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Gonçalves, Harryson Júnio Lessa, and Antônio Hilário Aguilera Urquiza. "CURRÍCULOS INTRA/INTERCULTURAL NA BOLÍVIA: a matemática e a perspectiva pós-colonial." Cadernos de Pesquisa 24, no. 3 (December 21, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2229.v24n3p41-58.
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O artigo tem como objetivo descrever, a partir de documentos curriculares, o processo de planificação dos currículos regionalizados do Estado Plurinacional da Bolívia. Para tanto, tem como objetivos específicos: a) identificar a organização e estrutura o sistema educacional boliviano a partir de algumas características sociais, histórica e econômicas; b) identificar pressupostos teóricos que consubstanciam a reforma curricular boliviana; c) descrever a organização curricular de Matemática no ensino secundário (Ensino Médio) viabilizada pelos currículos bolivianos. A investigação foi desenvolvida a partir de documentos curriculares que, pressupomos, são pouco conhecidos no Brasil e, por isso, como estratégia para afirmação da identidade latino-americana no Brasil. Assim, o estudo foi produzido a partir de pesquisa bibliográfica (artigos sobre ensino de Matemática na Bolívia) e documental (análise de documentos e currículos oficiais da Bolívia). Desse modo, nos consubstanciamos em um referencial teórico pós-colonial. O currículo analisado nos revelou um compromisso com a educação centrada em aspectos antropológicos que toma o conhecimento como histórica e socialmente posicionado a partir da diversidade cultural, valorizando, assim, saberes providos de povos indígenas originários; percebemos, ainda, um currículo distanciado de bases conceituais e epistemológicas preconizadas pela comunidade internacional de educadores matemáticos.Palavras-chave: Currículo de matemática. Bolívia. Educação boliviana.INTRA/INTERCULTURAL CURRICULA IN BOLIVIA: mathematics and the post-colonial perspective Abstract: The article aims to describe, from curricular documents, the process of planning the region's curriculum, of the Sate of Plurinational of Bolivia. To do so, it has specific objectives: a) to identify the organization and structure of the Bolivian educational system based on some social, historical and economic characteristics; b) to identify theoretical assumptions that underpin Bolivian curricular reform; c) describe the curricular organization of Mathematics in secondary education (Middle School) made possible by Bolivian curriculum. For that, the research was developed from curricular documents that, we assume, are little known in Brazil and, therefore, as a strategy for affirming the Latin American identity in Brazil. Thus, the study was produced from bibliographical research (articles on teaching Mathematics in Bolivia) and documentary (analysis of official documents and curricula from Bolivia). Therefore, we are based on a post-colonial theoretical framework. The curriculum analyzed showed us a commitment to education centered on anthropological aspects that takes knowledge as historical and socially positioned from cultural diversity, thus valuing the knowledge provided by native indigenous peoples; We also notice, a curriculum distanced from the conceptual and epistemological bases advocated by the international community of mathematical educators.Keywords: Mathematics curriculum. Bolivia. Bolivian education. CURRÍCULOS INTRA/INTERCULTURAL EN BOLIVIA: la matemática y la perspectiva post-colonial Resumen: El objetivo del artículo es describir, a partir los documentos curriculares, el proceso de planificación de los currículo regionalizados del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia. Para ello, tenemos como objetivos específicos: a) identificar la organización y estructura del sistema educativo boliviano a partir de algunas características sociales, históricas y económicas; b) identificar los fundamentos teóricos que aportan la reforma curricular boliviana; ci) describir la organización curricular de Matemáticas en la educación secundaria viabilizada por los currículos bolivianos. La investigación fue desarrollada a partir de documentos curricular que, presumimos, son poco conocidos en Brasil y, por eso, se presenta como estrategia para la afirmación de la identidad latinoamericana en Brasil. Así, el estudio fue producido a partir de investigación bibliográfica (artículos sobre Enseñanza de Matemáticas en Bolivia) y documental (análisis de documentos y currículos oficiales de Bolivia). De ese modo, nos basamos en un marco teórico pos-colonial. El currículo analizado nos reveló un compromiso con la educación centrada en aspectos antropológicos que parte de un conocimiento histórico y socialmente posicionado a partir de la diversidad cultural, valorando los saberes provenientes de pueblos indígenas originarios; Percibimos también un currículo distanciado de bases conceptuales y epistemológicas preconizadas por la comunidad internacional de educadores matemáticos.Palabras clave: Currículo de matemática. Bolivia. Educación boliviana.
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Siqueira, Diego Pereira de. "O evismo doze anos depois: revolução burguesa nos marcos de uma economia dependente." Cadernos CERU 28, no. 2 (January 31, 2018): 104–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-2536.v28i2p104-144.
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Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar o governo de Evo Morales na Bolívia e explicar as razões de seu aparente sucesso no contexto de crise do chamado “ciclo progressista” na América do Sul. Tendo como base o conceito de padrão de reprodução do capital, o artigo mostra que o evismo constituiu-se como a forma política mais adequada ao aprofundamento do padrão primário-exportador da economia boliviana. Adicionalmente, o evismo ampliou as bases de sustentação desse padrão ao promover ativamente a ascensão de uma nova pequena burguesia de origem indígena.
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Dalenz, Christian. "Evo-lución: The Economic Situation of Evo Morales’ Bolivia Under Scrutiny." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 23 (December 19, 2018): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2018.177.
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This paper deals with economic changes in the last 12 years in Bolivia under the presidency of Evo Morales. After a short introduction about the political landscape of the country, I will explain how Morales’ party, Movimiento al Socialismo, planned to change Bolivia’s economic model. Here I will rely on the works by former Bolivian Ministry of Economics and Public Finances, Luis Arce Catacora. Then I will show the improvements in social conditions of the Bolivian population during the Morales’ presidency, and I will relate them to the Cash Conditional Transfers adopted by the government, otherwise known as bonos. Finally, I will assess the intricate issue of economic and environmental sustainability of this model. My point of view is that since Bolivia will soon face less revenue from its gas exports, efforts in diversifying its economy will have to improve. At the same time, no major crisis should happen.
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Barr, Robert R. "Bolivia: Another Uncompleted Revolution." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 3 (2005): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00319.x.
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AbstractSince 1999, growing citizen dissatisfaction in Bolivia has been manifest in a cycle of often violent protests. Citizens believe that they have no means of expressing themselves except demonstrations. The public has grown weary of neoliberalism, which is perceived as benefiting only the elite. A recent economic downturn provided the catalyst for the unrest. Underlying these economic concerns, however, are fundamental problems with representation. The second Bolivian “revolution” involved not only the shift from state-led economic development to neoliberalism but also a shift from corporatism to pluralism. Representative institutions have not fully responded to the new pluralistic landscape, despite a range of political reforms. Many Bolivians find that their voice in government has weakened even as their needs have grown. The Bolivian case thereby highlights the obstacles young democracies face in winning over decreasingly tolerant citizens.
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López Guerrero, Maria Luisa. "La configuración del trabajo en el siglo XXI: el mercado Eloy Salmón y los movimientos moleculares del capital." Íconos - Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 62 (August 31, 2018): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/iconos.62.2018.3244.
