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1
Caras, Valeria Stefania. "Eastern Partnership." Debater a Europa, no. 25 (December 28, 2021): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-6336_25_2.
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This work analyses the relationship between the European Union and the Eastern Partnership countries which includes Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine. We propose to move beyond the center-periphery and external governance models which presume the hierarchical, power-based relations. The specific conditions of the region require us also consider Russia’s role in the region as well as local factors of the Eastern Partnership countries which can challenge EU integration. The theory of linkage and leverage is used to analyze the complex interactions between the EU, Eastern Partnership countries, and Russia. The Eastern Partnership Index demonstrates that Eastern Partnership countries have rather intensive linkages with the EU, especially Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. The resource revenues allow Azerbaijan to be less dependent on both Russia and the EU, but its trade relations are closer to the EU. While Belarus and Armenia have more intensive linkages with Russia and Russia’s leverage for these two states is more powerful.
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Berezovska, I. "EVOLUTION OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP REGARDING ASSOCIATED COUNTRIES." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 141 (2019): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.141.1.18-28.
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The entry into force of the Association Agreements concluded by the European Union with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine has become a key moment in the Eastern Partnership evolution resulting in the widened gap between the partnership countries. The article emphasizes that these agreements created the legal basis for enhancing the EU law impact on the associated countries resulting in the Europeanisation of the legislation of the latter. It notes that due to implementation of these agreements the associated countries have already started large-scale internal reforms. The article shows that against the apparent success in the implementation by the EaP associated countries there emerge initiatives to implement a separate advanced format of EU cooperation with the associated countries – the Eastern Partnership Plus. The completion in 2020 of the implementation period of the Eastern Partnership's main working document 20 Priorities for 2020 together with the perspective of holding of the next sixth summit of all partnership countries give a chance to renew the partnership based on the more for more principle and to develop new mechanisms of work that can meet the associated countries’ intentions to deepen the EU integration. The article points out that the announcement by the European Union of broad strategic consultations on the updates of the Eastern Partnership is a positive element that should be used by the associated countries to convince the EU of the need for a new strategy that will complement the Eastern Partnership and make it more focused on the integration objectives of the three countries. It gives arguments that Association Agreements updating efforts may be an efficient way to make such aspirations come true, analyses the grounds and directions for such update. The article underlines that the associated countries need to use the time remaining to deciding on the further evolution of the EaP for the definite implementation of the current operation programme and demonstration of significant progress in the Association Agreements implementation.
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Mogol, Natalia. "Geographical Indications: Eastern Partnership Countries case." Eastern European Journal for Regional Studies 7, no. 2 (December 2021): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/2537-6179.7-2.07.
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In the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries, the subject of geographical indications is particularly important. Although the approach to the subject of GIs in the EaP countries is uneven and differs from country to country, the attention that each of these states pays at the national level to the field of geographical indications cannot be neglect. In countries such as Georgia and Moldova, the development of the GI system is one of the national strategic objectives. This interest is largely due to those economic benefits offered by the implementation of the geographical indications system, especially in countries where the share of the agri-food sector in GDP is significant. Despite the fact that challenges regarding the implementation of the association agreement in the part concerning geographical indications in the EaP countries are quite similar, there are no complex studies regarding the implementation of the geographical indications systems in the Eastern Partnership Countries. The main purpose of this paper is to fulfill the existing gap and to analyze the current situation in the field of GI highlighting best practices but also the vulnerabilities of the GI system in the EaP countries.
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Habets, Ingrid. "Alternative prospects for the Eastern Partnership countries." European View 13, no. 1 (June 2014): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-014-0299-1.
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Kotulewicz-WisiĔska, Carolina. "Visegrad Assistance to the Eastern Partnership Countries." Contemporary Europe, no. 6 (December 20, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620167281.
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Volintiru, Clara, Mihai Volintiru, and Radu Mușetescu. "PROMOTING ETHICAL BEHAVIOUR IN THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES." EUROPOLITY Continuity and Change in European Governance 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25019/europolity.2018.12.2.07.
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Skrypnyk, Olena. "US and EU politics «eastern partnership»." European Historical Studies, no. 3 (2016): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.03.33-42.
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In this article to analyzes the policy of the European Union’s «Eastern Partnership». Determined US relation to the initiative of the EU. Characterized four summits the EU «Eastern Partnership» and followed the US response to these summits. The attention to Ukraine’s participation in the summit of the EU and the US position on this issue. Determined that the United States strongly supports the EU initiative «Eastern Partnership», especially in order to spread in the countries of the «Eastern Partnership» democracy, ensure human rights and freedoms, and to improve the socio-economic situation of these countries.
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Ismayil, Zohrab N. "Tariff and Regulatory Barriers for Freedom to Trade in the Eastern Partnership Countries." Business Inform 12, no. 503 (2019): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2019-12-63-69.
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Ratsiborynska, Vira. "EU-NATO and the Eastern Partnership Countries Against Hybrid Threats (2016-2021)." National security and the future 23, no. 2 (March 26, 2022): 89–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.23.2.3.
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The EU, NATO and the Eastern Partnership countries are facing a range of security challenges and risks. Hybrid threats are a permanent feature of today’s security environment and a part of the current EU, NATO, and the Eastern Partnership countries security landscape. In a period of rapid changes in the security environment and external pressures, it is important to intensify cooperation between the EU, NATO, and the Eastern Partnership countries and to make further progress on common collaborative approaches against hybrid threats. The paper focuses on different areas of the EU-NATO cooperation against hybrid threats and argues that shared resilience against shared threats can lead to a better synchronization of efforts in countering hybrid threats. A case study on the Eastern Partnership countries is introduced in this research and is examined in the paper.
