyedeh Leila Mousavi Salem. "Tipu Sultan’s Role in Forming India’s Independence Fields." Review of European Studies 9, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n1p226.

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British East India Company was a commercial company in London. Queen Elizabeth I with the aim of gaining commercial advantage in the Indian subcontinent granted a royal charter to this company. This advantage caused to Britain’s military and political presence in the subcontinent. East India Company was become to a major political-financial empire and Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, particularly in its southern regions began their campaigns against political domination of this company. Tipu Sultan chief and ruler of Mysore’s Muslim performed numerous efforts and campaigns to prevent the spread of British influence. This article tries to answer to this question that how was Tipu Sultan’s role in forming India’s independence fields? This research’s main claim is that Tipu Sultan got help from French troops against the company to reduce British influence in the subcontinent but because of sabotages of number of leaders and bitter experience that some new Muslim Hindus had from his actions he did not succeed. This research has been done in library and descriptive and analytical method.

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8

Mentz, Søren. "Merchants and States: Private Trade and the Fall of Madras, 1746." Journal of Indian Ocean World Studies 2, no. 1 (July 22, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jiows.v2i1.37.

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Michael Pearson has argued that “rights for revenue” was an important element in the European way of organizing long-distance trade in the early modern period. The state provided indigenous merchant groups with commercial privileges and allowed them to influence political affairs. In return, the state received a part of the economic surplus. The East India Company and the British state shared such a relationship. However, as this article demonstrates, the East India Company was not an impersonal entity. It consisted of many layers of private entrepreneurs, who pursued their own private interests sheltered by the Company’s privileged position. One such group was the Company servants in Asia. The French conquest of Madras in 1746 and the following period of British sub-imperialism in India demonstrate that the state had traded off too many rights. Through the business papers of Willian Monson, a senior Company servant in Madras, the historian can describe the fall of Madras as a consequence of deteriorating relationships between private interests within the Company structure. Directors, shareholders, Company servants and private merchants in India fell out with each other. In this situation, the British state found it difficult to intervene.

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9

van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle. "“Gij kent genoegt mijn gevoelig hart”. Emotional Life at the Occupied Cape of Good Hope, 1798-1803." Itinerario 35, no. 2 (August 2011): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115311000295.

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With the eighteenth century drawing to a close, Anglo-French hostilities were rapidly escalating in Europe. Besides competing for power on the continent, both the British and the French were concerned with expanding their influence in the East, where the once mighty trading empire of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had been in steady decline for some decades. By the end of 1794, conflicts on the continent were turning firmly in France's favour and in January 1795 French troops invaded the Netherlands, forcing the ruling Prince of Orange to seek refuge in England. Members of the Dutch Patriot movement—the democratically-minded opponents of the Dutch monarchy and the old order in general—were sympathetic towards French revolutionary ideals and welcomed the French presence in their country. Meanwhile, the occupation of the Netherlands was of great concern to the British government, who suspected that the French would waste no time in also taking control of strategically-located Dutch colonies.

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10

Allen, Richard B. "Ending the history of silence: reconstructing European Slave trading in the Indian Ocean." Tempo 23, no. 2 (May 2017): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/tem-1980-542x2017v230206.

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Abstract: Thirty-eight years ago, Hubert Gerbeau discussed the problems that contributed to the “history of silence” surrounding slave trading in the Indian Ocean. While the publication of an expanding body of scholarship since the late 1980s demonstrates that this silence is not as deafening as it once was, our knowledge and understanding of this traffic in chattel labor remains far from complete. This article discusses the problems surrounding attempts to reconstruct European slave trading in the Indian Ocean between 1500 and 1850. Recently created inventories of British East India Company slaving voyages during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and of French, Portuguese, and other voyages involving the Mascarene Islands of Mauritius and Réunion between 1670 and the 1830s not only shed light on the nature and dynamics of British and French slave trading in the Indian Ocean, but also highlight topics and issues that future research on European slave trading within and beyond this oceanic world will need to address.

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11

Van Dyke, Paul A. "How and Why the Dutch East India Company Became Competitive in Intra-Asian Trade in East Asia in the 1630s." Itinerario 21, no. 3 (November 1997): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015229.