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Los comerciantes de la calle Eloy Salmón, ubicada en la ciudad de La Paz, Bolivia, han sido vistos como una economía “informal” excluida de los circuitos de acumulación de capital global y asociados con pobreza y bajos salarios. La historia de estos comerciantes bolivianos ha estado marcada por procesos de exclusión y marginación de la economía oficial y del aparato estatal boliviano desde su establecimiento en 1952. Se propone –siguiendo el concepto de David Harvey– que los comerciantes de la Eloy Salmón son parte de los movimientos moleculares del capital. Esto debido a que dentro de su organización existen formas propias de institucionalidad, códigos internos entre los comerciantes y prácticas culturales que permiten un anclaje social local así como tejer relaciones con el capitalismo global, creando con ello una “resistencia” frente al Estado.
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Serrudo Terrazas, Jhoselin. "Uso, promoción y difusión del derecho de autor de música folclórica." Revista Lex 3, no. 7 (January 1, 2020): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33996/revistalex.v3i7.43.
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La investigación tuvo como objetivo principal analizar el uso, promoción y difusión del derecho de autor de música folclórica en Bolivia. Por lo que se usó una metodología de tipo descriptivo, con un diseño documental de campo, a su vez se usó un enfoque cualitativo y cualitativo, se utilizó los métodos histórico-lógico y análisis-síntesis. Por otro lado, la técnica e instrumentos que se usaron fueron el estudio documental, encuesta, y consultas a expertos. Además la investigación contó con una población de 200 personas relacionadas con derecho de autor. A su vez, se asumió como muestra la totalidad de la población. Se obtuvo como resultado que el folklore boliviano requiere de una política de seguridad que emerja del Estado. Y se concluyó que no existe una adecuada protección de los derechos de autores y compositores de música folclórica boliviana.
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Freeland, Anne. "Motley Society, Plurinationalism, and the Integral State." Historical Materialism 27, no. 3 (October 24, 2019): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001804.
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Abstract This article examines Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s use of concepts originating in the work of Antonio Gramsci and Bolivian sociologist René Zavaleta Mercado. Zavaleta’s concept of sociedad abigarrada (usually translated as ‘motley society’) has a history of misappropriation in which García Linera participates by articulating it with the related concept of the estado aparente to claim that the merely ‘apparent’ state which does not effectively represent the heterogeneous social reality of a country like Bolivia is abolished with the official establishment of the Plurinational State in 2009. This ideologeme of the Plurinational State as one that faithfully represents Bolivia’s abigarramiento is equated with the Gramscian stato integrale, which in Gramsci refers to the state proper plus civil society where these are thoroughly integrated to function as an organic whole (the modern capitalist nation-state). Beyond merely misusing the borrowed terms of this discursive operation, García Linera gives a prescriptive value to concepts developed for an analytical purpose to validate the existing regime.
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Gonçalves, Chryslen Mayra Barbosa, and Roger Adan Chambi Mayta. "Ñankha Usu, Khapaj Niño y Mallku Usu." Maloca: Revista de Estudos Indígenas 4 (May 9, 2021): e021003. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/maloca.v4i00.14325.
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Este artículo está conformado por relatos de los autores y de indígenas quechuas y aymaras de los Andes bolivianos acerca del ingreso de la pandemia en sus territorios, así como por los problemas desencadenados durante el gobierno transitorio de Jeanine Añez, que asumió la presidencia de Bolivia después de la renuncia de Evo Morales Ayma. Enfocamos nuestro análisis en los distintos ámbitos sociales que fueron afectados tanto por la crisis sanitaria como por la crisis política, entre ellos la economía, con las consecuencias especialmente para los sectores informales que representan la mayoría de los trabajadores en Bolivia; las cosmovisiones, con las respuestas onto-epistemologicas a la llegada del visitante coronavirus (Khapaj Niño, Ñankha Usu y Mallku Usu); la colectividad, con las salidas solidarias de comunidades frente a las ineficaces medidas del gobierno; la muerte, con los ritos funerarios y la desestabilización de las relaciones entre muertos y vivientes; y, por último, la política con los procesos de manifestaciones y bloqueos en contra de las medidas del gobierno provisorio y en favor de nuevas elecciones. Todos estos ámbitos se interrelacionan en la actual coyuntura boliviana.
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Marston, Andrea, and Tom Perreault. "Consent, coercion and cooperativismo: Mining cooperatives and resource regimes in Bolivia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 2 (October 17, 2016): 252–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16674008.
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This paper examines ways in which regional political, economic, and cultural hegemonies maintain “resource regimes” by exploring the emergence of mining cooperatives as central actors in Bolivia’s extractive economy. Like much of Latin America, Bolivia is experiencing a boom in resource extraction. Unlike other Latin American countries, in which the surge in mining activity is driven almost entirely by private, mostly transnational capital, relatively small-scale mining cooperatives play a major role in Bolivia’s mining economy. We draw on the Gramscian concepts of hegemony and the integral state to explore the historical and contemporary relationship between mining cooperatives and unfolding patterns of mineral, water, and territorial governance, particularly in Oruro and Potosí departments. We argue that the regional hegemony of the mining economy has been constructed and maintained by the close historical relationship between mining cooperatives and the Bolivian state. Since the 1930s, the state has supported the formation of mining cooperatives as a means of bolstering the mining economy and stemming political unrest; in recent decades, however, cooperatives have become more actively involved in the maintenance of mining’s regional hegemony.
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Macías Vázquez, Alfredo, and Jorge García-Arias. "Financialization, Institutional Reform, and Structural Change in the Bolivian Boom (2006–2014)." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 2 (November 23, 2018): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18813566.
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Since nationalizing its hydrocarbon industry, Bolivia has articulated an ambitious strategy to promote structural change in its economy. Despite positive trends in macroeconomic indicators, the increase in fiscal revenues derived from the export of raw materials has not translated into structural transformation. Although the Bolivian government has broken with classical extractivism, nationalization and state intervention have not been sufficient to produce changes. The institutional control imposed on hydrocarbon revenue by financialization inhibits structural change and threatens the long-term sustainability of recent improvements in social indicators. Después de nacionalizar su industria de hidrocarburos, Bolivia ha articulado una estrategia ambiciosa para promover el cambio estructural en su economía. A pesar de las tendencias positivas en los indicadores macroeconómicos, el aumento en los ingresos fiscales derivados de la exportación de materias primas no se ha traducido en una transformación estructural. Aunque el gobierno boliviano ha roto con el extractivismo clásico, la nacionalización y la intervención estatal no han sido suficientes para producir cambios. El control institucional impuesto a los ingresos de hidrocarburos por la financiarización inhibe el cambio estructural y amenaza la sostenibilidad a largo plazo de las mejoras recientes en los indicadores sociales.
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Norris, Brian. "Without Distinguishing Color or Profession: Culture, Vatican II and the Long-Term Development of Credit Institutions in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 21 (March 17, 2016): 202–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2015.125.
