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Journal articles on the topic 'Eastern Nigeria Civil War'
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1
Akresh, Richard, Sonia Bhalotra, Marinella Leone, and Una Okonkwo Osili. "War and Stature: Growing Up during the Nigerian Civil War." American Economic Review 102, no. 3 (2012): 273–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.3.273.
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The Nigerian civil war of 1967-70 was precipitated by secession of the Igbo-dominated south-eastern region to create the state of Biafra. It was the first civil war in Africa, the predecessor of many. We investigate the legacies of this war four decades later. Using variation across ethnicity and cohort, we identify significant long-run impacts on human health capital. Individuals exposed to the war at all ages between birth and adolescence exhibit reduced adult stature and these impacts are largest in adolescence. Adult stature is portentous of reduced life expectancy and lower earnings.
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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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UCHENDU, EGODI. "BEING IGBO AND MUSLIM: THE IGBO OF SOUTH-EASTERN NIGERIA AND CONVERSIONS TO ISLAM, 1930s TO RECENT TIMES." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (2010): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990764.
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ABSTRACTAmid assumptions of a hegemonic Igbo Christian identity, conversions to Islam began in the late 1930s in the Igbo territory of south-east Nigeria – the only region in the country that was not touched by the nineteenth-century Islamic jihad and subsequent efforts to extend the borders of Islam in Nigeria. Four decades after the emergence of Islam in the Igbo homeland, and with the mixed blessings of a civil war, Igboland began to manifest clear evidence of indigenous Muslim presence. A key aspect of this article is how one can be both Igbo and Muslim. It considers the complex interplay of religious and ethnic identities of Igbo Muslims (including the mapping of religious values onto ethnic ones) until the 1990s, when Igbo Muslims began to disentangle ethnicity from religion, a development that owes much to the progress of Islamic education in Igboland and the emergence of Igbo Muslim scholars and clerics. Igbo reactions to conversions to Islam and the perceived threat of these conversions to Igbo Christian identity also receive some attention in this article.
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Ingwe, Richard, Joseph K. Ukwayi, and Edward U. Utam. "Federal Revenue Sharing, Marginalisation and Sub-National Inter-Regional Inequality in Human Capital Development in South-Eastern and Southern Nigeria." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 2 (2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0013.
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Abstract Regional development planning/management responds to needs for preventing inequality among regions within nations characterised by multi-culturality and variation among regions, through the planning/management of appropriate programmes and policies. This paper examines inequality in the development of two of Nigeria’s states in the geographical South-East and the political South-South. Among other issues, historical conflicts among various ethno-cultural groups constituting Nigeria and culminating in violence (e.g. the 1967-1970 civil war fought against the programme of Ibo (a socio-cultural group) seceding from Nigeria’s federation to found Biafra) are reviewed. Despite Nigeria’s tragic civil war, inequality persists. We examine inequality resulting from systematic implementation of policies/programmes of Nigeria’s federal government institutions that marginalise Cross River State. Using the methods of comparative analysis and a descriptive case study, we show the consequences of marginalisation policies implemented by the federal government alone or in collaboration with (i.e. in support of) Akwa Ibom State for the development of human capital in Cross River State. The specific acts of marginalisation referred to here include: the ceding of the Bakassi Peninsula - a part of Cross River State - to the Republic of Cameroon in 2005, and more recently (2009) another ceding of 76 oil wells, hitherto the property of Cross River State, to Akwa Ibom State. We argue that, strengthened by marginalising/polarising policies (higher revenue allocation based on derivation principle of oil production), Akwa Ibom’s ongoing implementation of free education policy promises to facilitate its achievement of millennium development goals in basic education by 2015, beyond which it might reach disproportionately higher levels of tertiary educational attainment by 2024 and after. By contrast, the contrived dwindling of oil revenue accruing to Cross River State deprives it of funding for competitive human capital development programme(s). We recommend that Cross River State employs serious monitoring of marginalising schemes against its people considering recent traumatising experience, and plan/implement human capital development programmes aimed to improve its competitiveness under the context of intra-regional inequality.
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Hargreaves, Susan M. "Indigenous Written Sources for the History of Bonny." History in Africa 16 (1989): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171783.
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It is well known that indigenous contemporary written documentation exists for the precolonial and early colonial history of some of the coastal societies of South-Eastern Nigeria. The best known example is Old Calabar, for which there exists most notably the diary of Antera Duke, covering the years 1785-88, a document brought from Old Calabar to Britain already during the nineteenth century. More recently John Latham has discovered additional material of a similar character still preserved locally in Old Calabar, principally the Black Davis House Book (containing material dating from the 1830s onwards), the papers of Coco Bassey (including diaries covering the years 1878-89), and the papers of E. O. Offiong (comprising trade ledgers, court records, and letter books relating to the period 1885-1907). In the Niger Delta S. J. S. Cookey, for his biography of King Jaja of Opobo, was able to use contemporary documents in Jaja's own papers, including correspondence from the late 1860s onwards. In the case of the neighboring community of Bonny (from which Jaja seceded to found Opobo after a civil war in 1869), while earlier historians have alluded to the existence of indigenous written documentation, they have done so only in very general terms and without any indication of the quantity or nature of this material.