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Many of the principles we know today about the world economy were first discovered in Early Modern Asia. The Portuguese and the Spanish were the first to extend their sphere of trade to encompass the world. In the beginning of the seventeenth century, the English, Dutch, French, Danes, Swedes and others, all made their way past the Cape of Good Hope seeking their share of the Asian trade. By the middle of the century, one of them became so successful that, aside from being the envy of the others, they set a new standard of efficiency in global operations. It was of course the Dutch.

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12

Mole, Gregory. "Incriminating Empire." French Historical Studies 44, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8725837.

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Abstract This article explores the political fallout from the 1766 execution of the comte de Lally, who oversaw the failed defense of France's Indian colonies during the Seven Years' War. Accused of treason by administrators of the French East India Company, Lally emerged as a source of controversy in the final decades of the Old Regime. As critics and apologists clashed over the legality of Lally's execution, questions about the nature of his “crime” gave way to a broader debate over the meaning and limits of company sovereignty under France's absolutist state. This conflict remained unresolved into the French Revolution. The Lally affair provides a window into the nebulous relationship that developed between the crown, the company, and the emergent French nation, laying bare the many faces of empire that confronted France during the eighteenth century. Cet article explore les retombées politiques de l'exécution du comte de Lally, l'homme qui commandait les colonies des Indes orientales françaises durant la guerre de Sept Ans. Accusé de trahison par la Compagnie des Indes, Lally représentait une source de controverse à la fin de l'Ancien Régime. Tandis que les critiques et les apologistes contestaient la légalité de son exécution, la question de la culpabilité de Lally incita un débat plus général sur la nature de la souveraineté de la Compagnie sous l'Etat absolutiste. Ce débat restait non résolu durant la Révolution française. L'affaire Lally souligne les liens nébuleux parmi la Compagnie, la monarchie, et la nation française. Elle révèle également les multiples incarnations de l'Empire français au cours du dix-huitième siècle.

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13

Franks, Jeremy. "Christopher Henrik Braad (1728-81) and his extracts in 1760 from the Surat Capuchins' mission diary that they had kept since the 1650s. An Introduction." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 6 (2009): 435–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12574724196576.

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AbstractMade in Surat, India, in 1760, these extracts from a confidential diary kept in French by a Capuchin mission there since the 1650s are presented in a 21st-century translation into English. Beginning when Aurangzeb became the Mughal emperor, they record nearly a century of significant events while the mission survived as the city declined. The manuscript of extracts, held by Uppsala University, is the only known evidence of the diary's existence. C.H. Braad (1728-81), a senior trader for the Swedish East India Company when he made the extracts, was a Stockholm-born Lutheran. The Catholic Capuchins' trust that he, alone of countless Europeans in Surat, would keep the diary secret—as he did to the end of his life—is good reason for relying on his accuracy. The introduction provides a context for the extracts by drawing on his extensive, still unpublished writings about India: Surat in 1750-51, Bengal in the mid 1750s and his autobiography from 1781 for this and his voyages in the Indian Ocean.

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14

Agmon, Danna. "Historical Gaps and Non-existent Sources: The Case of the Chaudrie Court in French India." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 4 (October 2021): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000311.

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AbstractThis article develops a typology of historical and archival gaps—physical, historiographical, and epistemological—to consider how non-existent sources are central to understanding colonial law and governance. It does so by examining the institutional and archival history of a court known as the Chaudrie in the French colony of Pondichéry in India in the eighteenth century, and integrating problems that are specific to the study of legal history—questions pertaining to jurisdiction, codification, evidence, and sovereignty—with issues all historians face regarding power and the making of archives. Under French rule, Pondichéry was home to multiple judicial institutions, administered by officials of the French East Indies Company. These included the Chaudrie court, which existed at least from 1700 to 1827 as a forum where French judges were meant to dispense justice according to local Tamil modes of dispute resolution. However, records of this court prior to 1766 have not survived. By drawing on both contemporaneous mentions of the Chaudrie and later accounts of its workings, this study centers missing or phantom sources, severed from the body of the archive by political, judicial, and bureaucratic decisions. It argues that the Chaudrie was a court where jurisdiction was decoupled from sovereignty, and this was the reason it did not generate a state-managed and preserved archive of court records for itself until the 1760s. The Chaudrie’s early history makes visible a relationship between law and its archive that is paralleled by approaches to colonial governance in early modern French Empire.

