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1

Wilson, Kathleen, and Philip Lawson. "The East India Company: A History." William and Mary Quarterly 51, no. 4 (October 1994): 800. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2946950.

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2

Marshall, P. J. "British Society in India under the East India Company." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016942.

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The British in India have always fascinated their fellow countrymen. From the eighteenth century until the demise of the Raj innumerable publications described the way of life of white people in India for the delectation of a public at home. Post-colonial Britain evidently still retains a voracious appetite for anecdotes of the Raj and accounts of themores of what is often represented as a bizarre Anglo-Indian world. Beneath the welter of apparent triviality, historians are, however, finding issues of real significance.
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3

Keay, John, and H. Tyler Blethen. "The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 1 (July 1995): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9949163.

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4

Farmer, B. H., and John Keay. "The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company." Geographical Journal 159, no. 1 (March 1993): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3451520.

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5

Sandeep, T. "Acquiring the Power of Natives: The Socio-Economic Transition of Malabar into the Colonial Economy, 1792-1812." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 1, no. 4 (October 25, 2014): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v1i4.11180.

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The end of the eighteenth century, the English East India Company dominated most of the part of the Indian peninsula. In a way, it was also considered as the revolutionary transition of the Indian society through the westernization. At the same time, some historians point out that, it was the period of anarchy as well as the dark age of the Indian history. The English East India Company controlled the trade between India and Europe, and finally they acquired the administrative power over India. In the context of Malabar, the English East India Company took the administration in 1792, and emerged as a kind of superlord through the domination over the indigenous rulers. The advent of the Company rule in Malabar replaced the traditional customs and introduced structural changes in the society and economy. This study emphasis on the people’s attitude towards the Company administration in Malabar and how they incorporated to the ‘new administration’. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v1i4.11180 Int. J. Soc. Sci. Manage. Vol-1, issue-4: 160-163
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6

Harding, D. F. "Smallarms of the English East India Company." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00227.x.

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7

Somers, J. A., and C. G. Roelofsen. "Mare Liberum and the Dutch East India Company." Grotia 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2003): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-90000005.

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8

Silva Jayasuriya, Shihan de. "East India Company in Sumatra: Cross-Cultural Interactions." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 3 (2009): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921009x458082.

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Abstract For scholars concerned with historical studies of cross-continental movement, migration from Africa to Asia poses challenges. Administrative records of the East India Company reveal the multi-ethnicity of slaves, trends of slavery, resistance to slavery and the circumstances that led to emancipation of the slaves. Through a case study on Sumatra, this paper considers how transition from British to Dutch control affected the emancipated slaves, what rights they had and their eventual fate. It suggests that descendants of African slaves could still be living in Southeast Asia although creolisation and assimilation may have rendered them invisible.
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9

Ballhatchet, Kenneth. "The East India Company and Roman Catholic Missionaries." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 2 (April 1993): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900015852.

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The general opinion of historians has been that the East India Company was opposed to the presence of Christian missionaries in India. It is generally held also that when the Charter Act of 813 left the Company with no option but to admit them, its governments in India maintained a fairly consistent posture of religious neutrality. These notions have recently been reinforced by Penelope Carson. But thisignores the Company's policies towards Roman Catholic missionaries. In the eighteenth century the Company welcomed Roman Catholic missionaries. It was at the nvitation of the Bombay government that Italian Carmelite missionaries settled there in 1718. It was at the invitation of the authorities of Fort St George that a French Capuchin mission was established in Madras in 1742. When the Company came into Kerala towards the end of the eighteenth century an Italian Carmelite mission was already established there, with a bishop and two priests. The mission was soon receiving material support from the Company.
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10

S. Mohan and Lalit Kumar. "Danish East India Company: Establishment and Company's business activities in India and Southeast Asia 1620-1650." TECHNO REVIEW Journal of Technology and Management 1, no. 2 (January 15, 2022): 13–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/trjtm2021.v01.n02.003.

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In the history of India of the 17th century, the activities of European trading companies started in India, mostly English, Portuguese, Dutch, and French have been studied mostly about them. But at the same time there was another major trading company. The one we are studying here was the Danish East India Company. The main purpose of this thesis is to know how this company was established. And how this company, despite its limited resources, continued its economic activities in India and South-East Asia. Along with this, what challenges did the company face from its representatives in India. and how the company had relations with the local rulers in India. In the end, due to many reasons, this company collapsed earlier than other European companies.
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11

Anderson, Clare. "Convicts, Commodities, and Connections in British Asia and the Indian Ocean, 1789–1866." International Review of Social History 64, S27 (March 26, 2019): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000129.

