Relevant bibliographies by topics / Eastern Nigeria Civil War

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Eastern Nigeria Civil War'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Eastern Nigeria Civil War"

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Akresh, Richard, Sonia Bhalotra, Marinella Leone, and Una Okonkwo Osili. "War and Stature: Growing Up during the Nigerian Civil War." American Economic Review 102, no. 3 (2012): 273–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.3.273.

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The Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 was precipitated by secession of the Igbo-dominated south-eastern region to create the state of Biafra. It was the first civil war in Africa, the predecessor of many. We investigate the legacies of this war four decades later. Using variation across ethnicity and cohort, we identify significant long-run impacts on human health capital. Individuals exposed to the war at all ages between birth and adolescence exhibit reduced adult stature and these impacts are largest in adolescence. Adult stature is portentous of reduced life expectancy and lower earnings.
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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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UCHENDU, EGODI. "BEING IGBO AND MUSLIM: THE IGBO OF SOUTH-EASTERN NIGERIA AND CONVERSIONS TO ISLAM, 1930s TO RECENT TIMES." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (2010): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990764.

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ABSTRACTAmid assumptions of a hegemonic Igbo Christian identity, conversions to Islam began in the late 1930s in the Igbo territory of south-east Nigeria – the only region in the country that was not touched by the nineteenth-century Islamic jihad and subsequent efforts to extend the borders of Islam in Nigeria. Four decades after the emergence of Islam in the Igbo homeland, and with the mixed blessings of a civil war, Igboland began to manifest clear evidence of indigenous Muslim presence. A key aspect of this article is how one can be both Igbo and Muslim. It considers the complex interplay of religious and ethnic identities of Igbo Muslims (including the mapping of religious values onto ethnic ones) until the 1990s, when Igbo Muslims began to disentangle ethnicity from religion, a development that owes much to the progress of Islamic education in Igboland and the emergence of Igbo Muslim scholars and clerics. Igbo reactions to conversions to Islam and the perceived threat of these conversions to Igbo Christian identity also receive some attention in this article.
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Ingwe, Richard, Joseph K. Ukwayi, and Edward U. Utam. "Federal Revenue Sharing, Marginalisation and Sub-National Inter-Regional Inequality in Human Capital Development in South-Eastern and Southern Nigeria." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 2 (2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0013.

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Abstract Regional development planning/management responds to needs for preventing inequality among regions within nations characterised by multi-culturality and variation among regions, through the planning/management of appropriate programmes and policies. This paper examines inequality in the development of two of Nigeria’s states in the geographical South-East and the political South-South. Among other issues, historical conflicts among various ethno-cultural groups constituting Nigeria and culminating in violence (e.g. the 1967-1970 civil war fought against the programme of Ibo (a socio-cultural group) seceding from Nigeria’s federation to found Biafra) are reviewed. Despite Nigeria’s tragic civil war, inequality persists. We examine inequality resulting from systematic implementation of policies/programmes of Nigeria’s federal government institutions that marginalise Cross River State. Using the methods of comparative analysis and a descriptive case study, we show the consequences of marginalisation policies implemented by the federal government alone or in collaboration with (i.e. in support of) Akwa Ibom State for the development of human capital in Cross River State. The specific acts of marginalisation referred to here include: the ceding of the Bakassi Peninsula - a part of Cross River State - to the Republic of Cameroon in 2005, and more recently (2009) another ceding of 76 oil wells, hitherto the property of Cross River State, to Akwa Ibom State. We argue that, strengthened by marginalising/polarising policies (higher revenue allocation based on derivation principle of oil production), Akwa Ibom’s ongoing implementation of free education policy promises to facilitate its achievement of millennium development goals in basic education by 2015, beyond which it might reach disproportionately higher levels of tertiary educational attainment by 2024 and after. By contrast, the contrived dwindling of oil revenue accruing to Cross River State deprives it of funding for competitive human capital development programme(s). We recommend that Cross River State employs serious monitoring of marginalising schemes against its people considering recent traumatising experience, and plan/implement human capital development programmes aimed to improve its competitiveness under the context of intra-regional inequality.
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Hargreaves, Susan M. "Indigenous Written Sources for the History of Bonny." History in Africa 16 (1989): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171783.