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By the late 20th and early 21st century, credit institutions in Bolivia had become more complex, resilient and popular that at any time previously in its history. Traditional economics analyses emphasize incentives created by laws such as those promulgated by the Kemmerer mission in Bolivia in the 1920s and 30s, or material factors, such as transportation costs. Yet neither of these explanations offers a compelling explanation for the magnitude of the flourishing of popular and complex credit institutions in Bolivia after the 1960s. Cultural changes, however, might offer a compelling complement to legal and material explanations of credit development. Vatican II represented an important mass change in Bolivian culture, and institutions associated with these reforms ushered in a new era of credit institution development in the country.A finales del siglo XX y comienzos del XXI, las instituciones crediticias en Bolivia se volvieron más complejas, elásticas y populares que en cualquier otro momento de su historia. Los análisis económicos tradicionales ponen de relieve los incentivos creados por leyes como las promulgadas por la misión Kemmerer en Bolivia en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, o factores materiales, tales como los costos de transporte. Con todo, ninguna de estas explicaciones ofrece una explicación convincente de la importancia del florecimiento de instituciones crediticias populares y complejas en Bolivia después de la década de 1960. No obstante, los cambios culturales podrían ofrecer un complemento de peso a las explicaciones legales y materiales del desarrollo del crédito. El Concilio Vaticano II representa un importante cambio en la cultura boliviana, y las instituciones asociadas con sus reformas marcan el comienzo de una nueva era en el desarrollo de la institución crediticia en el país.
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ROJO, ENRIQUE IBÁÑEZ. "The UDP Government and the Crisis of the Bolivian Left (1982–1985)." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 175–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005507.
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This article offers an interpretation of the crisis of the Bolivian Left in the mid-1980s, perhaps the most spectacular of all those suffered by the Latin American Left over the course of the decade. The author shows that the main distinguishing feature of the Bolivian case was the exceptional political power of the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB). It was this that enabled the union federation first to impose a highly expansive wage policy on the Unión Democrática y Popular (UDP) government, and then to veto its attempts to move towards a more realistic financial policy. The author goes on to argue that, in this second period, when the undesired consequences of the government's economic policy were sufficiently obvious to persuade the union to change its original strategies, the institutional structure that the COB had inherited from the past restricted and ultimately eliminated the union's strategic capacity. In this interpretation, the power of the union vis-à-vis a weak government, coupled with the union's own weakness as a corporate actor, gave rise to an accelerated process of institutional decline under the UDP government. This process was marked by the increasing prevalence of particularist and partial rationalities over the collective rationality, taking Bolivia to a Hobbesian situation, in which any actor capable of imposing a new order – however authoritarian or exclusive – would enjoy widespread support and legitimacy.
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Pérez-Cueto, F. J. Armando, Androniki Naska, Javier Monterrey, Magaly Almanza-Lopez, Antonia Trichopoulou, and Patrick Kolsteren. "Monitoring food and nutrient availability in a nationally representative sample of Bolivian households." British Journal of Nutrition 95, no. 3 (March 2006): 555–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/bjn20051661.
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The study objective was to estimate food and nutrient availability in Bolivian households using data from the nationally representative under the Programme for the household surveys undertaken yearly from 1999 to 2002 Improvement of Surveys and the Measurement of Living Conditions in Latin America and the Caribbean (MECOVI). In the present study, we analysed data from four repeated, cross-sectional surveys and applied European Data Food Networking (DAFNE) methodology for post-harmonising the data. Raw data of 19 483 households in Bolivia (3035 in 1999, 4857 in 2000, 5845 in 2001 and 5746 in 2002) were retrieved from the databases of the national household surveys. Results showed that the Bolivian diet is characterised by higher availability of foods of plant origin (cereals, fruits, potatoes and vegetables). Meat, milk and their products follow in the dietary preferences of Bolivians. Disparities in food availability within the country were also observed. Rural households systematically recorded lower amounts of food available, in comparison with the urban ones. Households of higher social status recorded higher availability values for all food groups, except for potatoes and cereals. Findings suggest that Bolivian households of lower socio-economic status prefer energy-dense and cheaper food sources. We concluded the dietary and socio-demographic data collected in the MECOVI household surveys could serve nutrition surveillance purposes. In addition, the application of DAFNE methodology for post-harmonising the data allows both national and international comparisons.
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Quiroga Canaviri, Jorge León. "Bioeconomía: retos de la política pública para enfrentar la enfermedad por coronavirus (COVID-19) en Bolivia." Panel - Revista de Administración 3, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33996/panel.v3i1.2.
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El objetivo del artículo fue analizar las bondades de la Bioeconomía frente a la enfermedad por coronavirus (COVID-19), erigiéndose como el nuevo paradigma que ayude a superar la recesión y facilite el tránsito a una nueva normalidad, como parte de la política pública boliviana a corto y largo plazo. Un análisis cualitativo permitió describir la situación que Bolivia está atravesando en el contexto de la Pandemia. Con enfoque cuantitativo y alcance descriptivo, se simuló, aplicando un modelo econométrico, la política productiva, a través de la inversión pública orientada a la producción de transables de base bioeconómica. Se confirmó que la Bioeconomía es una vía oportuna para reactivar la economía boliviana post pandemia.
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Tapia Ladino, Marcela. "PRÁCTICAS SOCIALES FRONTERIZAS ENTRE CHILE Y BOLIVIA, MOVILIDAD, CIRCULACIÓN Y MIGRACIÓN. SIGLOS XX Y XXI." Intus - Legere Historia 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15691/07198949.236.
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La región fronteriza del norte de Chile es un territorio histórico de circulación de población boliviana motivada por las posibilidades laborales de la economía regional y las alternativas comerciales existentes en distintos momentos de su devenir. Si bien Tarapacá no ha sido el destino preferente de la migración boliviana, forma parte del campo migratorio especialmente para los aymara que habitan las zonas más cercanas a la frontera y desde los 90 del siglo pasado para los bolivianos en general. Así de una migración fuerte durante el ciclo de expansión del salitre (1880-1930) se pasó a una más silenciosa y menos visible circunscrita al altiplano y los valles alto andinos para pasar a otra más integrada a lo internacional a partir de la creación de la Zona Franca de Iquique a fines del siglo XX.
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Young, Kevin. "Restoring Discipline in the Ranks." Latin American Perspectives 38, no. 6 (July 21, 2011): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x11412926.
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The Triangular Plan of the 1960s was a key moment in the rightward shift of the Bolivian Revolution (1952–1964). Billed by the United States, West Germany, and the Inter-American Development Bank as a generous loan program to “rehabilitate” the Bolivian tin mines, the plan also gave its architects a chance to discipline Bolivian workers, further privatize the Bolivian economy, and test the usefulness of conditional economic aid in containing revolutionary nationalism. From an analysis of the Triangular Plan it is possible to draw three major conclusions about postwar U.S. policy with regard to Latin America: (1) independent nationalism and popular militancy, rather than Soviet-style Communism, were the primary fears of policy makers; (2) the response to the Bolivian Revolution was not, as some have implied, indicative of benign intentions in the face of revolutionary nationalism; and (3) Bolivia often served as a “test case” or laboratory for policy measures.
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De la Barra, Victor H., Mary A. Marchant, and Aida C. Isinika. "Stabilization Policies and Agricultural Impacts in Developing Countries: The Case of Bolivia." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 27, no. 1 (July 1995): 184–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1074070800019726.