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AbstractThis article explores the transportation of Indian convicts to the port cities of the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean during the period 1789 to 1866. It considers the relationship between East India Company transportation and earlier and concurrent British Crown transportation to the Americas and Australia. It is concerned in particular with the interconnection between convictism and enslavement in the Atlantic and Indian Ocean worlds. Examining the roots of transportation in South Asia in the repressive policies of the East India Company, especially in relation to its occupation of land and expropriation of resources, it moves on to discuss aspects of convicts’ lives in Moulmein, Singapore, Mauritius, and Aden. This includes their labour regime and their relationship to other workers. It argues that Indian convict transportation was part of a carceral circuit of repression and coerced labour extraction that was intertwined with the expansion of East India Company governance and trade. The Company used transportation as a means of removing resistant subjects from their homes, and of supplying an unfree labour force to develop commodity exports and to build the infrastructure necessary for the establishment, population, and connection of littoral nodes. However, the close confinement and association of convicts during transportation rendered the punishment a vector for the development of transregional political solidarities, centred in and around the Company's port cities.
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12

Alemi, Khadija, and Seyyedeh Leila Mousavi Salem. "Tipu Sultan’s Role in Forming India’s Independence Fields." Review of European Studies 9, no. 1 (February 14, 2017): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n1p226.

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British East India Company was a commercial company in London. Queen Elizabeth I with the aim of gaining commercial advantage in the Indian subcontinent granted a royal charter to this company. This advantage caused to Britain’s military and political presence in the subcontinent. East India Company was become to a major political-financial empire and Muslims of the Indian subcontinent, particularly in its southern regions began their campaigns against political domination of this company. Tipu Sultan chief and ruler of Mysore’s Muslim performed numerous efforts and campaigns to prevent the spread of British influence. This article tries to answer to this question that how was Tipu Sultan’s role in forming India’s independence fields? This research’s main claim is that Tipu Sultan got help from French troops against the company to reduce British influence in the subcontinent but because of sabotages of number of leaders and bitter experience that some new Muslim Hindus had from his actions he did not succeed. This research has been done in library and descriptive and analytical method.
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13

Sur, Byapti. "The Dutch East India Company through the Local Lens." Indian Historical Review 44, no. 1 (June 2017): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983617712811.

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14

Bowen, H. V. "The shipping losses of the British East India Company, 1750–1813." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 2 (May 2020): 323–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420920963.

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This article establishes and examines the shipping losses of the British East India Company between the middle of the eighteenth century and 1813 when it lost its trade monopoly with India. This was the most important period in the history of the East India Company because it greatly expanded its trade with India and China and established what became a very large territorial empire on the subcontinent. It was also a time when Britain was often at war with France. This is the first publication to present full information on all of the East India Company’s shipping losses. They are set out in the Appendix, which presents details of the names of every ship lost, the date of loss, the cause, and whether the ship was sailing to or from Asia. This information, discussed in the article, shows that 105 ships were lost on 2,171 voyages, a rate of loss that stood at just under 5%. The causes were primarily wrecking, foundering and enemy action, which contributed to far higher shipping losses on voyages outward to Asia than homeward. The East India Company did little itself to rectify this situation because the ships they used were hired from private owners, but some specialists within the Company did take it upon themselves to improve some navigational aids and shipbuilding techniques, although with little overall effect upon the rate of shipping losses. This meant that the East India Company was plagued by shipping losses throughout the period, and this had a very negative effect upon its commercial affairs and profitability.
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15

Sutton, Jean. "The English East India Company: the historical perspective." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00224.x.

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16

Farrington, A. J. "The archives of the English East India Company." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00226.x.

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17

Morgan, Kenneth. "Book Review: The Worlds of the East India Company." International Journal of Maritime History 14, no. 2 (December 2002): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140201400235.

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18

Peers, Douglas M. "Between Mars and Mammon; the East India Company and Efforts to Reform its Army, 1796–1832." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013388.