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It is well known that indigenous contemporary written documentation exists for the precolonial and early colonial history of some of the coastal societies of South-Eastern Nigeria. The best known example is Old Calabar, for which there exists most notably the diary of Antera Duke, covering the years 1785-88, a document brought from Old Calabar to Britain already during the nineteenth century. More recently John Latham has discovered additional material of a similar character still preserved locally in Old Calabar, principally the Black Davis House Book (containing material dating from the 1830s onwards), the papers of Coco Bassey (including diaries covering the years 1878-89), and the papers of E. O. Offiong (comprising trade ledgers, court records, and letter books relating to the period 1885-1907). In the Niger Delta S. J. S. Cookey, for his biography of King Jaja of Opobo, was able to use contemporary documents in Jaja's own papers, including correspondence from the late 1860s onwards. In the case of the neighboring community of Bonny (from which Jaja seceded to found Opobo after a civil war in 1869), while earlier historians have alluded to the existence of indigenous written documentation, they have done so only in very general terms and without any indication of the quantity or nature of this material.
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Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.

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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "OIL, BRITISH INTERESTS AND THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (2008): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003393.

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ABSTRACTUsing newly available evidence, mainly from the Public Records Office (now the National Archive) in London, this article attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a ‘One Nigeria’ solution in the Nigeria/Biafra conflict. While the official position of the British government was that its main interest in the Nigeria conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, the true position was more complex. Evidence in this paper suggests that British oil interests played a much more important role in the determination of the British attitude to the war than is usually conceded. Specifically, Britain was interested in protecting the investments of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil. Furthermore, Britain was also at the time desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day War. Supporting a ‘One Nigeria’ solution was considered its safest bet in order to achieve the above objectives.
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David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.

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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.
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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.

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Lodge, Tom. "Conflict resolution in Nigeria after the 1967–1970 civil war." African Studies 77, no. 1 (2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1432125.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Eastern Nigeria Civil War"

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Burgess, Richard Hugh. "The civil war revival and its Pentecostal progeny : a religious movement among the Igbo people of eastern Nigeria." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2004. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/910/.

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This thesis is a study of a Christian movement among the Igbo people of Eastern Nigeria from its origins in the Civil War Revival (1967-73) to the present. It argues that the success of the revival depended upon a balance between supply and demand. Colonial legacies, Western missionary endeavours, decolonisation, and civil war not only created new religious demands, they contributed to the formation of a missionary fellowship, able to exploit the disorder of Igbo society and the failure of existing religious options to fulfil traditional aspirations. The thesis shows that during its formative period the revival’s Pentecostal progeny also benefited from this missionary impulse, and the flexibility of Pentecostal spirituality, which enabled it to adapt to meet consumer demands. It examines the way the movement has evolved since the 1970s, and argues that the decline of its missionary impulse, combined with a paradigm shift from holiness to prosperity teaching, and a propensity to schism, have imposed limitations on its potential as an agent of transformation. Finally, it shows that during the 1990s, a further shift has occurred towards a theology of socio-political engagement, and examines the implications of this for the movement’s identity and influence in a pluralistic society.
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Krogh, Matthew Ostergaard. "The Eastern Shore of Virginia in the Civil War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42581.

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<p>Gen. John Adams Dix, the Union commander of the Department of Maryland, wrote in an 1861 letter to Francis Blair of President Lincoln's administration that "we are in the most danger on the Eastern Shore [of Virginia]." Dix did not exaggerate when he implied that Accomac and Northampton County embodied secessionist sentiment on the Delmarva Peninsula in 1861. Dix knew that the Eastern Shore of Virginia, the most southern region of Delmarva, heavily influenced its neighbors to the north. If it made a strong demonstration in favor of the Confederacy, the Eastern Shore of Maryland might go spiraling toward secession. It could also decrease Union sentiment and progress in lower Delaware. With this in mind, Dix decided to make a preemptive strike on the Eastern Shore of Virginia in late 1861. Although this campaign describes only part of the question that this thesis entails it embodies the overarching importance of what occurred in the area.1<p> <p>1. Delmarva is a modern connotation denoting the peninsula made up by parts of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia. Susie M. Ames, "Federal Policy Toward the Eastern Shore of Virginia." Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 69 (1961) : 432-459.<p><br>Master of Arts
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Jobbins, Michae. "Local peace in civil war the case of Butembo, Eastern DRC /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/441853786/viewonline.