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Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.
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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "OIL, BRITISH INTERESTS AND THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (2008): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003393.
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ABSTRACTUsing newly available evidence, mainly from the Public Records Office (now the National Archive) in London, this article attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a ‘One Nigeria’ solution in the Nigeria/Biafra conflict. While the official position of the British government was that its main interest in the Nigeria conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, the true position was more complex. Evidence in this paper suggests that British oil interests played a much more important role in the determination of the British attitude to the war than is usually conceded. Specifically, Britain was interested in protecting the investments of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil. Furthermore, Britain was also at the time desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day War. Supporting a ‘One Nigeria’ solution was considered its safest bet in order to achieve the above objectives.
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David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.
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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.
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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.
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Lodge, Tom. "Conflict resolution in Nigeria after the 1967–1970 civil war." African Studies 77, no. 1 (2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1432125.
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Folayan, Bolu John, Olumide Samuel Ogunjobi, Prosper Zannu, and Taiwo Ajibolu Balofin. "Post-war Civil War Propaganda Techniques and Media Spins in Nigeria and Journalism Practice." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 17 (April 8, 2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v17i.8993.
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In public relations and political communication, a spin is a form of propaganda achieved through knowingly presenting a biased interpretation of an event or issues. It is also the act of presenting narratives to influence public opinion about events, people or and ideas. In war time, various forms of spins are employed by antagonists to wear out the opponents and push their brigades to victory. During the Nigerian civil war, quite a number of these spins were dominant – for example GOWON (Go On With One Nigeria); “On Aburi We Stand”, “O Le Ku Ija Ore”. Post-war years presented different spins and fifty years after the war, different spins continue to push emerging narratives (e.g. “marginalization”, “restructuring”). This paper investigates and analyzes the different propaganda techniques and spins in the narratives of the Nigerian civil in the past five years through a content analysis of three national newspapers: The Nigerian Tribune, Daily Trust and Sun Newspapers. Findings confirm that propaganda and spins are not limited to war time, but are actively deployed in peace time. This development places additional challenge on journalists to uphold the canons of balance, truth and fairness in reporting sensitive national issues. The authors extend postulations that propaganda techniques, generally considered to be limited to war situations, are increasingly being used in post-war situations. Specifically, they highlight that journalists are becoming more susceptible to propaganda spins and this could affect the level of their compliance to the ethics of journalism.
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Mgbeoji, I. "Review: Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa * Adekeye Adebajo: Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa." European Journal of International Law 15, no. 1 (2004): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/15.1.218-a.
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Gberie, Lansana, and Adekeye Adebajo. "Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG and Regional Security in West Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107306.
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Gerhart, Gail M., Adekeye Adebajo, and Adekeye Adebajo. "Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 1 (2003): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033486.
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Ratner, Steven R. "Accountability and the Sri Lankan Civil War." American Journal of International Law 106, no. 4 (2012): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.106.4.0795.
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Sri Lanka's civil war came to a bloody end in May 2009, with the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by Sri Lanka's armed forces on a small strip of land in the island's northeast. The conflict, the product of long-standing tensions between Sri Lanka's majority Sinhalese and minority Tamils over the latter's rights and place in society, had begun in the mid-1980s and ebbed and flowed for some twenty-five years, leading to seventy to eighty thousand deaths on both sides. Government repression of Tamil aspirations was matched with ruthless LTTE tactics, including suicide bombings of civilian targets; and for many years the LTTE controlled large parts of northern and eastern Sri Lanka.
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Chukwumah, Ignatius, and Cassandra Ifeoma Nebeife. "Persecution in Igbo-Nigerian Civil-War Narratives." Matatu 49, no. 2 (2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902001.
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Abstract Sociopolitical phenomena such as corruption, political instability, (domestic) violence, cultural fragmentation, and the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) have been central themes of Nigerian narratives. Important as these are, they tend to touch on the periphery of the major issue at stake, which is the vector of persecution underlying the Nigerian tradition in general and in modern Igbo Nigerian narratives in particular, novels and short stories written in English which capture, wholly or in part, the Igbo cosmology and experience in their discursive formations. The present study of such modern Igbo Nigerian narratives as Okpewho’s The Last Duty (1976), Iyayi’s Heroes (1986), Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2007), and other novels and short stories applies René Girard’s theory of the pharmakos (Greek for scapegoat) to this background of persecution, particularly as it subtends the condition of the Igbo in postcolonial Nigeria in the early years of independence.
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Kasfir, Sidney Littlefield. "How Masks Travel: Aesthetics, Trade, War, and Authority in Eastern Nigeria, an Introduction." African Arts 52, no. 1 (2019): 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar_a_00443.
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Atanasiu, Mirela. "Middle Eastern Proxy Wars Waged on the Background of Civil Wars." Vojenské rozhledy 30, no. 3 (2021): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.30.2021.03.027-044.