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AbstractThis research examines the success of stabilization policies to control hyperinflation in Bolivia. Money demand functions for the hyperinflation and stabilization periods were econometrically estimated and statistically tested. We conclude that the demand for money in Bolivia changed after stabilization policies were implemented, indicating that the new government's objectives were met. Stabilization policies resulted in real economic growth for Bolivia's economy, including its agricultural sector, where agricultural export shares increased tenfold as stabilization policies corrected overvalued exchange rates.
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Mendez, Carlos, and Erick Gonzales. "Human Capital Constraints, Spatial Dependence, and Regionalization in Bolivia: A Spatial Clustering Approach." Economia 44, no. 87 (May 6, 2021): 115–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/economia.202101.007.
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Using a novel dataset, this article studies the spatial distribution of human capital constraints across 339 municipalities in Bolivia. In particular, five human capital constraints are evaluated: chronic malnutrition in children, non-Spanish speaking population, secondary dropout rate of males, secondary dropout rates of females, and inequality in years of education. Through the lens of principal components, spatial dependence, and regionalization methods, the municipalities are endogenously classified according to their similarity in human capital constraints and geographical location. Results from the spatial dependence analysis indicate the specific location of significant hot spots (high-value clusters) and cold spots (low-value clusters). A regionalization analysis of the constraints indicates that Bolivia can be regionalized into seven or eight geographical regions. The article concludes discussing the potential complementary of these two analyses and their usefulness in identifying the location of policy priorities.
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Faguet, Jean-Paul. "Revolution from Below: Cleavage Displacement and the Collapse of Elite Politics in Bolivia." Politics & Society 47, no. 2 (May 14, 2019): 205–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219845944.
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For fifty years, Bolivia’s political party system was a surprisingly robust component of an otherwise fragile democracy, withstanding coups, hyperinflation, guerrilla insurgencies, and economic chaos. Why did it suddenly collapse around 2002? This article offers a theoretical lens combining cleavage theory with Schattschneider’s concept of competitive dimensions for an empirical analysis of the structural and ideological characteristics of Bolivia’s party system from 1952 to 2010. Politics shifted from a conventional left-right axis of competition, unsuited to Bolivian society, to an ethnic/rural–cosmopolitan/urban axis closely aligned with its major social cleavage. That shift fatally undermined elite parties and facilitated the rise of structurally and ideologically distinct organizations, as well as a new indigenous political class, that transformed the country’s politics. Decentralization and political liberalization were the triggers that politicized Bolivia’s latent cleavage, sparking revolution from below. The article suggests a folk theorem of identitarian cleavage and outlines a mechanism linking deep social cleavage to sudden political change.
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Antaki, Berea, and Katalin Medvedev. "Bolivian textile crafts and the subversion of institutionalized sustainability." Clothing Cultures 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00031_1.
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This article describes the tensions between institutionalized and grassroots forms of sustainability and their subsequent effects on textile artisans in La Paz, Bolivia. Principles of the indigenous cosmology Suma Qamaña are applied to the twenty-first-century challenge of environmental degradation and governmental corruption in the description of craft practices at two artisan collectives in La Paz. Suma Qamaña is an expression of the harmonious and respectful coexistence of humans with nature, which entails communal values and reciprocal resource management principles. The study highlights grassroots, practical solutions that encourage economic and environmental sustainability for textile cooperatives in Bolivia. Through extensive participant observation and in-depth interviews, this study seeks to understand how the lives of artisans are affected by the Bolivian government’s appropriation of the Suma Qamaña cosmology. The current political party, the Movimiento al Socialismo, has gained popular support in Bolivia partly by institutionalizing the inherent rights of nature in the national constitution. Despite this, the government continues to pursue extractive natural resource policies. To counter this, Bolivian textile artisans practise their own version of bottom-up sustainability, which does not rely on government institutions to enforce change. The artisans’ situated practices, traditional knowledge base and the inherently sustainable characteristics of craft production ‐ flexible, small-scale, localized and resilient ‐ reflect potential trends and alternatives for apparel production.
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Arevalo Luna, Guillermo Alexander. "Economía y política del modelo boliviano 2006-2014: evaluación preliminar." APUNTES DEL CENES 35, no. 61 (January 26, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/22565779.4152.
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<p>Bolivia sufrió un profundo cambio socioeconómico y político en el periodo<br />2006-2014, pasó de un modelo de crecimiento liberal a uno de economía<br />mixta, donde el Gobierno juega un papel muy relevante en la economía.<br />El Estado tiene un control completo de los recursos económicos y<br />principales ingresos de la industria. El excedente generado por los commodities<br />contribuyó a la política de distribución de ingreso y además fue utilizado<br />para la lucha contra la pobreza a través de una mejor educación y salud.<br />El modelo macroeconómico fue exitoso: la economía boliviana creció<br />a una tasa promedio de 4.6 % anual durante el periodo 2006–2014 y registró un superávit fiscal, un blance comercial positivpo y un aumento en el volumen de reservas internacionales. Además, el país goza de estabilidad macroeconómica y baja inflación. </p>
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Olivera-Villarroel, Sazcha Marcelo, and Maira Calderón Calderón. "SUBSIDIOS Y CONSUMO DENTRO LA ECONOMÍA BOLIVIANA." Investigación & Negocios 13, no. 21 (May 1, 2020): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.38147/invneg.v13i21.83.
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El estudio analiza los efectos de la aplicación de políticas y programas de dotación de subsidios en Bolivia. Teniéndose como objetivo central distinguir el impacto de estas políticas en el aumento de la demanda agregada de la economía y el incremento del consumo y/o inversión. Partiendo del cálculo aproximado de la propensión marginal a consumir – PMC- de la economía por tipo de consumidor y así obtener el multiplicador de la demanda.La implementación de estas políticas ha generado un incremento en los ingresos mensuales de las poblaciones beneficiarias correspondiente a los quintiles inferiores de ingreso. Si bien mejora sus condiciones de vida, modifica su consumo al corto y mediano plazo; por lo que el efecto dinámico del multiplicador es menor sobre la demanda agregada del país y en consecuencia en el PIB nacional. En tanto un subsidio no monetario, podría generar un movimiento económico regional.Palabras clave: Bienestar económico, Economía Moral, multiplicador de la demanda, propensión a consumir, subsidios.
AbstractThe study analyzes the effects of the application of subsidy policies and programs in Bolivia. Having as a central objective to distinguish the impact of these policies in the increase of the aggregate demand of the economy and the increase of consumption and / or investment. Starting from the approximate calculation of the marginal propensity to consume - PMC- of the economy by type of consumer and thus obtain the demand multiplier.The implementation of these policies has generated an increase in the monthly income of the beneficiary populations corresponding to the lower income quintiles. Although it improves their living conditions, it modifies its consumption in the short and medium term; so the dynamic effect of the multiplier is less on the aggregate demand of the country and consequently on the national PIB. As a non-monetary subsidy, it could generate a regional economic movement.Key words: Economic welfare, Moral Economy, demand multiplier, propensity to consume, subsidies.
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González-Vega, Claudio, and Marcelo Villafani-Ibarnegaray. "Las microfinanzas en la profundización del sistema financiero. El caso de Bolivia." El Trimestre Económico 74, no. 293 (June 22, 2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20430/ete.v74i293.429.