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Orkaby, Asher Aviad. "The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11420.

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The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al-Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana'a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic. A desperate appeal by Yemeni republicans brought the first Egyptian troops to Yemen. Saudi Arabia, pressured by Egyptian troops, border tribal considerations and earlier treaties with the Yemeni Imamate, supported the Imam's royalist opposition. The battleground between Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and al-Badr was transformed into an arena for international conflict and diplomacy. The UN mission to Yemen, while portrayed as a symbol of failed and underfunded global peacekeeping at the time, was in fact instrumental in establishing the basis for a diplomatic resolution to the conflict. Bruce Condé, an American philatelist, brought global attention to the royalist-republican struggle to control the Yemeni postal system. The last remnants of the British Middle East Empire fought with Nasser to maintain a mutually declining level of influence in the region. Israeli intelligence and air force aided royalist forces and served witness to the Egyptian use of chemical weapons, a factor that would impact decision-making prior to the 1967 War. Despite concurrent Cold War tensions, Americans and Soviets appeared on the same side of the Yemeni conflict and acted mutually to confine Nasser to the borders of South Arabia. This internationalized conflict was a pivotal event in Middle East history as it oversaw the formation of a modern Yemeni state, the fall of Egyptian and British regional influence, another Arab-Israeli war, Saudi dominance of the Arabian Peninsula, and shifting power alliances in the Middle East.
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Biglin, Brent Alexander. "Discipline and DIsorder in Women's Fiction Through the Lebanese Civil War." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366296039.

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Okigbo, Karen Amaka. "Ghostly Narratives : A Case Study on the Experiences and Roles of Biafran Women during the Nigeria-Biafra War." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29720.

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Since the end of the Nigcria-Biafra war in 1970, political and social theorists, journalists, and scholars have discussed the significance of the war and the major players. Yet one perspective is often omitted, and that is the experiences of women and the roles they played during the war. This thesis begins to unearth some of those hidden narratives through the use of in-depth interviews with seven Biafran women who lived during and survived the Nigeria-Biafra war. Their stories about the importance of their ethnic and religious identities, their roles and experiences during the war, their encounters with death and refugees, and their discussions of a generational shift are important parts of some of the unearthed narratives.
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Beamer, Carl Brent. "Gray ghostbusters : Eastern theatre Union Counterguerrilla operations in the Civil War, 1861-1865 /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148758688918807.

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Tasie, G. O. "Agricultural development in the Rivers State of Nigeria since the end of the Nigerian civil war." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.577467.

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Van-Wijlick, Hendrikus Antonius Margar. "Rome and Near Eastern kingdoms and principalities, 44-31 BC : a study of political relations during civil war." Thesis, Durham University, 2013. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9387/.

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This thesis presents a critical analysis of the political relations between Rome on the one hand and Near Eastern kingdoms and principalities on the other hand during the age of civil war from 44 until 31 BC. In contrast to previous studies of Rome’s foreign affairs in the eastern Mediterranean glancing over this era as a result of their focus on longer periods of time during the Republic or Principate, this work yields a unique insight into the workings of Rome’s interstate dealings during a time of internal upheaval. By looking at each bilateral relationship separately both from the perspective of Rome and the kingdom or principality, it shows first and foremost the wide variety in political dealings between representatives of Roman power and Near Eastern rulers. Yet, in spite of this diversity, issues such as the political dependency of Near Eastern kings and other dynasts on Rome show that there are also some common characteristics about the relations. Ever since Pompey reorganised the eastern Mediterranean, Rome interfered on a regular basis in the internal administration and the foreign affairs of the kingdoms and principalities in the Near East. A notable exception in this case formed Parthia, the only realm that could measure up to Rome. The thesis also investigates to what extent the conduct of Rome and Near Eastern kingdoms and principalities towards one another in the period from 44 until 31 was typical for this period. Drawing upon examples from earlier eras, it shows that to a large degree the behaviour of Rome and Near Eastern realms in our age of civil war was not typical and manifests continuity with earlier periods. It thus presents a prima facie case for the re-examination of prevailing views on the specificities of Rome and the civil war in relation to international relations of the period.
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Books on the topic "Eastern Nigeria Civil War"

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Byrne, Tony. Airlift to Biafra: Breaching the blockade. Columba Press, 1997.