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Jankowska, Anna. "Agricultural Trade Competitiveness of EU Candidate Countries and Eastern Partnership Countries." EUROPEAN RESEARCH STUDIES JOURNAL XXIV, Issue 1 (February 1, 2021): 316–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35808/ersj/1964.
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Nahorniak, Ivan. "10 Years of Eastern Partnership: The Scenarios for the Further Development of the Initiative and the EU Eastern Neighbourhood Policy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 655–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-42.
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The article suggests that ten years after the Eastern Partnership initiative was founded, its format and structure do not allow to draw full potential of the states that seek European Union membership. The author emphasizes that the change in the EU’s approach to the Eastern Partnership countries will make it possible to ensure the accomplishment of the fundamental mission of the European Neighbourhood Policy, namely peace and prosperity in the region. The European Union has already done quite a lot in this regard. Expanding the EU’s social rights as part of the Europeanization process will provide a more stable and favourable environment in the Eastern Partnership countries and reduce migration flows therefrom. The main efforts of the European Union and Eastern Partnership countries in the near future will be focused on solving domestic political, social and economic problems. In this case, Ukraine and the region as a whole will appear on the European Union agenda in terms of security issues. The biggest success story of the European Union is its enlargement policy, which can force enemies to negotiate and find a compromise, as well as motivate political leaders to take risks for the implementation of European integration reforms. This policy does not apply to Eastern Partnership countries. The author concludes that the neighbourhood policy has already exhausted its potential, and in order for the dialogue within the Eastern partnership not to descend to the solution of technical issues of the European Union Association Agreements implementation, it is necessary to offer an attractive model of cooperation that would provide support for pro-European reforms in the Eastern Partnership countries. Keywords: European Union, Eastern Partnership, politics, bilateral dialogue.
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Chernova, A. "«Eastern Partnership» after the Vilnius Summit." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-14-22.
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The third summit of EU's Eastern Partnership held in Vilnius in November 2013 became a real turning point in the development of this organization. And it didn't happen due to signing of the first EU Association Agreement of its kind with the partner states but due to a sudden turn of the largest and most important of them - Ukraine - to the Russia's rival integration project. By doing so Ukraine at least temporarily joined two of the other participating countries: Armenia and Belarus, the latter of which is already in the Custom Union. At the other pole of the Eastern Partnership there are Georgia and Moldavia which initialed the Association and Free Trade agreements with the EU in Vilnius. This widening gap within the Eastern Partnership attracted everybody's attention to the EU - Russia rivalry in the post-Soviet countries which is increasingly interpreted in terms of the clash of civilizations. In this article we'd rather touch upon some of the peculiarities of the Eastern Partnership itself and its participating countries which to a large extent predetermined such an outcome. Among them is the ambiguous legacy of the European Neighbourhood Policy, lack of membership perspective in the EU as well as the nature of societies and elites in these post-Soviet states.
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Latoszek, Ewa, and Agnieszka Kłos. "The Eastern Partnership as a New Form of the European Union’s Cooperation with the Third Countries1." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 4(12) (October 24, 2016): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2016.4.8.
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Since the 2004 enlargement the European Union has reiterated the need to deepen its relations with its eastern neighbours and work out a coherent European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) to maintain the relations with its eastern and southern neighbours. In March 2009 the European Council unanimously expressed its support for the ‘ambitious Eastern Partnership project which has become a part of its ENP and covered eastern neighbourhood countries. The aims and mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership are described in the joint declaration of the E.U. member states and the partner countries. The Partnership offers more to those who show greater progress in reforming their institutions to E.U.standards. According to the authors, the main benefit of this project is the progressive integration of the partner countries with the E.U. structures. The Eastern Partnership project was allocated a budget of 1.9 billion Euros for the 2010–2013 time period. That budget was approved by the European Commission and the money was committed through the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (ENPI). The sumincludes the funds for the programmes and initiatives of the Partnership of multilateral character as well as the funds for cooperation with particular partner countries that meet the main goals of the EP
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Reslow, Natasja. "The Role of Third Countries in EU Migration Policy: The Mobility Partnerships." European Journal of Migration and Law 14, no. 4 (2012): 393–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342015.
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Abstract Third countries are actors in EU external migration policy, not merely passive recipients of policy proposals. In order to understand policy outcomes, it is necessary to understand why third countries decide to participate (or not) in EU migration policy initiatives. The conditionality model provides an explanation which focuses on the domestic preferences of and processes in the third countries. In 2007, the EU introduced the Mobility Partnerships. These partnerships are intended to be the framework for migration relations between the EU and third countries in Eastern Europe and Africa. The Cape Verdean government decided to sign a Mobility Partnership because the benefits of this cooperation with the EU outweighed the costs. The Senegalese government refused to sign because the Mobility Partnership would have implied significant, unacceptable costs.
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GUROVA, I. P. "EASTERN PARTNERSHIP: TRADE INTEGRATION OF THE EU TARGET COUNTRIES." World Economy and International Relations 62, no. 3 (March 2018): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2018-62-3-86-97.