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The history of the East India Company's rule of India is marked by sporadic outbursts of civil-military conflict. It was not unknown in India for European officers to down tools and commit acts that bordered on outright mutiny. Perhaps this could be expected when, on the one hand, the Company, as a commercial body, sought to maximize its profits, while on the other, the army was essentially a mercenary force, ever grasping for a larger slice of the fiscal pie. If, however, we penetrate deeper into the labyrinth of their relations, we find that the issues at stake lose their simplicity. In the early nineteenth century, a third group came into play, further confusing the state of civil-military relations in India. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, which had incorporated military attitudes into the operating system of British India, had begun to assert itself. Through such spokesmen as Thomas Munro, John Malcolm, Charles Metcalfe and Mountstuart Elphinstone, an increasingly militarized rule of British India was put forward, angering the court of directors and allowing the officers to mask their private interest under the guise of the national interest. This ideology of militarism, however, must be firmly placed within the context of nineteenth-century British India for it bore little resemblance to those strains of militarism witnessed elsewhere.
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19

Bowen, Huw V. "Lord Clive and Speculation in East India Company Stock, 1766." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 905–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022378.

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20

Bowen, H. V. "The East India Company and the island of Johanna (Anjouan) during the long eighteenth century." International Journal of Maritime History 30, no. 2 (May 2018): 218–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418760469.

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For just over 230 years the East India Company’s maritime operations were supported by a far-flung network of islands, ports and watering points across the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. These places provided supplies to company ships and safe havens in times of danger. The island of Johanna, or Anjouan, in the Mozambique Channel was one such place and this article considers how it came to be a key component within the company’s maritime system. The article also examines why the company chose not to exert direct control over the island when it had the opportunity to do so at the end of the eighteenth century. It is concluded that Johanna formed an important part of the flexible and durable maritime infrastructure that underpinned the territorial empire constructed by the company in India from 1750 onwards.
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21

Black, Jeremy. "Book Review: The East India Company and the Provinces in the Eighteenth Century. Volume I: Portsmouth and the East India Company 1700–1815." International Journal of Maritime History 12, no. 2 (December 2000): 260–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140001200235.

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22

van Meersbergen, Guido. "Writing East India Company History after the Cultural Turn: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Seventeenth-Century East India Company and Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie." Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 17, no. 3 (2017): 10–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jem.2017.0016.

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23

Sirks, A. J. B. "An incident in the history of the Dutch East India Company." Journal of Legal History 14, no. 2 (August 1993): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440369308531078.

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24

Rei, Claudia. "Careers and wages in the Dutch East India Company." Cliometrica 8, no. 1 (February 13, 2013): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11698-013-0093-3.

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25

Hellman, Lisa. "Using China at Home: Knowledge Production and Gender in the Swedish East India Company, 1730-1800." Itinerario 38, no. 1 (April 2014): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000047.

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AbstractThe Swedish East India Company has been studied mainly from an economic standpoint, but throughout the eighteenth century its employees played a crucial role in Swedish knowledge production on China. This article studies travel writings, speeches, and eulogies by the employees of the Swedish East India Company, noting in which ways they produced knowledge on China, and discusses reasons for choosing these particular ways. The company employees' production of knowledge is found to have strong links with their constructions of masculinity. Consequently, this article discusses the political implications of a connection between masculinity and knowledge for men employed in a non-colonial East India Company from a militarily weak country, and the role that the perceived and presented knowledge of China and its inhabitants played in this intertwining of gender construction, natural history, and power.
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26

De Ruysscher, Dave. "Stefania Gialdroni, East India Company: una storia giuridica (1600–1708)." Comparative Legal History 2, no. 1 (June 10, 2014): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/2049677x.2.1.140.

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27

Wagenaar, Lodewijk J. "Book Review: The Dutch East India Company. Expansion and Decline." International Journal of Maritime History 15, no. 2 (December 2003): 396–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140301500238.

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28

Mörzer Bruyns, W. F. J. "NAVIGATION ON DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY SHIPS AROUND THE 1740s." Mariner's Mirror 78, no. 2 (January 1992): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1992.10656396.

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29

Mitchell, Colin Paul. "Shāh ‘Abbās, the English East India Company and the Cannoneers of Fārs." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013048.

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To nineteenth and early twentieth-century scholarship, the early modern expansion of powers like Spain, Portugal, England and Holland, was a necessary preliminary step towards Europe's ultimate domination of the Asian and African continents. Moreover, the relative ease with which colonial powers manhandled regions like North Africa and the Indo-Pak subcontinent suggested that their early modern ‘pioneering’ counterparts must have shared similar experiences. While some historians highlighted superior business concepts (joint-stock companies, profit-sharing) or superior shipbuilding and navigation techniques as the means with which trading powers like the Estado da India and the English East India Company penetrated and overwhelmed Indian Ocean commerce, other scholars boiled it down to the European affinity for using ‘men-of-war, gun, and shot’. The critical underlying assumption of any of these teleological explanations s i that ‘encountered’ cultures were unable to adequately respond to European technology, of course hinting at some deeper and more profound deficiency. Scholarship in recent decades has shorn such confidence and begun to scrutinise this seedling period of interaction between Europe and non-Europe, suggesting that the initial playing ground between ‘encounterer’ and ‘encountered’ was perhaps more level than previously portrayed.
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30

Mitchell, Colin Paul. "Shāh ‘Abbās, the English East India Company and the Cannoneers of Fārs." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044521.