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El artículo examina el papel que el sector de las organizaciones de microfinanzas reguladas -conforme al marco prudencial- ha desempeñado en el desarrollo del sistema financiero boliviano. Con referencias ocasionales, reconoce las contribuciones de las microfinanzas no reguladas en propiciar aumentos del bienestar de hogares en estratos pobres de la población. Si bien Bolivia es un caso especialmente exitoso, las lecciones registradas apuntan a las contribuciones potenciales de las microfinanzas a la profundización financiera en países semejantes.
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Martirén, Juan Luis. "Moneda y crédito en una economía en transformación. Santa Fe, Argentina (1858-1883)." Revista de Historia Americana y Argentina 56, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.48162/rev.44.004.
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El artículo analiza las trayectorias del circulante monetario y las tasas de interés corriente (de descuento en plaza, bancaria y de crédito notariado) en la provincia de Santa Fe entre 1858 y 1883. Se trata de un período de crucial importancia, en tanto abarca el ciclo de expansión de la plata amonedada boliviana feble (en sus distintas variantes) y de los primeros bancos de emisión. La evidencia presentada incluye series temporales sobre tasas de interés y cotización de la moneda para el período bajo análisis, confeccionadas sobre la base de publicaciones periódicas de la ciudad de Rosario y libros de contabilidad de empresas de colonización de Santa Fe. Los resultados indican que, pese a los problemas inherentes a su calidad intrínseca, el metálico amonedado boliviano permitió ampliar la oferta de crédito que necesitaba una economía en rápida expansión, al operar como reserva de valor de un nuevo circulante en billete creado por bancos de emisión. Esto redundó además en una trayectoria decreciente del nivel de tasas de interés (con excepción de la coyuntura crítica de 1876) hasta la adopción de la unificación monetaria de inicios de la década de 1880.
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Eversole, Robyn. "Migration and Resource Access: View from a Quechua Barrio." MIGRATION LETTERS 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2005): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v2i2.8.
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A study of migration patterns among residents of an urban Bolivian neighbourhood sheds light on how households access resources, and the impact of ethnic identity markers on their ability to do so. The study shows how, in an ethnically divided society, households of rural, indigenous Andean background use migration as part of a complex range of strategies to access resources through space and across social and ethnic divides. The study demonstrates the limitations that these migrant households face, and their implications for social and economic development in Bolivia.
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Perreault, Thomas. "State Restructuring and the Scale Politics of Rural Water Governance in Bolivia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 2 (February 2005): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a36188.
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Recent attempts to grant private concessions to water in Bolivia raise questions regarding the effects of the state's neoliberal restructuring on environmental governance. Like other Latin American states, Bolivia has enacted sweeping neoliberal reforms during the past two decades, including privatization of public sector industries, reduction of state services, and administrative decentralization. These reforms have been accompanied by constitutional reforms that recognized certain resource and political rights on the part of Bolivia's indigenous and campesino peoples. This paper examines the reregulation and rescaling of rural water management in Bolivia, and associated processes of mobilization on the part of peasant irrigators aimed at countering state reforms. Although traditional resource rights of peasant irrigators are strengthened by cultural aspects of constitutional reforms, rural livelihoods are undermined by economic liberalization. The paper examines the implications and contradictions of neoliberal reforms for rural water management in highland Bolivia. These processes are illustrated through a brief analysis of current organizational efforts on the part of peasant irrigators.
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Canedo Vásquez, Gabriela. "Bolivia and Its Transformations in the Light of “Seven Erroneous Theses about Latin America”." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 2 (January 8, 2018): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17747612.
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Bolivia has become a plurinational state, and as such it seeks to dismantle the deeply ingrained internal colonialism that runs through the state and the society. Thus it recognizes self-determination by indigenous people, autonomous territories, plural economy and justice, communal democracy, and suma qamaña (living well) and identifies the indigenous as the main actors in the transformation process, sidelining both the working and the middle classes. Some of the contradictions at its core include views of development that range from extractivism to environmentalism and living well. The government claims to be oriented toward communitarian socialism, but developmentalism will entail the destruction of indigenous modes of survival that are considered culturally rich but backward from a Western perspective. The central indigenous actor of current government discourse has been pushed aside. The Bolivian process presents a way of building a more equal state and a society that offers greater opportunities provided that these structural contradictions are resolved. Bolivia se funda como Estado Plurinacional, y como tal pretende desmontar el colonia-lismo interno que atraviesa el Estado y la sociedad. De esta manera reconoce la autodeterminación de los pueblos indígenas, las autonomías, la economía y justicia plural, la democracia comunitaria, y el suma qamaña (vivir bien). Por tanto plantea que el actor central de las transformaciones son los indígenas, y con esto constatamos que ni el sujeto obrero ni la clase media son actores centrales. Algunas de las contradicciones que se encuentran en su seno incluyen visiones de desarrollo que oscila entre el extractivismo y la conservación de la Madre Tierra y el vivir bien. El gobierno dice orientarse hacia el socialismo comunitario, pero el desarrollismo implicará la destrucción de los modos de sobrevivencia de la población nativa, indígena, consideradas ricas en cultura pero “arcaicas” desde la perspectiva occidental-industrialista. El actor central indígena que le da carne al discurso del gobierno ha sido arremetido. El proceso boliviano presenta la posibilidad de construir un Estado y una sociedad con mayores oportunidades e igualdad de condiciones, siempre y cuando resuelva estas contradicciones estructurales.
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Vorotnikova, T. A. "Bolivia at a Crossroads: Is Consolidation of a ‘Divided Society’ Feasible?" Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 2 (November 20, 2020): 142–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-2-142-163.
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A protest wave which began in 2019 has swept across many Latin American countries. The Multinational State of Bolivia, where rapid destabilization of political situation has led to a serious internal crisis, was no exception. The paper examines the prospects for conflict resolution in Bolivia through the lens of the ‘divided society’ concept. The first section identifies the key fault lines in Bolivia including ethnic, cultural, and civilizational differences, economic disproportions, and high levels of social and political polarization. The author shows how the regime of Evo Morales managed to reach an internal balance and maintain it for quite a long time through complex balancing, concessions, and compromises. The second section identifies the causes behind the 2019 crisis. These include miscalculations of the government which has revealed general instability of the country’s political system and threatened to erode democratic institutions; changes in electoral behavior of the population; the increasing role of the armed forces. The author links the possibilities to overcome these challenges faced by Bolivia with the expansion of the social protection in conjunction with the principle of consociationalism, but stresses that even so the consolidation of the Bolivian society will be a time-consuming process.
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Haydu, John J., Alan W. Hodges, and Diego Montenegro. "Bolivia's Emerging Cut-flower Industry: A Performance Assessment." HortScience 27, no. 12 (December 1992): 1319–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.27.12.1319.
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Cut-flower production in Bolivia is a growing economic activity with sales increasing > 10-fold in the past 6 years. In spite of this growth, Bolivian producers face considerable financial difficulties. Two distinct patterns emerged from this study. Small and medium growers experienced lower costs than larger producers, but the prices they received were also lower. Large operators received twice the small producer price for their flowers, but this gain was offset by the higher costs they had incurred. In the long term, neither selling too low nor operating at costs too high is a sustainable practice.