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Fesenko, Galyna, and Tetiana Fesenko. "E-government development strategies in the eastern partnership countries." SOCRATES 5, no. 1 (2017): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2347-6869.2017.00007.3.
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Barakhvostov, Pavel, and Andrei Rusakovich. "Eastern Partnership Countries and Eurasian Integration in 2012~2015." Journal of Economic Integration 32, no. 4 (December 15, 2017): 804–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2017.32.4.804.
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Barakhvostov, Pavel, and Andrei Rusakovich. "Eastern Partnership Countries and Eurasian Integration in 2012~2015." Journal of Economic Integration 32, no. 4 (December 15, 2017): 845–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2017.32.4.845.
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Ristic, Katarina. "The limits of EU conditionality towards neighborhood countries: The case of the Eastern Partnership." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 1 (2017): 126–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1701126r.
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The paper examines the limits of the European Union policy making towards the Eastern Neighbours, as well as towards the Russian Federation. In-depth analyses of the existing contractual relations proved that the EU neighborhood policy is a nonfunctional mixture of foreign policy interventionism, enlargement policy and conditionality instruments. The article has found that high economic interests, security and peace intentions and fight against the global threats in the Eastern Neighborhood are not subject to the typical EU conditionality, since proven instruments work only under the umbrella of the enlargement policy and membership prospect. The author has concluded that the EU will have to look old/new form of partnerships for the neighborhood countries in order to keep stability, peace and security around its borders. Current relations with the Eastern Partnership countries are neither developed, neither confident, despite the hybrid legal frameworks with some of them. A vital strategic partner in the East remains the Russian Federation, and it is expected that relations in the Eastern Neighborhood will be adjusted to the current position of Russia in this region. This can not be dependent, even of the membership prospect for Ukraine, Moldova or Georgia, which seems to be inadequate offer at the moment, like it was at all the previous historical moments and developments. New agreements signed with these three countries did not help prevent conflicts, tensions, or the huge pro-Russian opposition in these countries. Implementation of comprehensive Association Agreements/Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements are yet to come, and these countries still lack democratic and efficient governance, and implementation of the number of paragraphs from the previous Partnership and Cooperation Agreements. PCAs are still in force with the rest of the countries of the Eastern Partnership (except Belarus). DCFTA Agreement with Ukraine is not yet ratified by all EU member states (Netherlands).
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Guseletov, Boris. "ON THE INTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 1." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620213240.
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The article analyzes the results of cooperation between two leading pan-European political organizations – the European People’s Party (EPP) and the Party of European Socialists (PES) with their counterparts in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine), except Azerbaijan. It is considered with which political forces and why the EPP and the PES have established interaction and even accepted them into their membership. The profiles of these political organizations were studied, including the results of their participation in the national parliamentary and presidential elections and interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of ruling coalitions. Information is provided on when these parties joined, respectively, the EPP and the PES, and what status they have today in these European structures. The main provisions of the resolutions of the governing bodies of the EPN and the PES concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program and the support of their partner parties in these countries are presented. It shows how the foreign policy course of the Eastern Partnership member countries changed after political organizations that closely cooperate with their European counterparts came to power. It is noted that in almost all of these countries there has recently been a steady desire to strengthen political and economic partnership with the European Union and Western countries in general. And only one country. Georgia is still trying to maintain a balance in relations with Western countries and Russia. Key words: European parties, party system, Eastern Partnership program, elections.
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Kruglashov, Anatoliy. "Eastern Partnership vis-à-vis challenges and doubts." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9842.
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Eastern Partnership initiative and program sparkled ongoing and intensive debates. It raised some concerns and doubts regarding the efficacy and effectiveness of EaP. Still, the only country, which perceived this initiative of the EU as a direct threat was and is Russia. War against Georgia, later annexation of Crimea and War on Donbas, a hybrid war against Ukraine and many western countries are key challenges for the EU also. European Union and NATO are in a search for more consolidated respond towards new reality up today.
EaP design and potential are too weak to be good enough for partners’ countries themselves. Despite many deficiencies, this policy is important to encourage horizontal cooperation of 6 partners’ countries and make their ties with the EU stronger and more productive. However, the overall goals and instruments of EaP do require thorough reconsideration and new incentives to move forward from a current, somehow hesitant and stagnated, position.
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Chelyukanov, A. A. "Eastern Partnership Countries in the System of European Economic Integration." Voprosy sovremennoj nauki i praktiki. Universitet imeni V.I. Vernadskogo, no. 3(57) (2015): 096–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/voprosy.2015.03.pp.096-101.
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Martinaitis, Žilvinas. "European promises: policy options of Eastern partnership policy." Baltic Journal of European Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2018): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2018-0020.
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AbstractThe article seeks to assess policy options of the Eastern Partnership Policy in stimulating long-term change in the partner countries. It argues that the policy has limited power to directly promote consolidation of democratic and market economy institutions or implementation of sectoral reforms. This is due to the embeddedness and mutual reinforcement of existing institutions in the partner countries. Instead, the Eastern Partnership Policy can create new dynamics of change by altering the outcomes of day-to-day interactions of a large number of individuals and organisations. In this regard, removal of barriers to travel, trade and participation in the EU programmes is an overdue (albeit too small) step in the right direction.
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Gretskiy, Igor, Evgeny Treshchenkov, and Konstantin Golubev. "Russia’s perceptions and misperceptions of the EU Eastern Partnership." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 3-4 (September 2014): 375–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.10.006.