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The paper argues that proxy war is an increasingly often used tool in the Middle East, in the already conflicted territories where international involvement is not only enabled, but also attracted and encouraged by the international law for the purpose of region’s securitization. Thus, the paper’s aim is to increase awareness on the fact that the Middle Eastern countries passing through civil war periods and accepting external actors to deal with their crises do not only become fertile territories for proxy wars, but the intervening actors start pursuing their own interests beyond the host country’s interest in resolving the conflict.
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NOWICKA, Ewa. "CIVIL WAR IN MEMORY OF GREEK REPATRIATES FROM POLAND AND OTHER EASTERN BLOC COUNTRIES." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3258.
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The paper is based on anthropological study fieldwork conducted in Greece during the three subsequent research seasons of 2005-2009. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) broke out after World War II and it reflected the conflict between communist (or at least leftist) Greek guerillas and the rightist power of the Royal authorities. On one side the war was supported from Moscow, and on the other by Great Britain and US military forces. As a result of the total defeat of communists, the Greek citizens who were actively involved in the military activity, their families and civilians inhabiting the territory of Northern Greece, were evacuated. They were transported by the communist army to different communist countries. For decades they were not able to return to their home villages. Most of the evacuated Greeks decided to come back home when it became possible after 1975. Their memory of the civil war differs from generation to generation and it depends on the role they played in the war. For ex-partisans the civil war was the manifestation of the struggle of the international powers representing class interests. For people who were children during the war the memory is concentrated on particular facts and accidents. People who were born outside of Greece tend to forget, though they also have some image of the war as a horror. The memory of the civil war in Greece have led to the permanent division of the Greek society, which exists till today.
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Korieh, Chima J. "The Nigeria-Biafra War, Oil and the Political Economy of State Induced Development Strategy in Eastern Nigeria, 1967–1995." Social Evolution & History 17, no. 1 (2018): 76–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.01.05.
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Spalding, Nancy. "A Cultural Explanation of Collapse into Civil War: Escalation of Tension in Nigeria." Culture & Psychology 6, no. 1 (2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x0061003.
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Uyangoda, Jayadeva. "Sri Lanka in 2009: From Civil War to Political Uncertainties." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (2010): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.104.
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Political developments in Sri Lanka in 2009 centered primarily around the end of the protracted civil war between the state and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), with the total military defeat of the LTTE. Sri Lanka subsequently entered an uncertain phase of post-civil war political reconstruction. The announcement to hold early presidential elections in January 2010 added to uncertainties to Sri Lanka's post-civil war political process. Sri Lanka also moved away from the West toward other Asian and Middle Eastern powers.
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Ganz, Shoshannah. "“The Reason for War is War”: Western and Eastern Interrogations of Violence in Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost." East-West Cultural Passage 20, no. 2 (2020): 94–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ewcp-2020-0013.
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Abstract Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost (2000) is set in civil war-torn Sri Lanka. This contemporary violent moment becomes a rupture through which the writer interrogates the division between Western and Eastern ways of approaching a violent situation. This essay sets out to investigate historical instances of violence and justifications for violence in the Buddhist context. The essay then turns to Buddhist scholars’ contemporary critical examination of violence and war in light of the teachings of ancient Buddhist texts. Then, having established the Buddhist history and contemporary debate around violence and war, the essay explores how Ondaatje comments on this history through the contemporary moment of civil war in Sri Lanka. The essay argues that rather than illustrating the need for a purer Buddhism or the separation between the political and the religious, as some scholars have argued in relation to Anil’s Ghost, according to Ondaatje, the only way to approach the problem of violence with any hope of reaching understanding is through appreciating the different ways of knowing offered by the East and the West.
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Onwuzuruigbo, Ifeanyi. "HORIZONTAL INEQUALITIES AND COMMUNAL CONFLICTS: THE CASE OF AGULERI AND UMULERI COMMUNITIES OF SOUTH-EASTERN NIGERIA." Africa 81, no. 4 (2011): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000659.
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ABSTRACTIntra-state conflicts in Africa have been attributed to various factors such as the end of the Cold War, globalization, sustained population growth, environmental scarcity and violent youth culture. Extracts from these dominant global perspectives, collocated and mixed with the economic crisis thesis at the national level, constitute the mainstream analytical scheme for understanding the proliferation of communal conflicts in Nigeria. However, the relevance of horizontal inequality in accounting for the multitude of communal conflicts in Nigeria has been glossed over by scholars. This article highlights local narratives of inequalities and how they provide impetus for communal conflicts in Aguleri and Umuleri communities of south-eastern Nigeria.
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Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Refugees, Evacuees, and Repatriates: Biafran Children, UNHCR, and the Politics of International Humanitarianism in the Nigerian Civil War." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (2020): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.43.