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15

Blussé, Leonard. "Peeking into the Empires: Dutch Embassies to the Courts of China and Japan." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (December 2013): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000776.

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In the 1660s the renowned publishing company of Jacob van Meurs in Amsterdam published three richly illustrated monographs that fundamentally changed the European perceptions of the empires of China and Japan. It all started with the publication in 1665 of the travel notes and sketches that Joan Nieuhof had made ten years earlier, while travelling in the retinue of two Dutch envoys to the Manchu court in Peking. With no less than 150 copper prints, this book aroused so much interest in travel topics—it was published in Dutch, French, German, Latin, and English—that Van Meurs did not hesitate to launch a whole series of illustrated volumes about faraway countries. To keep the China lovers happy, he published a reprint of the richly illustrated China Monumentis by the German Jesuit Athanasius Kircher. In 1668, another monumental illustrated work appeared in Dutch (and later also German, English and French editions) time about Africa written by the Amsterdam physician Olfert Dapper, and shortly afterwards, when that publication also proved to be a smashing success, Van Meurs asked for the right to publish two more works, one on Japan and one on China. That privilege was obtained on March 1669. The book on Japan, Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen der Oost-Indische Maetschappij aen de Kaisaren van Japan, or “Memorable embassies of the (Dutch) East India Company to the Emperors of Japan,” was compiled by Arnoldus Montanus, a learned Dutch clergyman, who according to the preface had already published fifty-three monographs. The book on China was authored by Olfert Dapper, who this time edited the travelogues of the second and third Dutch embassies to China. What made these books so interesting is that they all were based on eyewitness accounts of the interior of the widely known but little explored empires of China and Japan by servants of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). The reason why it was possible for the Dutch merchants to travel where few other westerners had gone before was that they had been sent by the directors of the company as envoys bearing tribute presents to the rulers of both realms to secure privileged trading rights.

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Ranjeva-Rabetafika, Yvette, René Baesjou, and Natalie Everts. "Of Paper and Men: A Note on the Archives of the VOC as a Source for the History of Madagascar." Itinerario 24, no. 1 (March 2000): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008676.

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In July 1752, two days after their arrival at a roadstead in Saint Augustine's Bay on the south-western coast of Madagascar, ‘theGreat Island’, two junior merchants of the Dutch East India Company ship Schuylenburch headed for the residence of king Ratsimandresy (Ramanrasse in the Dutch sources). They were Philip Boomgaard and Dirk Westerhoff, responsible for commercial affairs and on a trade mission for the Company. On the way to the king's residence, about two miles inland from ‘Toulier’ (Toliara), they were welcomed by Ramanrasse's son, ‘crovmprince Revenoe’, and they offered him a few gifts they had brought along. However, upon taking a closer look at the presents Revenoe disdainfully threw astring of beads on the ground replying ‘that the Dutch were nothing more than traffickers, and that he expected them upon their arrival to present him with proper gifts just like the British and French traders that frequented his father's court were accustomed to do’.

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17

PUGA, ROGÉRIO MIGUEL. "The First Museum in China: The British Museum of Macao (1829–1834) and its Contribution to Nineteenth-Century British Natural Science." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 22, no. 3-4 (October 2012): 575–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186312000430.

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AbstractThis article establishes that the first museum in China was not the Zhendan Museum in Shanghai, founded by the French Jesuit Pierre Marie Heude (1836–1902) in 1868, but the “British Museum in China”, founded in 1829 by three supercargoes of the English East India Company, in Macao, a Portuguese enclave in the Pearl River Delta since c.1577. My research, based on Portuguese, British and American sources, allows us to better understand the context in which the founders of the museum interacted and lived in Macao, how their research and field-work was important for academic British institutions such as the British Museum in London and how the British Museum of Macao was founded and became the first (western-styled) museum in China.

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18

Mitter, Partha. "The Early British Port Cities of India: Their Planning and Architecture Circa 1640-1757." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 45, no. 2 (June 1, 1986): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990090.