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To nineteenth and early twentieth-century scholarship, the early modern expansion of powers like Spain, Portugal, England and Holland, was a necessary preliminary step towards Europe's ultimate domination of the Asian and African continents. Moreover, the relative ease with which colonial powers manhandled regions like North Africa and the Indo-Pak subcontinent suggested that their early modern ‘pioneering’ counterparts must have shared similar experiences. While some historians highlighted superior business concepts (joint-stock companies, profit-sharing) or superior shipbuilding and navigation techniques as the means with which trading powers like the Estado da India and the English East India Company penetrated and overwhelmed Indian Ocean commerce, other scholars boiled it down to the European affinity for using ‘men-of-war, gun, and shot’. The critical underlying assumption of any of these teleological explanations s i that ‘encountered’ cultures were unable to adequately respond to European technology, of course hinting at some deeper and more profound deficiency. Scholarship in recent decades has shorn such confidence and begun to scrutinise this seedling period of interaction between Europe and non-Europe, suggesting that the initial playing ground between ‘encounterer’ and ‘encountered’ was perhaps more level than previously portrayed.
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31

WINTERBOTTOM, ANNA. "An experimental community: the East India Company in London, 1600–1800." British Journal for the History of Science 52, no. 2 (June 2019): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087419000220.

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AbstractThe early East India Company (EIC) had a profound effect on London, filling the British capital with new things, ideas and people; altering its streets; and introducing exotic plants and animals. Company commodities – from saltpetre to tea to opium – were natural products and the EIC sought throughout the period to understand how to produce and control them. In doing so, the company amassed information, designed experiments and drew on the expertise of people in the settlements and of individuals and institutions in London. Frequent collaborators in London included the Royal Society and the Society of Apothecaries. Seeking success in the settlements and patronage in London, company servants amassed large amounts of data concerning natural objects and artificial practices. Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, company scholars and their supporters in London sought to counter critiques of the EIC by demonstrating the utility to the nation of the objects and ideas they brought home. The EIC transformed itself several times between 1600 and 1800. Nonetheless, throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, its knowledge culture was characterized by reliance on informal networks that linked the settlements with one another and with London.
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32

WINTERBOTTOM, ANNA. "Producing and using the Historical Relation of Ceylon: Robert Knox, the East India Company and the Royal Society." British Journal for the History of Science 42, no. 4 (April 15, 2009): 515–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087409002209.

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AbstractRobert Knox's An Historical Relation of the Island of Ceylon was produced, published and enlarged through the collaboration of the author with scholars including Robert Hooke and financial support from members of the East India Company. The Relation should be seen in the context of a number of texts collected, translated or commissioned by the East India Company in cooperation with the Royal Society during the late seventeenth century that informed and shaped both European expansion and natural philosophy. As well as circulating between European intellectual centres, often reorientated in the process of translation, these texts served as practical guides across settlements and trading posts abroad. Comparing written accounts with experience led to annotations and borrowings that served as the basis for further writings. Company records and Knox's own unpublished works reveal how the Relation was used as the basis for bio-prospecting for naturally occurring drugs and food sources and in efforts at agricultural transplantation spanning the Indian and Atlantic Oceans. Through the reports of seamen like Knox, such experiments contributed to contemporary theories concerning the effects of latitude on plant life.
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33

Wagner, Joseph. "The Scottish East India Company of 1617: Patronage, Commercial Rivalry, and the Union of the Crowns." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 582–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.38.