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Abstract:The Nigeria-Biafra war contributed to the rise of post-colonial moral interventionism, ushering in a new form of human rights politics. During the war, relief agencies evacuated 4,000 children from the conflict zones to Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire to protect them from the conflict. This was part of a broader international humanitarian airlift operation that brought relief supplies to the besieged Biafra territory. At the end of the war, most of the children were returned to their homes in Nigeria through an international humanitarian repatriation effort. Ibhawoh examines how state interests and the politics of international humanitarian interventionism manifested in debates about classifying and protecting displaced children, the most vulnerable victims of the conflict.
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Grødeland, Åse B. "Perceptions of civil rights, security and the “war on terror”: East and West compared." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (2015): 317–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.10.003.
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This article explores the tension between civil rights and security by examining the perceptions of the general public and elites in Eastern and Western Europe on (i) the terrorist threat; (ii) external pressure to stay within or step outside the law when combatting terrorism; and (iii) how best to combat terrorism. Large scale qualitative and quantitative data collected in Western and Eastern Europe before the terrorist act in Norway in 2011 and the Russian intervention in Ukraine and subsequent annexation of the Crimea in 2014 suggest that at the time terrorism was perceived as a greater threat in Western than in Eastern Europe. Further, Europeans felt that the US had extended pressure on their countries to combat terrorism by stepping outside the law. While ordinary citizens believed that terrorism should be fought by introducing more security — if necessary at the expense of civil rights — elites emphasized the need to protect civil rights while combating terrorism. Finally, European Muslims claimed that the terrorist threat was exaggerated and that protecting civil rights is more important than combating terrorism.
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Davis, Tracy C. "Between History and Event: Rehearsing Nuclear War Survival." TDR/The Drama Review 46, no. 4 (2002): 11–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/105420402320907001.
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Performance historian Davis opens a window onto the civil defense movement that was a mainstay of Western governments from 1949 until the collapse of the Eastern Bloc from 1989 to 1991. Civil defense activities included playing out many “as if” scenarios wherein a “time out of time” reality was created, something that NATO members referred to as the “scope of play” (portée du jeu) and the “play of decisions” (jou des décisions). These activities, Davis argues, are inherently performative. But are they history?
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Posibi, A. Preye. "Aftermath of the Nigerian civil war (1967-1970): The struggle for peaceful coexistence between parties in post-war Nigeria." Asia and Africa Today, no. 6 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015266-4.
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Hagerman, Edward. "Field Armies and Fortification in the Civil War: The Eastern Campaigns, 1861-1864 (review)." Journal of Military History 69, no. 4 (2005): 1215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0230.
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Agbese, Pita Ogaba. "Party Registration and the Subversion of Democracy in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503163.
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Nigeria has had three programs of transition from military to civil rule in the last 13 years. Despite the enormous resources wasted on the first two programs, by Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, democracy remains a mirage in Nigeria. The demise of the two programs was not just a monumental failure on the part of the two leaders; it also vividly demonstrates the military’s inability to effect a lasting transition to civil rule. In addition, the utter failure of both programs has exposed the political brinkmanship to which the military is prepared to go to subvert democracy. Babangida’s brazen annulment of the June 1993 presidential election and Abacha’s repressive, dictatorial, and corrupt governing style brought Nigeria closer to the edge of the precipice than any other crisis since the civil war of the 1960s.
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Calleja, Eduardo González. "The Spanish Civil War: New Approaches and Historiographic Perspectives." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (2020): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000235.
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The bibliography on the Spanish Civil War is almost unattainable, but the matter continues to elicit such interest that it remains open to new historiographic trends. For example, the ‘classic’ military history of the conflict, cultivated prominently in recent years by Gabriel Cardona, Jorge Martínez Reverte and Anthony Beevor, does not renounce the microhistory or cultural perspective. These constitute the theoretical framework of the New Military History and its corollary the New Combat History, which combine philological, anthropological, psychological and historiographical perspectives to various degrees. In the specific field of the war experiences pioneered by George L. Mosse, the concepts of brutalisation, barbarisation and demodernisation of military operations, coined by Omer Bartov to describe the particularities of the Eastern campaign during the Second World War, are being used by Spanish historians dedicated to the study of the violence and atrocities of the civil war and post-war. Focusing on the field of political history, government management or diplomacy has been studied almost exhaustively, but this is not the case for the principal phenomenon of political violence in the 1930s in Europe, namely paramilitarisation. It is surprising that the latest studies on the issue at the European level (Robert Gerwarth, John Horne, Chris Millington and Kevin Passmore) do not include any essays on the enormous incidence of paramilitary violence in Spain before, during and after the civil war.
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Rameez, A. "Post-War Development and Women’s Empowerment in Eastern Sri Lanka: A Case Study of Batticaloa District in Eastern Province." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 4 (2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0068.