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The paper investigates the principal architectural considerations that governed the evolution of Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta, the three British colonial port cities of India, and seeks to answer the question of whether and to what extent these cities were planned. The extreme view in this debate on planning is taken by Sten Nilsson in his European Architecture in India, where he claims that the cities were based on strict symmetrical grid planning and were inspired by the Renaissance urban ideal, unlike traditional "organic" Indian cities. The paper questions this in view of the clear evidence that the British East India Company, unlike the French, was hostile to any ambitious urban planning on the part of the settlements. The hypothesis is further strengthened when one analyzes the ground plans of these cities, which show that defense considerations discouraged any symmetrical central planning, even though the streets were laid out in straight lines. In the absence of a central planning code, like the Royal Ordinance of 1573 for Spanish colonies, the building projects proceeded from the growing urban requirements of these settlements. The projects themselves were modest and defense naturally dominated building activities, mainly because these tiny enclaves were surrounded by hostile local and European powers. The growing needs of the inhabitants could not be neglected, however, and churches and hospitals came next in order of priority. The governors' mansions, on the other hand, had a position of peculiar importance in these port cities as they were meant to be a clear and visible symbol of authority. Not least interesting in these conurbations was the confluence of two traditions, Western and Eastern, though it must be added that the predominant style tended to be European, and mostly contemporary Tuscan. The conclusion reached is that while there was hardly any grandiose, symmetrical, total planning in these port cities, the city fathers did not neglect to make them habitable and even pleasant by developing gardens and parks in them.

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van Ittersum, Martine Julia. "Preparing Mare liberum for the Press: Hugo Grotius' Rewriting of Chapter 12 of De iure praedae in November-December 1608." Grotiana 26, no. 1 (2007): 246–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607508x366445.

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AbstractThis article reconstructs the printing history of Hugo Grotius's Mare liberum (The Free Sea, 1609). It examines the political circumstances which prompted the pamphlet's publication, but then seemed to conspire against it, and relates these to Grotius's revision of chapter 12 of Ms. BPL 917 in Leiden University Library, the one surviving copy of De iure praedae (The Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty, 1604-1608). While preparing chapter 12 for the press, he made a serious effort to tone down its bellicose rhetoric, erasing, for example, all references to the Spanish claims to the Americas. His aim was to placate the French envoy Pierre Jeannin and his own political patron Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, the driving forces behind the negotiations for the Twelve Years' Truce (1609-1621). In the context of these negotiations, Grotius was at pains to downplay his radical rights theories. The subjective right of punishment only received a mention in the conclusion of Mare liberum, for example. Yet a discarded outline for the pamphlet's preface shows that the argument of De iure praedae remained uppermost in his mind, witness the outline's denunciation of the 'poisonings, perfidy and crimes of the Portuguese'. Both De iure praedae and Mare liberum had been commissioned by the Dutch East India Company (VOC) for the express purpose of influencing political developments in its favour. Yet neither treatise had the impact originally intended by Grotius and the VOC directors. Ironically, these occasional writings became classics of international law instead.

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Borschberg, Peter. "Luso-Johor-Dutch Relations in the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, c. 1600-1623." Itinerario 28, no. 2 (July 2004): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300019471.

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The study of the early European colonial presence in Asia has been stimulated in recent years by a series of excellent works. These have been both of general and specialist nature, written not only by historians, but also by political scientists as well as specialists of international relations. The truly excellent study published in 2002 by Edward Keene, can be taken as a point in case. Central to his revisitation of seventeenth-century treaties of the United Dutch East India Company (VOC) with the Emperor of Kandy, is the notion of divided sovereignty expounded by Hugo Grotius around 1600-1610. It was against the backdrop of such concepts of divided sovereignty that the VOC could ultimately conclude its complex web of treaty relationships that broadly characterise the Dutch colonial empire in the East Indies up the advent of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. There is some legitimacy in contending that Keene's postulations effectively rework and reinterpret, at the level of international relations, what was once conveniently dubbed the ‘Age of Partnership’, i.e. an age characterised by trade-driven colonial empires that grew upon a complex, sometimes self-contradictory network of treaty relationships as well as formal and informal cooperation garnered from native elites. Admittedly such relations were often but not always based on unequal power and treaty relationships. Despite the uneven playing fields created by many such Euro-Asian treaties, especially those forged in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the conclusion of treaties was assumed on the basis of the nominal co-equality of sovereigns and plenipotentiary agents acting on their behalf. European and Asian treaty partners were accepted as contracting equals, and this is particularly stunning given that the feudal world of European power politics at the time was, by comparison, probably more complex and legally structured than Asia. Certainly, the underlying power relations behind these early modern agreements were completely different from those imposed by the mature colonial powers on Asia at the zenith of nineteenth-century imperialism!