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This article is devoted to the problem of the reaction to the Eastern Partnership by Russia’s both the political establishment and the expert community. The question of reactions to the Eastern Partnership in the target countries has been extensively posed in academic literature. However, the question of Russia’s reaction to the Eastern Partnership, one of the most important actors of the region, has been rarely raised by the academic community. A wide array of factors impacted Russian elites’ perception of the Eastern Partnership — from problematic issues in the EU-Russia relations to the post-Soviet states’ political and economic transformation. Studying the dynamics and peculiarities of Russia’s perspective on the Eastern Partnership makes it possible to draw meaningful conclusions on the nature of Russia's phobias that fuel its domestic and foreign policy.
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Butyter, Daniel. "Alternatywne połączenia logistyczne między Polską i państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 19 (December 28, 2016): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.19.5.
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Alternative logistics connections between Poland and the Eastern Partnership membersTransport services market is one of the key elements of the economy of each country. Through the transport market the access to factors of production for enterprises is provided and by its mediation products are delivered to consumers. The correctness of functioning of the market determines the efficiency of the whole economic system of the country. For each Eastern Partnership country the EU is the main trade partner. Poland as one of the member states of the European Union is closely cooperating with the Eastern Partnership countries and the key to the development of this cooperation is the insurance of the proper functioning of the transport market. The aim of the article is to present the current logistics connections between Poland and Eastern Partnership countries and problems of logistics connections and as well as alternative connections that create more favorable conditions for the cooperation.
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Dumała, Hanna. "Zróżnicowanie formalnych podstaw współpracy gospodarczej Unii Europejskiej z państwami Partnerstwa Wschodniego a wzajemna wymiana handlowa." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 2 (December 2019): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.2.7.
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The economic relations of the European Union (EU) with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries are diverse in terms of their formal basis, scope and size. All EaP countries were already covered by the Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) in 1993/1994 and some by the additional GSP+ scheme in 2005, and bilateral Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (with the exception of Belarus) in 1998–1999, replaced in 2016–2018 by an Association Agreement with a DCFTA for Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, and in Armenia by a comprehensive and strengthened Partnership Agreement. However, the analysis of trade flows between 2007 and 2017 did not reveal a clear link between the volume of trade and the type of agreement governing economic relations. Although for most Eastern Partnership countries, the EU is the most important export market (except for Belarus) and the most important supplier (except for Armenia and Belarus), for the EU as a whole, the EaP countries remain second and third tier partners.
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Bazhenova, Hanna. "Ukraina w Partnerstwie Wschodnim: osiągnięcia i perspektywy." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 2 (December 2019): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.2.3.
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May 2019 marked the 10th anniversary of the launch of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership initiative, which encourages democratic reforms in Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine and the strengthening of the relations and cooperation between these countries and the EU. During this period, significant results were achieved in terms of political association, economic relations and regulatory convergence. Thanks to this initiative, Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine signed association and free trade area agreements (DCFTAs) and achieved visa-free travel. One of the main drawbacks of the programme at this stage is that it does not provide for a differentiated approach towards partner countries and deeper cooperation with those already signatory to Association Agreements. The anniversary of the Eastern Partnership encourages to take stock of the results of the initiative and identify perspectives for its further development. The aim of this article is to identify the main achievements of the Eastern Partnership from the perspective of Ukraine’s priorities and interests, as well as to propose a new effective model of relations between Ukraine and other partner countries with the EU under this initiative. The text sets out and analyses the main stages of the cooperation between Ukraine and the EU in the years 1991–2019, especially the participation of Ukraine in the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership. The article shows that the Eastern Partnership policy and its implementation mechanisms need a structural review and differentiated, individual approaches that would meet the needs, expectations and interests of all the parties. If the EU intends to continue building mutually beneficial relations with its eastern neighbours, it should not only maintain the existing initiative, but also adapt it effectively to the challenges of the present. The EU should therefore develop a sufficiently attractive and effective model of cooperation to support pro-European reforms in its partner countries.
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Kozachuk, Oleh, and Grigore Vasilescu. "EU’s Resilience in the Eastern Partnership Region vs Russia’s Hybrid Aggression." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 9 (December 28, 2021): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.78-86.
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The article examines the issues of counteracting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation in the countries of the Eastern Partnership. It is stated that European Union has been implementing the Eastern Partnership policy for more than ten years. This implementation has been a resounding success for all, without exception, the six target states. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia have advanced much more in their European aspirations. However, this does not stop the Russian Federation from further positioning all the states that were once part of the USSR as a sphere of its ultimate influence. Russia is also producing rivalry with the EU for influencing all, without exception, the Eastern Partnership states and even the EU. An overview of academic research analyzing the resilience of the EU in the face of Russia in the context of its impact on the Eastern Partnership countries is set out in this article. Some approaches have been used to define the EU as a “normative power” and Russia’s controversial policy towards neighbouring countries. The examination of the works described in the article concludes that the Russian Federation continues to regard neighbouring states as its sphere of influence, particularly Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. Moscow considers any attempt by a third party to interfere as an intrusion on its unique field of power. As can be observed from the investigated sources, Russia’s activities are scarcely diplomatic or focused on global democratic norms. In its Eastern Partnership strategy, the EU, on the other hand, utilizes values as a guideline. Simultaneously, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, and Georgia must demand immediate modifications to the Eastern Partnership policy. The potential of EU membership, in particular, must be appropriately explained by Brussels.