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The civil war in Sri Lanka had caused enormous impacts on the physical as well as infrastructure development of Eastern Province. Since the end of war in 2009, the province has immensely benefitted from the state and non-state sectors, particularly in the sphere of women empowerment in terms of their livelihood, education, health, etc. Although, many previous studies have delved into a number of post-war development interventions in the province, it failed to explore the dimension of women’s empowerment. Using both qualitative as well as quantitative methods, this study specifically explores the impacts of socio-economic development initiatives on women’s empowerment in the post war context. The findings show women received much support such as housing assistance, dry rations, livelihood assistance, micro-credit loans and psycho-social counselling from state and non-state sectors including NGOs, and UN organizations in the post war period in the Batticaloa district of Eastern Province and such supports have largely been effective as it contributed to women’s empowerment. Nevertheless, such supports have significantly dried up in recent times with priorities of state and non-state sectors being shifted. Thus, it is crucial for state and non-state sectors to focus on the empowerment of women in future, especially enhancing their capacity in terms of their knowledge and skills, and providing financial assistance for their self-employment on a soft loan basis or under grant schemes.
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Muhammad, Aisha Mustapha. "Divergent Struggles for Identity and Safeguarding Human Values: A Postcolonial Analysis of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 11, no. 2 (2018): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v11.n2.p1.
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In the novel Adichie uncovers the characters’ struggles based on the loss of Identity and Human values which is basically the result of the Nigerian civil war. The characters strive to bring back what they lost due to the war. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie was born much later after the Nigerian civil war of 1966-1969. Chimamanda Adichie had the interest to revive history of the war; she used her imaginative talent in bringing what she hadn’t experienced. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun is a literary work which uses the theory of post-colonialism or post-colonial studies, it is a term that is used to analyze and explain the legacy of colonialism through the study of a particular book. Colonialism did not happen during the colonial era only but extended to after independence of the countries that were colonized. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun shows the effect of colonialism after independence of Nigeria. Adichie believes that by bringing back the issue of the war, the growing generation would understand more about the war. According to her in Nigeria the history taught in the primary and secondary schools is not complete, some parts were removed and nobody is allowed to talk about it. So through the novel, she tries to go through history to see what has happened, so that she can make the young generation understand history better. The book opens with a poem by Chinua Achebe about the Nigerian civil war.
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Iacovoiu, Viorela-Beatrice, Mirela Panait, and Alexandru-Cristian Enache. "An Economic and Social Assessment of the Syrian Civil War." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 9, no. 1 (2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2020010102.
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Starting from the theories and studies on armed conflicts and in particular civil wars, and based on relevant figures, this paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the Syrian Civil War. The Syrian conflict developed into a civil war with a sectarian dimension and has lasted longer mostly because of major powers, as well as some Middle Eastern countries that were directly and actively involved in the conflict, supporting the government forces or rebel groups. According to the analysed data, the war deeply affected the Syrian economy and its citizens due to the loss of governmental control over oil fields, the destruction of infrastructure and households, and the great number of forcibly displaced people and casualties. At the same time, the Syrian Civil War created great opportunities for arms-producing companies to sell their products without cutting off profits. Thus, the conclusion is that there is no benefit to war except for those who profit of it, namely the countries as well as the arms manufacturers that use conflicts as a proxy to promote their interests.
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DiFelice, Beth. "International Transitional Administration: The United Nations in East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo – A Bibliography." International Journal of Legal Information 35, no. 1 (2007): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001979.
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Between 1995 and 1999, the United Nations established transitional administrations over four war-torn territories – East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, and Kosovo. These transitional civil administrations began as part of a peace agreement and have or will end with either independence of the territory, as with East Timor, or the reuniting of a war-torn state, as with Eastern Slavonia's return to Croatia. As of this writing, the United Nations’ mission in Kosovo has not ended.
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Yusoff, Mohammad Agus, Athambawa Sarjoon, and Zawiyah Mohd Zain. "Minorities, Territoriality and Politics for Autonomy: An Analysis of Competing Ethnic Politics in Eastern Sri Lanka." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 2 (2019): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2019-0018.
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Abstract Regional politics play a decisive role in national politics when region poses ethnic groups in competing manner. Sri Lanka’s Eastern province has been a contested region in terms of ethnic and territorial integration as well as the integration of majority and minorities from the independence of the country, during civil war, and in the post-civil war era. This study explores the ethnic groups’ competition for political control and autonomy, as well as its impact in Eastern Sri Lanka. This study has employed both qualitative and quantitative data, collected mainly through secondary sources such as literary books, book chapters, journal articles, newspaper cuttings, and government documents, which are analyzed and presented through interpretive and descriptive manners. The study has found that the Eastern province has been a contested choice for the ethnic majority to extend their ethnic domination, and to implement ethno-centric development-cum settlement policies and programs, all of which are ultimately induced to change the ethnic composition of the region and pushed ethnic minorities to mobilize and demand for more decentralized power and autonomy in the region. The thirty-year prolonged civil war made the region not only a war-torn, but also let to undermining regional democratic principles, including minorities’ rights for autonomy. The study also reveals that the new emerging post-war political context at the provincial and national levels continues to undermine the minorities’ hopes for autonomy in the region. Nevertheless, the region has emerged as ‘role-model’ for ethnic cohesive politics.
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Ferro, Luca. "Western Gunrunners, (Middle-)Eastern Casualties: Unlawfully Trading Arms with States Engulfed in Yemeni Civil War?" Journal of Conflict and Security Law 24, no. 3 (2019): 503–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz021.