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AbstractThe history of the Scottish East India Company of 1617 is a history of partnerships and rivalries within and between Scotland and England. The company was opposed by the merchants of the royal burghs in Scotland and by the East India Company, Muscovy Company, and Privy Council in England. At the same time, it was supported by the Scottish Privy Council and was able to recruit Dutch, English, and Scottish investors. The interactions between these groups were largely shaped by the union of the crowns, which saw James VI accede to the thrones of England and Ireland and move his court to London. Scotland was thus left with an absentee monarch, decreasing the access of Scottish merchants to the king while increasing the importance of court connections in acquiring that access. Regal union also created opportunities for Scots to become part of the London business world, which, in turn, could lead to backlash from English interests. Having developed in this context, the Scottish East India Company speaks to how James VI and I approached patronage and policy in his multiple kingdoms, how commercial rivalries developed in England and Scotland, and how trading companies played a role in constitutional developments in Stuart Britain.
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34

Finn, Margot C. "MATERIAL TURNS IN BRITISH HISTORY: II. CORRUPTION: IMPERIAL POWER, PRINCELY POLITICS AND GIFTS GONE ROGUE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 29 (November 1, 2019): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s008044011900001x.

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ABSTRACTThis address examines the ‘Old Corruption’ of Georgian Britain from the perspective of diplomacy and material culture in Delhi in the era of the East India Company. Its focus is the scandal that surrounded the sacking of Sir Edward Colebrooke, the Delhi Resident, during the reign of the penultimate Mughal emperor, Akbar II. Exploring the gendered, highly sexualised material politics of Company diplomacy in north India reveals narratives of agency, negotiation and commensurability that interpretations focused on liberal, Anglicist ideologies obscure. Dynastic politics were integral to both British and Indian elites in the nineteenth century. The Colebrooke scandal illuminates both the tenacity and the dynamic evolution of the family as a base of power in the context of nineteenth-century British imperialism.
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35

Barendse, René J. "The Long Road to Livorno: The Overland Messenger Services of the Dutch East India Company in the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 12, no. 2 (July 1988): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004708.

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The overland communications between Asia and Europe were of crucial importance to the economic and military survival of the East India companies. This applies equally to the English, French and Dutch East India companies - and even to the Portuguese empire.At some of the most crucial moments of its history, the very survival of the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie or VOC) depended on the thin thread connecting it overland to Europe. One of these crises occurred in the mid-seventeenth century when during the first Anglo-Dutch war, English fleets challenged Dutch naval supremacy in the Indian Ocean. Reflecting on the defeat of the British fleets and the near eradication of the English East India Company or EIC's naval presence there in 1654, the Dutch director of Surat commented: ‘We would never have gained such an easy victory if the English had reacted more promptly or had we not received warnings so promptly [tijdig].’ Similarly, the catastrophic defeat suffered at a later date by the French admiral De la Haye is normally attributed to De la Haye's hesitations. Yet is is doubtful whether the VOC would have been able ot assemble a fleet quickly enough to destroy De la Haye's fleet had the VOC not received messages overland.
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36

Stadtner, Donald. "Seventeenth-century Burma and the Dutch East India Company, 1634-1680." Journal of Early Modern History 11, no. 4-5 (2007): 395–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006507782263371.

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37

Marshall, P. J. "Guardian of the East India Company: The Life of Laurence Sulivan." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 501 (April 1, 2008): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen062.

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38

Lester, A. "Networks of Empire: Forced Migration in the Dutch East India Company." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 517 (October 15, 2010): 1538–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq302.

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39

Cross. "The Last French East India Company in the Revolutionary Atlantic." William and Mary Quarterly 77, no. 4 (2020): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.5309/willmaryquar.77.4.0613.

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40

Bowen, Huw V. "Book Review: Catalogue of East India Company Ships' Journals and Logs 1600–1834, A Biographical Index of East India Company Maritime Service Officers 1600–1834." International Journal of Maritime History 12, no. 2 (December 2000): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140001200234.

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41

Harris, Ellen T. "With Eyes on the East and Ears on the West: Handel's Orientalist Operas." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 36, no. 3 (January 2006): 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002219506774929863.

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After the formal establishment of an Austrian competitor to the English East India Company (eic) in 1722, the English drew on every resource available to force the Austrian company to close down—not only political pressure and extensive pamphleteering but also the arts. Of the fifteen operas presented by the Royal Academy of Music from 1724 to 1728, twelve, including seven by George Frideric Handel, featured settings in the Orient. Chosen by the directors of the Academy, who were also eic directors and investors, these Oriental settings kept the image of the East in front of aristocratic audiences, including important Members of Parliament, who had the power to assist the East India effort.
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42

Ashford, David. "John Company: The Act of Incorporation." CounterText 6, no. 1 (April 2020): 165–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/count.2020.0186.