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Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. The Biafra war: Nigeria and the aftermath. E. Mellen Press, 1990.

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Stewart, Bruce H. Land battles of the Civil War, eastern theatre. McFarland, 2002.

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Onyefuru, Goddy. To save Nigeria: The revolutionary coup and the Civil War. Rabboni Pub., 2009.

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Anwunah, Patrick A. The Nigeria-Biafra War (1967-1970): My memoirs. Spectrum Books Limited, 2007.

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The conquest of Northern Nigeria. F. Cass, 1985.

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Cannon blasts: Civil War artillery in the eastern armies. White Mane, 2004.

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Adekunle, Benjamin. The Nigeria Biafra War letters: A soldier's story. Phoenix Pub. Group, 2004.

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K, Krick Robert, ed. The Civil War: Gettysburg and other Eastern battles, 1863-1865. Rosen Pub., 2011.

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Powell, Jody. Eastern shore of Maryland: 1890 census of Civil War veterans. J. Powell, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Eastern Nigeria Civil War"

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Abaraonye, Felicia Ihuoma. "The Women’s War of 1929 in South-Eastern Nigeria." In Women and Revolution: Global Expressions. Springer Netherlands, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9072-3_7.

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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra Civil War, 1967–1970." In Postcolonial Conflict and the Question of Genocide. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315229294-8.

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Onyelowe, Kennedy C., O. A. Ubachukwu, O. C. Ikpemo, and F. O. Okafor. "Assessment of Granular Soil Failure at the Water Borehole Depth in South Eastern Nigeria by Discrete and Finite Element Methods." In Sustainable Civil Infrastructures. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61905-7_17.

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Uchendu, Egodi, and Uche Okonkwo. "The Aba Women’s War of 1929 in Eastern Nigeria as anti-colonial protest." In The Routledge Companion to Black Women’s Cultural Histories. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429243578-29.

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Waites, Bernard. "Nigeria and Congo-Zaire, 1960–c. 1975: Decolonisation, Civil War and State Recovery." In South Asia and Africa After Independence. Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-35698-6_6.

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Usuanlele, Uyilawa. "Midwest State’s Non-Igbo Minorities’ Responses to the Biafran Occupation and Federal Liberation in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." In Minority Rights and the National Question in Nigeria. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50630-2_6.

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"The Civil War Years." In Dawn for Islam in Eastern Nigeria. De Gruyter, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783112208724-025.

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"Military coups, Biafra and civil war." In Nigeria. Zed Books, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350221529.ch-012.

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Fischer, Ernest W. "The Yugoslav Civil War." In NATO's Eastern Dilemmas. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429039065-4.

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Kamphoefner, Walter D. "Eastern Theater." In Germans in the Civil War. University of North Carolina Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/9780807876596_kamphoefner.8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Eastern Nigeria Civil War"

1

Khodyakov, M. V. "Chinese Eastern Railway during the Civil War." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-266-271.

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Sinichenko, Vladimir, and Galina Tokarevа. "«Firm Prices» for Sugar in Eastern Russia During the First World War and Civil War." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.20.

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The article states that in the conditions of war, first the royal government, then the provisional government, moved to impose fixed food prices. The introduction of «firm prices» for food products has caused shortages. The shortage of goods led on the one hand to hyperinflation and depreciation of money, on the other hand to the growth of smuggling operations and saturation of the Far East market with smuggled food from abroad.
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Posadskov, A. L. "Anti-Bolshevik satirical press in the eastern regions of Russia (November 1917 - November 1918)." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-344-355.

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Azarenkov, A. A. "The Far Eastern Republic as a peripheral model for overcoming the systemic crisis of a traditional empire." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-178-186.

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Tsvetkov, V. Zh. "Own resources or foreign supplies: features of the military supply of the Eastern Front of Admiral A.V. Kolchak in 1919." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-305-312.

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Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.

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The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
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