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Lowrey, Kathleen. "Incommensurability and new economic strategies among indigenous and traditional peoples." Journal of Political Ecology 15, no. 1 (December 1, 2008): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v15i1.21688.
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This article takes as a central problem why both a tiny laboratory and an enormous national park were almost simultaneously established in a remote tropical Bolivian indigenous community (Isoso) in the mid-1990s. Both projects – laboratory and the park – were oriented to non-economic values: the laboratory to those of traditional medicine and culture and the park to those of unspoiled nature. However, Isoseño people were particularly attentive to the projects' economic value, exploring the ways these might act as wellsprings of money revenue. The analysis presented here suggests that the tension among divergent orders of value that characterizes the contemporary global situation can present special opportunities, and not just challenges, to indigenous and traditional peoples living in places like Isoso. The essay brings together discussions of "incommensurability" made separately in recent cultural anthropological and ecological economic literature in order to show how and why this is so.Key words: indigenous peoples, economic strategies, traditional medicine, incommensurability, Bolivia, national park
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Palmero Pantoja, Martín. "UN MODELO SVAR PARA LA ECONOMÍA BOLIVIANA." INVESTIGACION & DESARROLLO 14, no. 1 (July 31, 2014): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.23881/idupbo.014.1-5e.
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Tockman, Jason, and John Cameron. "Indigenous Autonomy and the Contradictions of Plurinationalism in Bolivia." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 03 (2014): 46–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00239.x.
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Abstract The government of Bolivia led by President Evo Morales and the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party claims to be constructing a new postliberal or plurinational state. However, this alleged experiment in plurinationalism conflicts with two central elements of government and MAS party strategy: the expansion of the economic development model based on the extraction of non-renewable natural resources, and the MAS's efforts to control political space, including indigenous territories. This article analyzes these contradictions by examining how Bolivia's constitution and legal framework appear to support indigenous autonomy while simultaneously constraining it. Specifically, it explores how political and bureaucratic processes have seriously limited opportunities to exercise indigenous rights to autonomy. The article makes a comparative analysis of the implications of Bolivia's experience for indigenous autonomy and plurinationalism for other resource extraction–dependent states.
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Añaños Bedriñana, Karen Giovanna, Bernardo Alfredo Hernández Umaña, and José Antonio Rodríguez Martín. "“Living Well” in the Constitution of Bolivia and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Reflections on Well-Being and the Right to Development." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 8 (April 21, 2020): 2870. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17082870.
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The article analyzes how approaches to “Living Well” as reflected in the Constitution of the State of Bolivia, the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth, and the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples of the Organization of American States (OAS) contribute to understanding the Andean cosmovision of indigenous peoples of the American continent. To do so, it first studied the most immediate precedents that led to incorporation of the notion of Living Well into Bolivian law. Second, it approached the right to development from the American Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, which has as its source the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The paper thus proposes reflections on the Bolivian State and the American Declaration that advance understanding of Living Well, a notion comparable in the West to the right to development (political, social, economic, environmental, and cultural) that enables the individual and collective realization of the individual. Fullness, understood in terms of well-being, is related to the protection of health and of the environment. Finally, the paper employs a qualitative methodology with a well-documented hermeneutic focus, as well as the tool of a semi-structured interview with a Bolivian scholar familiar on the topic.
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Gretzinger, Cody. "Bolivian Politics." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 2, no. 1 (December 20, 2011): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora12407.
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The essence of Bolivian politics can be conceptualized under four main aspects: the economy, political issues and context, indigenous identity, and democracy. A brief overview of the economy over the last hundred years is explored, and focuses on resource export. Economic policy in relation to Bolivia’s resources is closely tied to the success of political leaders, as policy resentment by the populace has led to the creation of political movements, parties, ousting of presidents, and the rise of a current populist leader. Indigenous identity underlies issues of water control and the coca industry. Evo Morales continues to successfully bring such issues to light, and is providing solutions of nationalization that agree with public sentiment, and may be helping to consolidate democracy.
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Mansilla, H. C. F. "El indianismo entre la globalización y el aislamiento. Un aporte a la historia de las ideas." Reflexión Política 16, no. 32 (December 22, 2014): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29375/01240781.2132.
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Este ensayo trata de la confrontación entre principios universalistas y particularistas en lo que respecta a la construcción de identidades colectivas (con especial referencia a Bolivia). Por un lado están los principios universalistas, que son percibidos hoy como una clara tendencia niveladora e imperialista. Por otro lado tenemos los principios particularistas (asociados al relativismo postmodernista), que buscan hacer justicia a los desarrollos específicos y consolidar las identidades premodernas en peligro. El texto estudia sobre todo el caso del indianismo boliviano, que mediante una rica tradición intelectual, ha intentado construir un dique contra la civilización occidental en lo cultural y lo político, pero sin éxito en el campo de la economía y la tecnología.
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Loza, Gabriel. "La experiencia boliviana y la organización comunitaria cooperativa en el marco de la economía plural." Revista de la Academia 21 (May 28, 2016): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.57.
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<p>El autor sostiene que, a diferencia de lo que postula el Modelo de Economía Plural, el proceso de avance en la realidad boliviana es desigual, dado que, por una parte, se ha centrado en la nacionalización y en las empresas públicas, y, por otra, se asienta en la forma de organización cooperativa en el sector minero y en el sector informal de la economía, relegando la economía solidaria, en un contexto con alta desprotección social, informal y capitalista. No se observan avances en un socialismo comunitario, puesto que el peso y la importancia de la comunidad campesina se ha mantenido relativamente igual con relación a los gobiernos anteriores, salvo la economía campesina de la coca, basada en pequeños propietarios y escasa tradición comunitaria.</p><p>Palabras clave: Economía Social Solidaria, Economía Plural, Nacionalismo, Empresas Públicas</p><p><em><br /></em></p><p><em><br /></em></p><p><em>The Bolivian experience and the community and cooperative organization within the framework of the plural economy</em></p><p><em>The author argues that, unlike what postulated Model Plural Economy, the process advance in the Bolivian reality is uneven, since on the one hand, has focused on nationalization and public enterprises, and, on another, sits in the form of cooperative organization in the mining sector and the informal sector of the economy, relegating the solidarity economy, in a context with high social, informal and capitalist vulnerability. No progress has been made in a community socialism, since the weight and importance of the peasant community has remained relatively unchanged compared to previous governments, except the peasant coca economy based on small landowners and little community tradition.<br /></em></p><p><em>Keywords: Social Solidarity Economy, Plural Economy, Nationalization and Public Companies</em></p>
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Ament, Jared D., Kevin R. Greene, Ivan Flores, Fernando Capobianco, Gueider Salas, Maria Ines Uriona, John P. Weaver, and Richard Moser. "Health impact and economic analysis of NGO-supported neurosurgery in Bolivia." Journal of Neurosurgery: Spine 20, no. 4 (April 2014): 436–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2014.1.spine1228.