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Abstract According to the United Nations Secretary-General, Yemen today constitutes the worst man-made humanitarian crisis in the world. It is fuelled by extensive third-state involvement, with none of the warring parties championing respect for international human rights and humanitarian law (to put it mildly). Conversely, primary rules of international law already prohibit arms transfers from the moment there is a significant risk that they could be used to commit or facilitate grave breaches, with the recipient’s past and present record of respect for international law qualifying as the crucial factor to predict future transgressions. From that perspective, it appears deeply disingenuous for western states to continue transferring military equipment to members of the multilateral coalition in Yemen while maintaining adherence to the international legal framework. This article thus aims to examine whether the legal framework lives up to its noble goals or rather serves to defend state decisions that primarily serve their economic interests. It is structured as follows: Section 1 starts with an overview of the facts, and the focus and aim of this article. Section 2 then sets out the international legal framework as it applies to the trade in conventional arms with states that are involved in a non-international armed conflict. Section 3 analyses key domestic judgments (in the UK, Canada, Belgium and France) to test the available facts against the legal framework as elaborated. Finally, Section 4 concludes.
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Shalamov, V. A. "The American Red Cross Activity in Eastern Siberia during the Russian Civil War (1918–1920)." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 1 (2021): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.104.
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In mid-1918, the Siberian Commission of the American Red Cross was formed, headed by an American missionary doctor who worked in Japan, Rudolf Teusler. After Admiral Kolchak came to power, the Siberian Commission concluded an agreement to expand the scope of its activities, supply volumes, and payments. The main focus was on the front, which made the Red Cross akin to a White Army supply service, which was contrary to the principles of this organization. Americans drew attention to Eastern Siberia only in the summer of 1919, when Kolchak’s army retreated, and the incidence of typhus was rapidly growing in the rear regions. Two hospitals operated by the staff of the American Red Cross were opened in Irkutsk and Verkhneudinsk; gifts were distributed periodically in the form of first-aid items. At the end of 1919, in connection with the approach of the front line to Eastern Siberia, the Americans left the region, transferring medical facilities and supplies of medicines to local authorities. In early 1920, the Siberian Commission was given the opportunity to establish contacts with the Bolshevik authorities, which controlled territories west of Lake Baikal. Members of the commission began to prepare for a new humanitarian mission that would allow for the settlement of Soviet-American relations, return to the original tasks of the Red Cross, and help thousands of needy Siberians and refugees. However, the headquarters of the American Red Cross refused to authorize this activity and by mid-1920 evacuated the remaining personnel and cargo.
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Ugwuja, EI, NC Ogbonna, AN Nwibo, and IA Onimawo. "Overweight and Obesity, Lipid Profile and Atherogenic Indices among Civil Servants in Abakaliki, South Eastern Nigeria." Annals of Medical and Health Sciences Research 3, no. 1 (2013): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2141-9248.109462.
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Meagher, Kate. "Hijacking civil society: the inside story of the Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 1 (2007): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002291.
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Analyses of the rise of violent vigilantism in Africa have focused increasingly on the ‘uncivil' character of African society. This article challenges the recourse to cultural or instrumentalist explanations, in which vigilantism is portrayed as a reversion to violent indigenous institutions of law and order based on secret societies and occultist practices, or is viewed as a product of the contemporary institutional environment of clientelism and corruption in which youth struggle for their share of patronage resources. The social and political complexities of contemporary African vigilantism are revealed through an account of the rise and derailment of the infamous Bakassi Boys vigilante group of south-eastern Nigeria. Based on extensive fieldwork among the shoe producers of Aba who originally formed the Bakassi Boys in 1998, this article traces the process through which popular security arrangements were developed and subsequently hijacked by opportunistic political officials engaged in power struggles between the state and federal governments. Detailing the strategies and struggles involved in the process of political hijack, this inside account of the Bakassi Boys reveals the underlying resilience of civil notions of justice and public accountability in contemporary Africa.
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Anadi, PhD, Sunday K. M. "Politics and Religion vs. Law and Order in Nigeria: Implications for National and Regional Security." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 3 (2018): 4474–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i3.02.
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Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has grappled with the ominous challenge of building a sustainable bridge between its ever increasing populations divided not only along distinct multi-ethnic groups but also between two major diametrically opposed faiths [in content, structure, and tactics]- Christianity and Islam. The study was exploratory in nature, which adopted descriptive adequacy in articulating and examining the underlying alternatives factors that propel national politics and religious violence in Nigeria, thus producing a more comprehensive and total picture of the dynamics of the phenomena under investigation- the understanding of religious violence in Nigeria with minimum distortion. Furthermore, the study adopted a survey method based on the perception of Government officials and Religious leaders regarding religious violence, with a corresponding sample size of 100. The study found that the seeming overwhelming implications of persistent religious violence for Nigeria are three folds; they include; sustained threat to national peace, unity, and security, undermines national political/economic development, as well as socio-cultural and religious harmony and cooperation. In addition, the study found that the present state of religious violence in Nigeria exacerbates bitterness, hatred, and mistrust among the federating units of Nigeria resulting to violent reactions and heightened intra-ethnic and religious clashes, with a volcanic potential to explode into secession by aggrieved groups, internecine civil war, pogroms and/or jihads. Finally, the study recommended that the Nigerian civil society must step up organized and peaceful agitations for fundamental changes in the structure and character of the Nigeria state through a Sovereign National Conference or credible constitution review effort. Also, the Nigerian government and the international community must seize the opportunity of current fragile peace in Nigeria, to implement a number of credible measures aimed at preventing a recurrence of widespread religious conflicts threatening to spill over to a civil war.