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Kostel, Mykola, Daryna Leus, Alina Cebotarenco, and Anastasia Mokrushina. "The Sustainable Development Goals for Eastern Partnership Countries: Impact of Institutions." SocioEconomic Challenges 1, no. 3 (2017): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/sec.1(3).79-90.2017.
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Gylfason, Thorvaldur, Inmaculada Martínez-Zarzoso, and Per Magnus Wijkman. "Free Trade Agreements, Institutions and the Exports of Eastern Partnership Countries." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 53, no. 6 (June 25, 2015): 1214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12275.
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Bogorodetska, Olga. "Public Diplomacy of the Republic of Poland in Eastern Partnership Countries." Historia i Polityka, no. 24 (31) (June 11, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2018.014.
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Agafonov, Y. "European Neighbourhood Policy’s Impact on Political Regimes of Eastern Partnership Countries." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 40–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-40-49.
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The study deals with the impact of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) on political regimes dynamics in Eastern Partnership countries in the period 2007 to 2013. Based on the regime transition theory, Europeanisation perspective and political economy, the research claims to introduce a new theoretical model which allows to combine domestic and international factors of regime dynamics. By using the rational choice institutionalism as an analytical framework, and employing the multi-value qualitative comparative analysis (mvQCA) in combination with case studies of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine it shows that the ENP could lead to three different outcomes: democratization, stabilization of a hybrid regime, and authoritarian consolidation. The outcomes are explained by the fact that the assistance within the ENP is used by ruling elites for implementation of two conflicting strategies: the strategy of partial political reform equilibrium preservation and the strategy of new political reform equilibrium formation. Variation in the ENP's influence on the dynamics of a particular political regime is dependent on the predominance of one of these strategies, which in turn are mediated by three main domestic factors: the type of political system, the level of political monopolism, and the degree of government effectiveness. The article contains three parts. The first part presents a brief review of the main theoretical approaches to the analysis of political regimes dynamics. A general analytical framework is formulated. The second part shows how the ENP influenced the dynamics of political regimes in Eastern Partnership countries. The third and final part demonstrates the logic of such influence by examples of Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine.
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Sydoruk, Tetiana, Viktor Pavliuk, and Iryna Tymeichuk. "The European Union’s Transformative Power in the Countries of the Eastern Partnership." Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 129–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0006.
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Abstract The article examines the Eastern Partnership (EaP) as the initiative of the European Union (EU) through the prism of the constructivist concepts of soft power, normative power and transformative power. The research focuses on the assessment of the EU’s transformative strength in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, based on the analysis of declared EU policy goals and instruments and the real results of political reforms in partner countries. The results of the study show that the EaP has little transformative impact and needs further revision. The analysis of empirical indicators in the field of political transformation of the EaP countries shows that since its inception, as well as after the signing of Association Agreements with three countries and the renewal of the European Neighborhood Policy in 2015, no radical changes have been made, and the EU’s influence on the course of reforms has been insignificant. Institutional and geopolitical constraints and challenges that complicate the EU’s ability to influence its eastern neighbours are addressed. The article analyses prospects for strengthening the effectiveness of the EaP in the context of its latest update after 2020.
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Garczewski, Krzysztof. "Republika Federalna Niemiec wobec państw Partnerstwa Wschodniego w kontekście niemieckiej polityki wschodniej w XXI wieku. Implikacje dla Polski." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.06.
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This article presents the relationships of the Federal Republic of Germany with six countries that joined the Eastern Partnership programme: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. It also contains an analysis of the German Federal Government’s approach towards the Eastern Partnership project, which was initiated by Poland with the support of Sweden. The author takes account of the implications for Poland of Germany’s policy in this region.
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Piskorska, Beata. "Partnerstwo Wschodnie po 10 latach: sukces czy porażka, realizm czy iluzja?" Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 17, no. 2 (December 2019): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2019.2.1.
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It has been ten years since Poland and Sweden proposed the Eastern Partnership project, which was subsequently adopted on 7 May 2009 by the EU Council at the Prague Summit as the official policy of the European Union. It is a component of the broader EU foreign policy – the European Neighbourhood Policy, which was created in 2004. During this time, the EU has developed many forms of dialogue and cooperation with the six countries covered by the programme. Half of the countries have signed and started to implement new agreements to strengthen their relations. However, the Eastern Partnership is currently undergoing a serious test. Today, the biggest challenge of fundamental importance is the ongoing armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea by Russia, which is a sign of a return to geopolitics in the region. These events have significantly changed the outlook and conditions under which the Eastern Partnership is implemented. Therefore, it is worth trying to answer a few research questions: has the Partnership proved to be a useful tool for attracting beneficiary countries to the EU? Have the initial and long-term objectives been achieved? Finally, is the project worth strengthening and continuing? The article will analyse the specificity of the programme, including strategic goals and their evolution, and attempt to assess the implementation of assumptions and instruments from the point of view of the research approach, which is the transformational power of the EU.
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Yevheniy Kodis, Anatoliy Kutsevol, Yevheniy Kodis, Anatoliy Kutsevol. "CRITERIA FOR THE EFFECTIVENESS OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION MECHANISMS IN THE FIELD OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES." Socio World-Social Research & Behavioral Sciences 05, no. 03 (June 17, 2021): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd05032021050.