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21

Sly, Jordan S. "East India Company." Charleston Advisor 21, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.21.1.26.

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22

Rosner, Ron. "THE EAST INDIA COMPANY." Asian Affairs 43, no. 3 (November 2012): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.720072.

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23

Taylor, James Edgar. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 474–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844545.

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Shepherd, Robert. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844547.

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Sayers, William. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844550.

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Remington Hickes, P. G. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844551.

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Sutton, Jean. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844552.

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Cordani, Andrea. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.844555.

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Nobbs, Geoffrey M. "East India Company ‘Lacks’." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 4 (November 2013): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.855473.

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30

Choudhary, Nandini. "British East India in Company." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-5 (August 31, 2018): 1116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd17046.

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31

Yadav, Nikhil. "East India Company Origin and Impact." International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-2, Issue-5 (August 31, 2018): 1217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd17074.

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32

Wilson, Kathleen, and Philip Lawson. "The East India Company: A History." William and Mary Quarterly 51, no. 4 (October 1994): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2946950.

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33

Marshall, P. J. "British Society in India under the East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016942.

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The British in India have always fascinated their fellow countrymen. From the eighteenth century until the demise of the Raj innumerable publications described the way of life of white people in India for the delectation of a public at home. Post-colonial Britain evidently still retains a voracious appetite for anecdotes of the Raj and accounts of themores of what is often represented as a bizarre Anglo-Indian world. Beneath the welter of apparent triviality, historians are, however, finding issues of real significance.

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Rocher, Rosane, and H. V. Bowen. "The Worlds of the East India Company." Journal of the American Oriental Society 124, no. 1 (January 2004): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4132206.

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Harding, D. F. "Smallarms of the English East India Company." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00227.x.

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TELTSCHER, KATE. "Hobson-Jobson : The East India Company lexicon." World Englishes 36, no. 4 (November 9, 2017): 509–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12285.

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Campbell, Myrtle. "Embroidered Bodices: An East India Company Connection?" Costume 36, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/cos.2002.36.1.56.

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Roukis, George S. "The British East India Company 1600‐1858." Journal of Management Development 23, no. 10 (December 2004): 938–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/02621710410566847.

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Searle, Chris. "Untold Stories of the East India Company." Race & Class 59, no. 4 (March 26, 2018): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396817752305.

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Singh, Jyotsna. "The Local and Global East India Company." Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 17, no. 3 (2017): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jem.2017.0021.

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Keay, John, and H. Tyler Blethen. "The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (July 1995): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949163.

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Farmer, B. H., and John Keay. "The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company." Geographical Journal 159, no. 1 (March 1993): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3451520.

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Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie. "Company Curiosities: Nature, Culture and the East India Company, 1600–1874." Asian Affairs 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2019.1706368.

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Clifford, Helen. "Company Curiosities. Nature, Culture and the East India Company, 1600–1874." Journal of the History of Collections 31, no. 2 (March 27, 2019): 434–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhc/fhz012.

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Sutton, Jean. "The English East India Company: the historical perspective." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00224.x.

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Farrington, A. J. "The archives of the English East India Company." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00226.x.

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Clulow, Adam, and Tristan Mostert. "The Dutch East India Company and Business Diplomacy." Diplomatica 2, no. 1 (May 18, 2020): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-00201004.

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Donoghue, Mark. "Adam Smith and the Honourable East India Company." History of Economics Review 77, no. 1 (August 13, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10370196.2020.1794559.

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Robins, Nick. "The East India Company and Religion, 1698-1858." Asian Affairs 44, no. 3 (November 2013): 451–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2013.834561.

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Sharma, Jayeeta. "The East India Company and the Natural World." Journal of Historical Geography 51 (January 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2015.05.014.

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