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‘John Company: The Act of Incorporation’ is the first episode in a series of twelve open-form pieces on the history of the British East India Company, and relates legal innovations behind the inception of the Company to the development of forms of Artificial Intelligence in Elizabethan England. The poem references primary material contained in the seventeenth-century anthology Purchas his Pilgrimes and in the East India Company's archives now housed in the British Library, and draws on research conducted by Kevin LaGrandeur in his book Androids and Intelligent Networks in Early Modern Literature and Culture (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2013), and by Vladimir I. Braginsky in his essay ‘Towards the Biography of Hamzah Fansuri: When Did Hamzah Live? Data From His Poems and Early European Accounts’, Archival 57 (Paris, 1999), 135–75.
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43

Head, Raymond. "Obituary Dr Mildred Archer OBE, MA(OXON), D.Litt (1911–2005)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 15, no. 3 (November 2005): 351–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005316.

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AbstractDr Mildred Archer who died on February 4th 2005 aged 93 was the wife of Dr William “Bill” Archer OBE, MA (Cantab), D.Litt who died in 1979. For several decades she had been Curator of the Prints and Drawings Department at the old India Office Library before it amalgamated with the British Library. It was through her pioneering work on cataloguing those diverse and unknown collections that a new branch of art history came into being, an art form she called “Company” painting; art that had been drawn by European or Indian artists during the time of the East India Company.
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44

Singh, Frances B. "Three Scottish Cousins in East India Company Service, 1792–1804." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 38, no. 1 (May 2018): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2018.0239.

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This article studies three first cousins, James Thomas Grant, George Cumming, and Henry Mackenzie, who arrived in India in 1792, 1793, and 1797, respectively. Born in the 1770s, the same decade as Scott, none of the cousins reached their thirtieth birthday, and though none of them died in battle, Cumming left behind huge debts, Mackenzie owed money to a Calcutta lender, and Grant chose not to return to Scotland, where, in due course, he would have succeeded to a considerable estate and become the head of his clan. Their history is used to examine Walter Scott's idea of India as a corn chest, a fabulously rich society whose wealth could be squeezed
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45

Larn, R. "Shipwrecks of the Honourable East India Company around the world." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 19, no. 1 (February 1990): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1990.tb00225.x.

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46

Fisher, Michael H. "The Resident in Court Ritual, 1764–1858." Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 3 (July 1990): 419–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010428.

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The exchanges that comprised the formal meetings between Indian Rulers and the British Residents attached to their courts both reflected and, in some measure, determined the changing political relationships between the Indian states and the English East India Company. As the Resident and his staff introduced new symbols and meanings into his ritual intercourse with an Indian Ruler, these new elements affected the attitudes and actions taken by the audiences of these exchanges, in both India and Britain. As the military and political power of the Company flowed over or around the regional states of India during the period 1764–1858, the Company's Residents proved able to assert increasing influence over the shape of these rituals in the Indian courts.
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47

Reichenbach, Herman. "Arthur MacGREGOR. Company Curiosities: Nature, Culture and the East India Company, 1600–1874." Archives of Natural History 47, no. 1 (April 2020): 208–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2020.0640.

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48

Stanley, Brian. "Book Review: The Letters of Henry Martyn: East India Company Chaplain." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 4 (November 2020): 1023–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871420977959.

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49

Bowen, H. V. "Book Review: Lords of the East: The East India Company and Its Ships (1600–1874)." International Journal of Maritime History 13, no. 1 (June 2001): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140101300134.

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50

Pettigrew, William A., and Edmond Smith. "Corporate Management, Labor Relations, and Community Building at the East India Company’s Blackwall Dockyard, 1600–57." Journal of Social History 53, no. 1 (October 6, 2018): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shy083.

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Abstract This essay offers a social history of the labor relations established by the English East India Company at its Blackwall Dockyard in East London from 1615–45. It uses all of the relevant evidence from the company’s minute books and printed bylaws and from petitions to the company to assemble a full account of the relationships formed between skilled and unskilled workers, managers, and company officials. Challenging other historians’ depictions of early modern dockyards as sites for class confrontation, this essay offers a more agile account of the hierarchies within the yard to suggest how and why the workforce used its considerable power to challenge management and when and why it was successful in doing so. Overall, the essay suggests that the East India Company developed and prioritized a broader social constituency around the dockyard over particular labor lobbies to preempt accusations that it abdicated its social responsibilities. In this way, the company reconciled the competing interests of profit (as a joint stock company with investors) and social responsibility by, to some extent, assuming the social role of its progenitor organizations—the livery company and the borough corporation.
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