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The article highlights the criteria for the effectiveness of the implementation of public administration mechanisms in the field of economic cooperation of the Eastern Partnership countries. The main criteria are relevance, cost-effectiveness and efficiency, as a result of which appropriate indicators are proposed. The correspondence of perspective mechanisms of public administration in the sphere of economic cooperation of the Eastern Partnership countries and stages of their realization is proved. Such mechanisms are proposed to include socio-political, legislative, institutional-administrative, financial-economic, information and communication. Accordingly, at the first stage, the priority is to involve effective institutional and administrative mechanisms in public administration in the field of economic cooperation of the Eastern Partnership countries. This will help to improve the clear interaction between the relevant public authorities and local governments. However, given the content of key reforms, all these mechanisms are relevant at this stage. In the second stage, the priority of mechanisms is constantly changing. Therefore, the progress of the observance of the provisions of the Association Agreement and the implementation of the European integration policy in general should be constantly monitored in order to determine the situational priority of the relevant mechanisms. At the third stage, the information and communication mechanism, which is responsible for the level of public awareness, promotes openness, transparency and accessibility of relevant information at various levels for public authorities, etc., becomes especially relevant. Keywords: economic cooperation, Eastern Partnership, public administration, public administration bodies, mechanisms, development.
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Guseletov, boris. "ON THE INNTERACTION OF EURO PARTIES WITH PARTIES FROM THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP COUNTRIES. PART 3." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 90–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220229099.
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The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the European Green Party (EPP) – with its partners in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine). Since 1994, the European Greens have established partnerships with the environmental parties of these countries and even accepted them into their ranks. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections were studied. The interaction of these parties with other political forces of their countries on the formation of pre-election and ruling coalitions is considered. The main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro–European choice, as well as the resolutions of the EPZ Council concerning the situation in the countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program, are given. It is shown that the EPZ actively supported this program itself and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It is noted that in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, local green parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in the national parliament, but in recent years they have fallen by the wayside of the party-political system of their countries due to a number of objective and subjective circumstances. First of all, this was due to the fact that the political turbulence characteristic of these states made environmental issues irrelevant to public consciousness. Nevertheless, the European greens are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues of environmental protection and sustainable development will return to the political agenda and the green parties will once again become in demand.
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Mišík, Matúš. "Eastern Partnership and the Preferences of New EU Member States." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0003.
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Abstract This paper tries to shed some light on factors influencing the positions of the new member states of the EU on Eastern Partnership in its initial phase. It utilises an analytical approach developed by Copsey and Haughton (2009) and argues that the two most important factors affecting positioning of newcomers towards the initiative are: perceived size and geography. While the new members were especially keen to support their immediate neighbours, they were using a common policy towards these countries to increase their presence and influence in the region since the initiative helped them to deal with neighbourhood issues they were not able to solve on their own. The paper suggests an amendment to the theoretical approach and proposes an assumption explaining positioning of the member states towards the third countries that better reflect the empirical evidence than the original framework. Moreover, the research showed that Poland differed from the rest of the new EU countries, was much more active and influential and rather resembled the old members. However, due to its not very positive image (caused by its assertive approach and strong effort to play a prominent role within the EU) its influence within the EU was limited and, therefore it proposed the Eastern Partnership together with Sweden that held a much better image.
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Sutyrin, Vyacheslav. "Humanitarian Tools of EU External Policy: The Case of Eastern Partnership." Contemporary Europe, no. 98 (October 1, 2020): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope5202099110.
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The article deals with recent developments in the EU foreign policy towards neighbouring countries. The EU humanitarian influence mechanisms within the framework of European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership program, along with the case of Belarus are explored. The article outlines that the European Union creates instruments of external influence through fostering humanitarian infrastructure in the periphery countries. As a result, the official government of a targeted country is not only unable to participate in the shaping of “European norms and rules”, but also ceases to be the single Brussel‟s counterpart. NGOs supported by the EU involve in to the dialogue between Brussels and the official government on behalf of the civil society. The latter contributes to the asymmetrical “teacher-apprentice” relationship between the EU and the bordering countries. Particular humanitarian instruments and cases exercised by the EU are explored. The interconnections between economic, political, and humanitarian tools in EU foreign policy are outlined. It is concluded that the “soft power” concept fails to explain comprehensively the EU foreign policy in the humanitarian sphere. Brussels seeks to exert systemic influence upon the humanitarian sphere of the periphery countries to bolster its political and economic position.
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Siljak, Dzenita, and Sándor Gyula Nagy. "Convergence and Transition of the Eastern Partnership Countries towards the European Union." Entrepreneurial Business and Economics Review 7, no. 3 (2019): 221–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15678/eber.2019.070312.
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Weiss, Tomáš. "De-Europeanisation of Czech policy towards Eastern Partnership countries under populist leaders." Journal of European Integration 43, no. 5 (July 2, 2021): 587–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036337.2021.1927008.
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Stacenko, Sergejs, and Biruta Sloka. "Trade Union Practices in the EU and Latvia: Experience for Eastern Partnership Countries." Baltic Journal of European Studies 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2014-0018.