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Object Bolivia, one of the poorest countries in the world, ranks 108th on the 2013 Human Development Index. With approximately 1 neurosurgeon per 200,000 people, access to neurosurgery in Bolivia is a growing health concern. Furthermore, neurosurgery in nonindustrialized countries has been considered both cost-prohibitive and lacking in outcomes evaluation. A non-governmental organization (NGO) supports spinal procedures in Bolivia (Solidarity Bridge), and the authors sought to determine its impact and cost-effectiveness. Methods In a retrospective review of prospectively collected data, 19 patients were identified prior to spinal instrumentation and followed over 12 months. For inclusion, patients required interviewing prior to surgery and during at least 2 follow-up visits. All causes of spinal pathology were included. Sixteen patients met inclusion criteria and were therefore part of the analysis. Outcomes measured included assessment of activities of daily living, pain, ambulation, return to work/school, and satisfaction. Cost-effectiveness was determined by cost-utility analysis. Utilities were derived using the Health Utilities Index. Complications were incorporated into an expected value decision tree. Results Median (± SD) preoperative satisfaction was 2.0 ± 0.3 (on a scale of 0–10), while 6-month postoperative satisfaction was 7 ± 1.4 (p < 0.0001). Ambulation, pain, and emotional disability data suggested marked improvement (56%, 69%, and 63%, respectively; p = 0.035, 0.003, and 0.006). Total discounted incremental quality-adjusted life year (QALY) gain was 0.771. The total discounted cost equaled $9036 (95% CI $8561–$10,740) at 2 years. Computing the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio resulted in a value of $11,720/QALY, ranging from $9220 to $15,473/QALY in a univariate sensitivity analysis. Conclusions This NGO-supported spinal instrumentation program in Bolivia appears to be cost-effective, especially when compared with the conventional $50,000/QALY benchmark and the WHO endorsed country-specific threshold of $16,026/QALY. However, with a gross domestic product per capita in Bolivia equaling $4800 per year and 30.3% of the population living on less than $2 per day, this cost continues to appear unrealistic. Additionally, the study has several significant limitations, namely its limited sample size, follow-up period, the assumption that patients not receiving surgical intervention would not make any clinical improvement, the reliance on the NGO for patient selection and sustainable practices such as follow-up care and ancillary services, and the lack of a randomized prospective design. These limitations, as well as an unclear understanding of Bolivian willingness-to-pay data, affect the generalizability of the study findings and impede widespread economic policy reform. Because cost-effectiveness research may inevitably direct care decisions and prove that an effort such as this can be cost saving, a prospective, properly controlled investigation is now warranted.
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Scarborough, Isabel M. "In Search of a New Indigeneity." Nova Religio 22, no. 4 (May 1, 2019): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2019.22.4.75.
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Bolivians are inventing spiritual practices that fit into the current dominant political discourse of decolonization and revalorization of native beliefs by associating these new traditions with archaeological spaces and objects. This new Bolivia is believed to emerge from the ashes of the old economic and social order, which for centuries oppressed and elided native religious practices, and harkens back to precolonial values. Drawing from long-term ethnographic research, media reports, and scholarly works, I aim to examine these new practices to improve our understanding of emerging indigenous identities in this small Andean nation. I discuss two case studies that exemplify how the urban indigenous are rediscovering the power of ancestor veneration and animism in their heritage to construct a new sense of national belonging.
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RAMOS, ELIZABETH QUISBERTH, ALLEN L. NORRBOM, LUCIANE MARINONI, BRUCE D. SUTTON, GARY J. STECK, and JUAN JOSÉ LAGRAVA SÁNCHEZ. "The Bolivian fauna of the genus Anastrepha Schiner (Diptera: Tephritidae)." Zootaxa 4926, no. 1 (February 4, 2021): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4926.1.3.
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The general aim of this study is to contribute to and summarize knowledge of the Bolivian fauna of the genus Anastrepha Schiner (Tephritidae) which includes species of both ecological and economic importance. In addition to compiling data from the literature, we report the results of fruit fly sampling using McPhail or multilure traps in the Tropic of Cochabamba region and at the private natural reserve of Potrerillo del Guendá in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as well as records from various other sites based on specimens in museum collections. Fifty-seven named species and three unnamed species of Anastrepha are recorded from Bolivia. Distribution maps for all of these species are provided. Numerous new department records are reported as well as the first records for Bolivia of A. castanea Norrbom, A. dissimilis Stone, A. elegans Blanchard, A. haywardi Blanchard, A. macrura Hendel, A. montei Lima, A. punctata Hendel, and A. rosilloi Blanchard. Pacouria boliviensis (Markgr.) A. Chev. (Apocynaceae) is reported as a host plant of A. woodleyi Norrbom & Korytkowski, and Myrciaria floribunda (H. West ex Willd.) Berg (Myrtaceae) and Pouteria glomerata (Miq.) Radlk. (Sapotaceae) as host plants of A. fraterculus (Wiedemann). This distribution and host information will be useful to monitor and manage species that damage fruit crops in Bolivia.
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Macias, Martha Concepcion, and Javier Hernando Sanmartin. "Comparative analysis between the higher education systems of Ecuador and Bolivia." INNOVA Research Journal 2, no. 10 (October 30, 2017): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33890/innova.v2.n10.2017.291.
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This is a comparative analysis of higher education systems in Ecuador and Bolivia, countries that are characterized by cultural diversity and geographic proximity; its evolution in the higher education system has progressed in recent years with different rate. Reason given, the aim of this work is to make a comparison, to understand the similarities and differences between the systems of higher education in Ecuador and Bolivia, and thus, we can have a diagnosis in relation to the structure of the higher education system of both countries. In this context, we provide an overview about the situation or reality in which both institutions of Higher Education (IES) are developed. Also, the aspects that distinguish the higher education in these countries such as their regulations are mentioned, their internal political contexts, resources, segments, management, technological evolution; and the change of the political, economic and social model. In this way, a description of the main features of the Ecuadorian and Bolivian higher education systems is made, which is summarized in a comparative chart showing the similarities and differences that characterizes them.
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Coker, Christine E., William Evans, Michael Collins, and Walter Blankenship. "State Partnership Program: Mississippi and Bolivia." HortScience 41, no. 4 (July 2006): 1003E—1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/hortsci.41.4.1003e.
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The National Guard State Partnership Program seeks to link the National Guards of the United States with Ministries of Defense of emerging democratic nations in cooperative activities of mutual benefit. The Program aims to enhance those connections by bringing “Hometown America” onto the international stage through personal, sustained relationships. These associations could build a “Bridge to America,” establishing and nurturing bonds of mutual understanding at the grass roots level. The focus of the program has shifted rapidly to the “citizen” aspects of the National Guard, with instruction, orientation, and personnel exchanges in areas such as economic development, small business administration, and entrepreneurship. Mississippi's program partner is Bolivia. Mississippi State University was called upon to participate in the program by providing Subject Matter Experts. Scientists spent seven days in Bolivia working with the Bolivian military (made up of conscripted soldiers as young as 14 years of age), the Catholic University, and local villages, advising on greenhouse vegetable production and instructing program participants on cultural practices that would benefit their communities.
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International Monetary Fund. "Bolivia: Recent Economic Developments." IMF Staff Country Reports 96, no. 42 (1996): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451805642.002.