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Farion-Melnyk, A., L. Budnyk, and A. Holomovzyi. "Protection of civilian population of Ukraine in the context of hybrid war." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 68, no. 1 (2021): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2021.01.026.
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The paper is focused on the most important problem in eastern Ukraine, where the timely evacuation of civilians from combat areas, ensuring children and elderly safety, protection of people dwellings in remote areas are the key tasks for the government and Ukrainian local authorities during military conflicts The main reasons resulting in the resolution of conflict actions, such as: economic and political weakening of Ukraine in the international arena, internal conflict of interests, instability of power, long lasting desire of the aggressor to conquer certain territories of Ukraine are considered. The essence and causes of the military-political conflict in the East of Ukraine are considered and the available approaches to the concept of «hybrid war» are characterized. The results and causes of the military confrontation in the eastern part of Ukraine among the civilian people are presented. The peculiarities of the development of the civil protection system ensuring the state security, as well as Ukraine experience in providing civil protection under the conditions of hybrid type conflict are analyzed. Analysis of normative acts which should be applied in the organization of actions for civilian people evacuation from combat areas is carried out. Recommendations for complete protection of civilian people in the combat areas and timely evacuation among the civilian people are provided. Priorities for further improvement of the legislative, regulatory and legal framework and organizational support of civil protection are identified. Strategic measures for civilian people evacuation from military zone in the Eastern part of Ukraine with the least losses using international experience are proposed and developed, as well as positive aspects of creating the whole structural unit of civil-military cooperation, which at present provides maximum assistance to civilians in Donbas combat area are given. It is proved that hybrid war is one of the most difficult, as it is very difficult to predict the tactics, course, boundaries and strategy of its conducting, but people defence under the conditions of military actions is a key task of the military and government.
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Bulvinskyi, A. "Central Asian and Middle Eastern policy towards Tajikistan." Problems of World History, no. 14 (June 10, 2021): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2021-14-4.
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The article analyzes the main policy directions towards Tajikistan, neighboring countries of Central Asia and culturally related to the Tajiks of the Middle East towards Tajikistan. The civil war in Tajikistan between supporters of the country’s secular and religious paths of development (1992-1997) caused mixed attitudes and policies on the part of various state, political and religious circles in Afghanistan. However, after it became clear that the struggle between secular and Islamist forces in Tajikistan could destroy the country as such, the culturally and linguistically close to the Tajiks political elite of Afghanistan (B. Rabbani and A. Masood) and Iran (A. Rafsanjani) made significant efforts to end the civil war in Tajikistan as mediators and expressed interest in the sustainable development of Tajikistan. In the 2000s, Iran abandoned attempts to influence Tajik policy in order to promote the establishment of a religious state in Tajikistan, turning to cooperation with the secular Tajik authorities in the economic sphere.
 Important issues complicating relations between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are the construction by Tajiks of large hydropower plants on mountain rivers, which Uzbekistan considers a threat to national security, and unresolved border disputes, which are a source of constant aggravation in Kyrgyz-Tajik. In general, Tajikistan has complex problems of various kinds with most of its neighbors (with Afghanistan - drug trafficking and Islamic influences, with Uzbekistan - water energy, with Kyrgyzstan - border), which prevent bilateral relations to reach a new level of quality.
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Bird, S. Elizabeth, and Fraser Ottanelli. "The History and Legacy of the Asaba, Nigeria, Massacres." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0048.
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Abstract:In early October 1967, four months into the Nigerian Civil War, federal troops massacred hundreds in Asaba, a town in southeast Nigeria on the west bank of the Niger. While ethnically Igbo, Asaba was not part of Igbo-dominated Biafra. Through the reconstruction of this event, the article fills a significant gap in the historical record and contributes to the discussion on the impact of traumatic memory at the local and national levels. It also suggests that the Asaba massacres speak to larger issues of potential reconciliation that extend beyond Asaba and Nigeria.
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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "‘Organising the unpredictable’: the Nigeria–Biafra war and its impact on the ICRC." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (2012): 1409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000428.
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AbstractThis article analyses how the events of the late 1960s – and in particular the Nigeria–Biafra War – marked a turning point in the history of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The Nigeria-Biafra conflict required the ICRC to set up and coordinate a major relief operation during a civil war in a post-colonial context, posing several new challenges for the organisation. This article shows how the difficulties encountered during the conflict highlighted the need for the Geneva-based organisation to reform the management of its operations, personnel, and communications in order to become more effective and professional. Finally, the article takes the examination of this process within the ICRC as a starting point for a broader discussion of the changing face of the humanitarian sector in the late 1960s.