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AbstractThe article will show major dimensions in the experience of EU Member States that could be shared with the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. The framework of the study is the EU concept of trade unions in social dialogue and social partnership in the public sector. This study outlines the concept of social dialogue as a core element of industrial relations and will focus on industrial relations specifically in the public sector. The authors have elaborated the approach to industrial relations and social dialogue taking into account comparative approach to definitions provided by international institutions such as ILO and OECD, as well as institutions in the EU and Latvia. Latvia is also a case study for Eastern Partnership countries as these countries and their trade unions are in a transition period from socialist structures to structures that possess liberal economies. Trade unions in these countries are members of the International Trade Union Confederation. The major transformation that trade unions underwent from being part of the socialist system and becoming an independent institution since Latvia regained independence in 1991 has been studied. The paper discusses the current developments related to the position of Latvian Free Trade Union Federation in the system of decision-making process related to the public administration management. Finally, the prospective role of trade unions in the EU and in Latvia is analysed and possible revitalisation of trade union is discussed. This approach could be applied to the Eastern Partners of the EU.
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Rauluskeviciene, Jolanta, and Daiva Makuteniene. "Possibilities for Integration of the Eastern Partnership Countries’ Export into the EU Markets." Economics and Rural Development 10, no. 2 (July 15, 2014): 25–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/erd.2014.009.
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To implement the Eastern Partnership (EaP) framework launched in 2009, the EU seeks to bring its Eastern neighbours – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine – closer to the European standards, promote regional relations with these countries, ensure sustainable growth of their economy, cooperate in trade area for the countries of the Eastern Partnership to become economically stronger, European countries, part of the European markets and structures. It is important for the EU that the countries neighbouring with its Eastern boarders are stable and their economies continue to develop. One of the ways to promote economic growth of a country or region is to develop its export. Geographical proximity of the markets provides the opportunity for the EaP countries to increase trade with the EU, thus creating the conditions for economic growth. The research was aimed at evaluating the possibilities for integration of the EaP countries’ export into the EU markets by identifying characteristic features of the countries’ export structure and their comparative advantages in trade with the EU. The article presents extensive analysis of export of six EaP countries, characteristic features of product specialization are identified, and comparative advantages of production by these countries and their effectiveness are identified. No similar studies have been carried out in a common context of the EaP countries till now. Export concentration (diversification), export structure similarity, the revealed comparative advantage and Lafay indices have been measured with the view towards the aim of the research. Empirical study of the export structure and comparative advantages of the EaP countries has been carried out using statistical data for the period 2005–2012 provided by Trade Map database, classification of products into product groups under the Combined Nomenclature. The results of the research have shown that current integration of the EaP countries’ export into the markets of the EU countries is not favourable enough for the countries due to irrationality of their export structure and low level of export diversification. Only Moldova’s variety of the exported products was deeper, broader and closer to the export by the EU. The results of the analysis of comparative advantages have shown that the set of product groups having comparative advantage in the export by the EaP countries to the EU is rather wide, such products have already occupied the EU markets niche, which could lead to more effective leverage of the export potential and, at the same time, create preconditions for economic growth of these countries and their export integration into the EU markets.
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Chernova, Anna V. "POLAND’S “EASTERN POLICY”: FROM “UKRAINE, LITHUANIA, BELARUS” TO THE «EASTERN PARTNERSHIP»." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(33) (December 28, 2013): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-6-33-15-24.
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The article deals with the evolution of Poland’s foreign policy towards its closest eastern neighbours: independent Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. It’s commonly referred to in the Polish historical science as the “Eastern Policy” and the countries themselves as the “Eastern outskirts” as opposed to the classical western understanding of “the East”, for which the Latin word “Orient” is used. Throughout Poland’s history this region was of a prominent role, at times being a part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and at other times some kind of a “no-man’s land”, while taking its current shape only after the USSR and the Eastern block collapse.Though Russia is often considered to be a part of Poland’s “Eastern Policy”, the difference is clear in the nature of relationship between Warsaw and Moscow and that of the “ULB” (Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus). In addition, Poland’s area of responsibility as an EU member included Ukraine and Belarus rather than Russia, which predominantly remained a priority of the “old” EU member states. Therefore the Russian-Polish relations figure here as a background, while the focus is on the “ULB” states. Increasing integration of the Polish “Eastern Policy” into the EU’s framework necessitated touching upon Moldova as well as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, which were invited along with Ukraine and Belarus to participate in a major European initiative– the “Eastern Partnership”. For the same reason two phases were outlined: before and after Poland’s accession to the EU which formally took place on 1st of May, 2004.
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Grącik-Zajączkowski, Małgorzata. "Intra-Regional Cooperation in Eastern Dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy: Challenges and Opportunities." Reality of Politics 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2016): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201602.
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The Eastern Partnership was established by the EU in 2009 as a new institutional framework for building cooperation between the EU and six countries from Eastern Europe and Southern Caucasus (i.e Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine) as well as between the partner-countries themselves. The initiative was based on commitment to fundamental values such as democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, market economy rules, sustainable development and good governance. The idea of how to treat the countries left after the downfall of the Soviet Union was one of the biggest challenge for the EU’s foreign policy. After the admission of Central European Countries to the EU in 2004 and 2007 the Union decided to launch a program which would provide the Eastern neighbors with an alternative to membership a set of incentives for engaging in economic, social and political reforms. The EU decided to promote regional cooperation under the Eastern Partnership instead of bringing the countries closer to the accession formula. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the problem of cooperation between the Eastern partners. Major question is whether the initiative has contributed to enhancing of cooperation among the partners and if it has what tangible progress has it brought to the benefit of the whole European Neighborhood Policy.