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Carvajal, Alexander, and Oscar López. "An Empirical Test of the Export-Led Model in the Member Countries of the Andean Community (Comunidad Andina de Naciones – CAN)." Lecturas de Economía, no. 94 (January 30, 2021): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.le.n94a343336.
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This paper seeks to empirically test the applicability of the export-led model to the economies of the countries belonging to the Andean Community (Comunidad Andina de Naciones – CAN) by verifying the export-led growth (ELG) hypothesis, which indicates that gross domestic product (GDP) behavior is based on export (EXP) dynamics. This hypothesis was tested for Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. The methodology used was the application of Johansen cointegration and Block Exogeneity Wald tests to identify Granger causality between variables of the natural logarithms of EXP and GDP. The results obtained show that the causal effect of exports on GDP can only be rejected for the Bolivian economy. Lastly, the main conclusion of this study is that the economic policies of the CAN member countries should not assume that the export sectors are the foundations of their respective economies. Therefore, the CAN governments should not introduce economic policies that prioritize the expansion of the export sector.
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Hillman, John. "Mahmood Ali Ayub and Hideo Hashimoto. The Economics of Tin Mining in Bolivia. Washington, D.C.: World Bank 1985." Pakistan Development Review 25, no. 2 (June 1, 1986): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v25i2pp.197-199.
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The Bolivian economy is a textbook case of the distortions produced by an enclave of mineral production, mainly tin, and its political life has largely focused on the problem of ensuring that the mining industry plays a constructive role in national economic development. Bolivia was not able to force the private owners of the major mines to make such a contribution and as a result their properties were nationalized in the Revolution of 1952, and have since been operated by a State owned corporation, COMIBOL. Although the mines had long been starved of fresh investment, the political economy of the Revolution further stripped resources from the mining sector in order to diversify the economy, and the economic crisis that was then generated forced serious attention on the technical operation of the industry. Over the past thirty years there have been several attempts to rehabilitate the nationalized mining industry, drawing on the expertise of foreign technical staff, and on foreign private and public capital which have generated a large number of studies and much internal political controversy. This book by two World Bank economists is the first attempt to provide a comprehensive account of the issues facing those responsible for formulating a policy for Bolivian mining which is based on some reliable statistics. It is theoretically and historically informed, and, most importantly, though sensitive to the intensely political nature of the problem, has no political axe of its own to grind.
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Beltran-Siñani, Magaly, and Antonio Gil. "Accounting Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Municipal Solid Waste Treatment by Composting: A Case of Study Bolivia." Eng 2, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 267–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/eng2030017.
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Waste generation is one of the multiple factors affecting the environment and human health that increases directly with growing population and social and economic development. Nowadays, municipal solid waste disposal sites and their management create climate challenges worldwide, with one of the main problems being high biowaste content that has direct repercussions on greenhouse gases (GHG) emissions. In Bolivia, as in the most developing countries, dumps are the main disposal sites for solid waste. These places usually are non-engineered and poorly implemented due to social, technical, institutional and financial limitations. Composting plants for treatment of biowaste appear as an alternative solution to the problem. Some Bolivian municipalities have implemented pilot projects with successful social results; however, access to the economic and financial resources for this alternative are limited. In order to encourage the composting practice in the other Bolivian municipalities it is necessary to account for the GHG emissions. The aim of the present study compiles and summarizes the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) guidelines methodology and some experimental procedures for accounting of the greenhouse gases emissions during the biowaste composting process as an alternative to its deposition in a dump or landfill. The GHG emissions estimation results by open windrow composting process determined in the present study show two scenarios: 38% of reduction when 50% of the biowaste collected in 2019 was composted; and 12% of reduction when 20% of the biowaste was composted.
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Brohan, Mickaël. "Fidel Gabriel Castillo. La Amazonía boliviana indígena. Estudio etnohistórico de la economía, la sociedad y la civilización de los pueblos de las selvas bolivianas." Bulletin de l’Institut français d’études andines, no. 35 (2) (May 1, 2006): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/bifea.4672.
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Daza, Germán Sánchez, and Fernando Julio Piñero. "Bolivia: The Construction of an Alternative Science and Technology Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 3 (2012): 414–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x651578.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze recent changes in Bolivia’s science and technology policy and contextualize them in the surrounding region. It is recognized that since the 1980s, Latin America initiated a series of changes in its science and technology policies driven by the needs of the economic accumulation regime prevalent and based on new theories of innovation. Policies placed their emphasis on the application of scientific technology in order to boost national competitiveness. During the 1990s, a closer link was established between the neoliberal regime of accumulation, science and technology policies, and the concept of innovation. The outcry from various social movements subsequently demanded a refocus of these policies towards a more regional and social orientation. The emergence of governments more critical of neoliberalism resulted in the need to rethink science and technology policies as shown by the experience of Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. The transitional case of Bolivia is examined here so as to contribute to the larger discussion concerning Latin America’s science and technology policies.
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Zambrana Marchetti, Juan Carlos. ""Construcción de la nación": El arma económica desarrollada por los estados unidos en Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 23 (December 19, 2018): 188–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2018.184.
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Declassified documents show that when President Harry Truman created his Point IV Program (1949), he launched a global operation of soft “nation- building" through technical and economic assistance. Point IV Technical Cooperation Agreements were the master keys to intervening in other nations. This work covers the period from January 1951 to April 12, 1952, showing in detail how Bolivia became a laboratory for US experiments in these kind of interventions. On March 14, 1951, a pro-US Bolivian government signed the Agreement. The US did everything to prevent the rise of a revolutionary movement, but despite its efforts people mobilized, defeated the military and deposed pro-US government in the bloody revolution of April 1952. The MNR revolution set the stage for the definitive test of the effectiveness of the soft “nation-building” programs against a true leftist and anti-imperialist government.
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Schroeder, Kathleen. "Economic Globalization and Bolivia's Regional Divide." Journal of Latin American Geography 6, no. 2 (2007): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lag.2007.0048.
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F. Terrazas, X. Cadima;. "Caracterización de los semilleristas tradicionales de papa en Bolivia." Revista Latinoamericana de la Papa 23, no. 1 (April 19, 2020): 56–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37066/ralap.v23i1.376.
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La papa es un alimento estratégico para la soberanía alimentaria y la economía de miles de familias de los Andes bolivianos que se dedican a la producción de este cultivo. El sistema tradicional de semilla es el que provee más del 90% de la semilla requerida para el cultivo de la papa en Bolivia, y de un portafolio mayor de variedades que el que ofrece el sistema formal. Los agricultores encargados de la producción tradicional de semilla de papa, son por lo general agricultores que se destacan de otros productores en aspectos personales, pero también por su accesibilidad a entornos ecológicos y productivos que les permiten producir semilla de calidad. Los semilleristas también actúan en base a incentivos, que no son necesariamente monetarios y que van cambiando de acuerdo al contexto y entorno ambiental, social, económico y político, lo cual también influye en las perspectivas (amenazas y oportunidades) del agricultor semillerista de los Andes bolivianos. En este documento se hace una revisión de estos aspectos que caracterizan a los semilleristas tradicionales de papa y una reflexión de lo que se necesita reforzar para que continúen con su labor.