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Bazilo, Ganna, and Giselle Bosse. "Talking Peace at the Edge of War: Local Civil Society Narratives and Reconciliation in Eastern Ukraine." Kyiv-Mohyla Law and Politics Journal, no. 3 (December 25, 2017): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/kmlpj120118.2017-3.91-116.
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Mastnak, Tomaž. "The reinvention of civil society: Trough the looking glass of democracy." European Journal of Sociology 46, no. 2 (2005): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975605000111.
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This article reviews how “civil society” emerged in Eastern Europe in the 1970s and 1980s as the central concept of the new democratic opposition. Through discussion of developments in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, the article shows how the concept of civil society was used in the struggle against communist regimes, and and how that usage facilitated its transformation into a central element of the neoliberal global agenda following the end of the Cold War.
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Kaur, Sarabjit. "Do Economic Inequalities Generate Political Conflict? An Insight into Civil War and Niger Delta Crisis in Nigeria." Insight on Africa 12, no. 2 (2020): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820922479.
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The outbreak of political conflicts within countries has been a source of immense human suffering. The serious repercussions and challenges posed by these conflicts direct one to identify the factors that can be political or economic in nature for the outbreak of these domestic conflicts. The present study, without undermining the role of political factors, nevertheless considers economic factors in terms of inequality as significant for the outbreak of conflicts and particularly in understanding the Civil War and Niger Delta Crisis in the context of countries like Nigeria.
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Karataş, İbrahim. "Migratory Victims of War: Syrians as the Homines Sacri." Journal of Social Research and Behavioral Sciences 7, no. 13 (2021): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/jsrbs.6.1.7.13.15.
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The civil war broke out on March 15, 2011 with the political tension between either domestically legitimate or illegimate actors in Syria so that many people had impelledly or forcedly to migrate neighboring countries via crossing the land or maritime boundaries. These demographic transitions, in which many people, particularly children lost their lives, led admittedly European and Middle Eastern authorities to pursue the state of migratory exception policies. The state of exception revealing the homo sacer through including the exclusion of bodies, considering the use of Giorgio Agamben, corresponds to the temporary suspension of de facto legal norms, but the permanent state of this temporality. By problematizing the exemplary cases from European and Middle Eastern countries, this paper therefore copes not only with the exclusion of Syrians as homines sacri who are the subject of inclusionary techniques with regard to the spatial management of boats, cities and camps but the outlawry of existing juridico-political capabilities, also which may flexibly rule over the ways encompassing their lives and deaths.
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Naanen, Ben. "Economy within an Economy: the Manilla Currency, Exchange Rate Instability and Social Conditions in South-Eastern Nigeria, 1900–48." Journal of African History 34, no. 3 (1993): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700033740.
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This paper studies the effects of the coexistence of the manilla currency and British currency in south-eastern Nigeria, and the way in which this monetary situation created political tensions which eventually led to the redemption of the manilla. When British control of Southern Nigeria was formalized in 1900 and British currency introduced in the south-east in the following year, the inability of the colonial authorities to put into circulation adequate supplies of British coins, coupled with historically entrenched use of traditional currencies, compelled the colonial state to recognize the latter as legal tender. However, the continuing circulation of these currencies alongside British coins created financial and economic difficulties, causing the colonial state to adopt a number of legislative measures to eradicate them. While other traditional currencies capitulated to these measures, the manilla continued to be popular as a result of objective economic factors, and was strengthened by some of the very instruments designed to eliminate it.Meanwhile, the constantly fluctuating exchange rate of the manilla was generating discontent. These fluctuations were caused primarily by the gyrations of the world market. Improved prices of palm products–the main sources of British currency in the economy of southeastern Nigeria–brought about the appreciation of the manilla. This caused hardship among wage-earners by reducing the exchange value and the purchasing power of their meagre and fixed income which had to be converted to manillas in order to buy food and other locally produced goods and services. Periods of depression, on the other hand, caused manilla depreciation as a result of a diminished inflow of British currency. This reduced the income of peasant producers, while increasing the purchasing power of workers. The ferments generated by fluctuating manilla values have remained, until now, unidentified causal links in the political movements in south-eastern Nigeria, including especially the women's movements of the 1920s.The discontent intensified in the 1940s, when the influx of cash into the Nigerian economy caused by war-time military spending and the post-war commodity boom caused a continuous appreciation of the manilla. This development made life more difficult for workers, whose incomes were already being decimated by inflation. The resulting intensified political tension, as well as the existing obstacles to trade and smooth collection of taxes (also caused by unabating manilla fluctuations), made the demonetization of the manilla through redemption inevitable. With the elimination of the manilla, which had constituted a sub-system within the economic system of colonial Nigeria, the colonial state's economic control of Nigeria can be said to have been completed.