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Figus, Alessandro. "Beyond Bologna: The Sustainable University Enterprises Partnership." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 2, no. 3 (2015): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijied.1849-7551-7020.2015.23.2005.
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There is a necessity to understand the effects of the globalization on the labor market concerning job markets. The economic and cultural growth and the ability of renewal are the fundamental objectives of every country, and they should also be the main objective of developing and in-transition countries. This is, particularly important in European Eastern countries. The article analyses university-enterprise partnership projects of the European Union. A series of recommendations has been elaborated for Higher Education Institutions, in particular, European Universities intending to progress further with the critical dimension of University-Enterprise cooperation as one of the key elements to enhance their competitiveness, and contribute to EU policy and activities in this area. These recommendations will be based on the findings of the online survey, the case studies and the discussions between all stakeholders of the European Conference held in Bonn on 18-19 June 2007. The qualitative effectiveness of the “higher education product” depends conclusively on the human components – teacher, in the first place, their behavior, competence, and attitudes.
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Vankova, Zvezda. "Poland and Bulgaria’s bilateral agreements with Eastern partnership countries in the context of circular migration." European Journal of Social Security 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 188–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262718771790.
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The article aims to examine the existing possibilities for social security coordination with Eastern partnership countries by taking as case studies two new Member States with relatively recent migration policies: Bulgaria and Poland. It first presents social security coordination dynamics at the national level, looking into the bilateral agreements concluded by Bulgaria and Poland and at their personal and material scope. Then it moves to an analysis of their implementation based on empirical data gathered through focus groups with migrant workers coming from Ukraine and Russia, interviews with officials and data obtained from the respective Ministries. The article employs a rights-based framework for analysis consisting of international standards in the field of coordination of social security, against which it assesses the bilateral agreements concluded by Bulgaria and Poland with Eastern Partnership countries.
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Budryte, Paulina, Yuliya Vashchenko, Olesia Otradnova, and Vadym V. Tsiura. "Joint Study Programmes in the Educational Policy and Law of Eastern Partnership Countries." Public Policy And Administration 19, no. 1 (May 6, 2020): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.19.1.25185.
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This paper aims at analysing the policy and legal framework of joint study programmes in Eastern Partnership countries (EaP countries) in frames of the standards of the European Higher Education Area and providing the recommendations on its enhancement. It is concluded that the internationalization of higher education has been considered as one of the key priorities of the educational policy in EaP countries, however, more emphasis on the role of the joint study programmes is needed. The level of specification of legislative requirements on joint study programmes in EaP countries differs. The educational laws in Georgia, Moldova include special provisions devoted to joint study programmes, in Ukraine – basic framework, including the possibility to establish joint study programmes and awarding the joint degrees, while respective legislation in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Belarus – just general provisions regarding the international cooperation of higher educational institutions. It is suggested to implement the European Approach for Quality Assurance of Joint Programmes in national laws and regulations in EaP countries, first of all, in part of the definition of joint study programmes and the recognition of the accreditation decisions of foreign quality assurance agencies.
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Yang, Yanling, Yanling Zheng, Guojie Xie, and Yu Tian. "The Influence Mechanism of Strategic Partnership on Enterprise Performance: Exploring the Chain Mediating Role of Information Sharing and Supply Chain Flexibility." Sustainability 14, no. 8 (April 16, 2022): 4800. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14084800.
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In the context of the digital economy, establishing close strategic partnerships to cope with market uncertainties is an important strategic choice for firms seeking to achieve sustainable development in developing countries, particularly in Eastern culture. However, research on how strategic partnerships affect enterprise performance remains controversial. To address this issue, based on the supply chain management practices of Chinese enterprises in the era of the digital economy, and according to resource dependence theory, social network theory, and transaction cost theory, a chain multiple intermediary model was constructed and 243 Chinese enterprises information was collected for an empirical test. The results show that strategic partnership has a significant direct positive impact on information sharing, supply chain flexibility, and enterprise performance. Information sharing has a significant direct positive impact on enterprise performance and plays a partial mediating role between strategic partnership and enterprise performance. Supply chain flexibility was also found to positively impact enterprise performance and plays a partial mediating role between strategic partnership and enterprise performance. The findings also showed that information sharing and supply chain flexibility play a chain mediating role between strategic partnership and enterprise performance. This study explores the effects of strategic partnership on enterprise performance, which provides an important supplement to theoretical studies of supply chain management. The results help provide targeted solutions on how to effectively implement supply chain management for enterprises in emerging and developing nations.
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Vinokurov, E., S. Kulik, A. Spartak, and I. Yurgens. "Deadlock of integrations struggle in europe (analytical report)." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 8 (August 20, 2014): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2014-8-4-25.
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The report prepared for the Civil Initiatives Committee critically analyzes the EU “Eastern Partnership” project, its negative consequences for economic cooperation and partner relations in Big Europe. The study is based on expert assessments of financial and economic consequences of the current crisis in Ukraine, estimates of probable losses of the two most active members of “Eastern Partnership” - Ukraine and Moldova. The conclusion is made that it is expedient to establish a new basis for cooperation in Europe in order to end the Ukrainian crisis and overcome the “continental divide” in the region. The optimal decision will be reaching comprehensive agreements in the triangle EU-“Eastern Partnership” countries (first of all Ukraine)-Eurasian Economic Union with the perspective of signing all-embracing integration documents with the participation of all interested parties on the space from Lisbon to Vladivostok.