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McKoy, Shahera Diane. "The Impact of Multilateral Trade Association Membership on Agricultural and Food Trade." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2007. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29802.
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This thesis models trade flows between countries as a function of several variables, including those representing membership in multilateral trade agreements (MTAs). The objective of this research is to evaluate the impact of trade policies, trading costs, trade agreements and other demographic characteristics on exports of food and agriculture products. More specifically, the paper uses a gravity model augmented with three sets of dummy variables to estimate the impact of 13 trade arrangements on intra-bloc and extra-bloc trade. Results indicate that several MTAs enhance intra-bloc trading at the expense of non-members while others have been successful at increasing both intra-bloc trade and trade with the rest of the world. Findings further suggest that several arrangements had no significant effect on member trading and that a few have effectively reduced trade for members.
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Li, Yan Ting. "Seeking the balance between trade liberalization and cultural diversity in the framework of WTO and UNESCO :some suggestions to China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580115.
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Taylor, Ian. "Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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Volz, Eckehard. "The trade, development and cooperation agreement between the Republic of South Africa and the European Union : an analysis with special regard to the negotiating process, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the Port and Sherry Agreement." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52582.
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Thesis (LLM)--University of Stellenbosch, 1999.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the Trade, Development and Cooperation Agreement (TDCA) between the European Union and the Republic of South Africa, which was concluded in October 1999. In particular, the agreement is analysed in the light of the negotiating process between the parties, the contents of the agreement, the applicability of WTO law and the compatibility of the agreement with it and the Port and Sherry Agreement. Since the EU emphasised its aim to commence economic and development cooperation with other African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries on a reciprocal basis during the negotiations for a successor of the Lomé Convention, the TDCA between the EU and South Africa had to be seen as a "pilot project" for future cooperation agreements between countries at different levels of development. The TDCA between the EU and South Africa is therefore not only very important for the two concerned parties, but could serve as an example for further negotiations between the EU and other ACP countries. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to examine the TDCA between the EU and South Africa from a wider global perspective. The thesis is divided into six Chapters: The first Chapter provides an introduction to the circumstances under which the negotiations between the EU and South Africa commenced. It deals briefly with the economic situation in South Africa during the apartheid era and presents reasons why the parties wanted to enter into bilateral negotiations. The introductory part furthermore presents an overview of the contents of the thesis. The second chapter contains a detailed description of the negotiating process that took place between the parties and shows why it took 43 months and 21 rounds of negotiations to reach a deal. South Africa's partial accession to the Lomé Convention and the conclusion of separate agreements such as the Wine and Spirits Agreement, are also analysed. Chapter three presents the various components of the TOCA and illustrates what the negotiators achieved. This chapter on the TOCA concludes with an evaluation of the Agreement and shows the potential benefits to South Africa and the EU. Since the Agreement had to satisfy international rules, the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and TradelWorld Trade Organisation (GATTIWTO) were of major importance. The EC Treaty, however, does not contain any provision that indicates whether, or how, an international agreement like the GATTIWTO penetrates the Community legal order. In Chapter four, accordingly, questions are raised regarding the extent to which the bilateral agreement between South Africa and the EU was influenced by the GATTIWTO provisions and how these rules were incorporated into the agreement. Furthermore, since the parties agreed on the establishment of a free trade area, this chapter deals with the question of in how far the TOCA is in line with Article XXIV GATT. In addition to the GATT provisions, the TOCA is also affected by the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs). Therefore Chapter five deals with TRIPs in connection with the TOCA. The use of the terms "Port" and "Sherry" as the major stumbling block to the conclusion of the TOCA is analysed more closely. The final part, namely Chapter six, provides a summary of the results of the investigation. Furthermore, a conclusion is provided with regard to the question of whether the TOeA can be seen as an example for further trade relations between the EU and other ACP countries.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is gerig op die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (TDGA) tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en die Republiek van Suid Afrika wat in Oktober 1999 gesluit is. Die ooreenkoms word veral in die lig van die onderhandelingsproses tussen die partye, die inhoud van die ooreenkoms, die toepaslikheid van Wêreldhandelsorganisasiereg en die versoenbaarheid daarvan met die ooreenkoms en die Port en Sjerrie-ooreenkoms ontleed. Aangesien die EU sy oogmerk van wederkerige ekonomiese en ontwikkelings-gerigte samewerking met ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-Eilande gedurende die onderhandelings vir 'n opvolger van die Lomé Konvensie beklemtoon het, moes die ooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika as 'n "loodsprojek" vir toekomstige samewerkingsooreenkomste tussen lande wat op verskillende vlakke van onwikkeling is, gesien word. Die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika is dus nie net baie belangrik vir die betrokke partye nie, maar dit kan ook as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere onderhandelings tussen die EU en lande van Afrika en die Karibiese- en Stille Oseaan-Eilande dien. Die doel van dié tesis is om die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewekingsooreenkoms tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika vanuit 'n meer globale perspektief te beskou. Die tesis is in ses Hoofstukke ingedeel: Die eerste hoofstuk bied 'n inleiding tot die omstandighede waaronder die onderhandelings tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika begin het. Dit behandel die Suid- Afrikaanse ekonomiese situasie onder apartheid kortliks en toon hoekom die partye tweesydige onderhandelings wou aanknoop. Verder bied die inleidende deel 'n oorsig oor die inhoud van die tesis. Die tweede hoofstuk bevat 'n gedetailleerde beskrywing van die onderhandelingsproses wat tussen die partye plaasgevind het en toon aan waarom dit drie-en-veertig maande geduur het en een-en-twintig onderhandelingsrondtes gekos het om die saak te beklink. Suid-Afrika se gedeeltelike toetrede tot die Lomé Konvensie en die sluit van aparte ooreenkomste soos die Port- en Sjerrieooreenkoms word ook ontleed. Die daaropvolgende hoofstuk bespreek die verskillende komponente van die Handels-, Ontwikkelings- en Samewerkingsooreenkoms en toon wat die onderhandelaars bereik het. Hierdie hoofstuk oor die Ooreenkoms sluit af met 'n evaluering daarvan en dui die potensiële voordele van die Ooreenkoms vir Suid- Afrika en die EU aan. Aangesien die Ooreenkoms internasionale reëls moes tevrede stel, was die voorskrifte van die Algemene Ooreenkoms oor Tariewe en Handel (GATT) van uiterste belang. Die EG-verdrag bevat egter geen voorskrif wat aandui óf, of hoé, 'n internasionale ooreenkoms soos GATTNVTO die regsorde van die Europese Gemeenskap binnedring nie. Die vraag oor in hoeverre die tweesydige ooreenkoms tussen Suid-Afrika en die EU deur die GATTIWTO voorskrifte beïnvloed is, en oor hoe hierdie reëls in die ooreenkoms opgeneem is, word dus in Hoofstuk vier aangeraak. Aangesien die partye ooreengekom het om 'n vrye handeisarea tot stand te bring, behandel hierdie hoofstuk ook die vraag oor in hoeverre die TOGA met Artikel XXIV GATT strook. Tesame met die GATT-voorskrifte word die TOGA ook deur die Ooreenkoms ten opsigte van Handelsverwante Aspekte van Intellektuele Eiendomsreg (TRIPs) geraak. Hoofstuk vyf behandel daarom hierdie aspek ten opsigte van die TOGA. Die gebruik van die terme "Port" en "Sjerrie" as die vernaamste struikelblok tot die sluiting van die TOG-ooreenkoms word ook deegliker ontleed. Die laaste gedeelte, naamlik Hoofstuk ses, bied 'n opsomming van die resultate van die ondersoek. Verder word 'n gevolgtrekking voorsien ten opsigte van vraag of die TOGA as 'n voorbeeld vir verdere handelsverwantskappe tussen die EU en ander lande in Afrika en die Karibiese en Stille Oseaan-eilande beskou kan word.
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Kidane, Frewyeni. "Does Free Trade Advance Economic Growth?" Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6393.
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I have conducted a survey of journal articles that have examined the relationship between free trade and economic growth. In particular, I have carefully selected six empirical studies that were published over a ten-year period and critically reviewed, and evaluated these studies in depth. I have also extensively presented and discussed the issues as well as the controversies that are related to the various measures of openness. In a number of the trade-growth empirical studies researchers have made major attempt to identify the relationship between free trade and economic growth. Most of the trade-growth studies show that there is a positive relationship between free trade and economic growth. However, some of these influential studies have been subject to strong criticism, mainly due to a number of methodological shortcomings. As for the million-dollar question: Does free trade advance economic growth? My conclusion is that this question is not yet resolved, because although researchers have devoted considerable efforts to show a positive trade-growth relationship, nevertheless, the methodologies and the measurements applied in these studies have been fragile to the scrutiny of critics.
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Negem, Seham Hamed Hamed. "Free trade and economic growth of Egypt." Thesis, University of Hull, 2008. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:1687.
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Free trade relations have become an important issue in both trade and development literature since the 1950s. From this period, 1950-1959, until the end of the 1960s, the economy of Egypt was protected as a result of the adoption of import substitution policies and excessive government intervention in economic activities. Since 1970, when an open-door policy was adopted, Egypt has striven to liberalise its markets with the aim of enhancing economic growth, with rewarding results. This study has quantified the effect of changes in economic policy, particularly trade liberalisation, on economic growth for Egypt during the period 1970-2006, by addressing some challenges remaining in theoretical and empirical literature on free trade and economic growth. This period witnessed a strong shift in economic policy towards a more export growth oriented stance. It covered the reforms of 1974 and 1991, as well as the establishment of the WTO in 1995 and Egypt's accession to it. Two models were constructed: the first one attempted to deal with the causality problem by re-examining the causality between exports and economic growth based on the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) in the context of the Egyptian economy. The second model, a Simultaneous Equation Model (SEM), was developed to deal with the endogeneity problem and investigate the impact of selected openness indicators on economic growth in Egypt. The most important finding is the strong positive and bi-directional relationship between Egyptian exports and its economic growth. This finding is in line with the theoretical argument of the ability of developing countries such as Egypt to benefit from the free trade movement, which not only helps them to benefit from knowledge spillover but also to raise their productivity. The role of human capital in growth and exports was also shown to be significant. Similar findings were obtained for countries at different stages of development (low- and middle-income). It is concluded that, like Egypt, all groups will benefit from trade openness, regardless of the degree of development, with respect to the positive role of human capital to enable them to absorb new technologies from the developed countries.
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Meethong, Kanjanachat. "Essays on trade liberalisation and economic development." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708094.
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Hess, Simon Peter. "The new economic geography of SADC free trade area." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/65/.
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Kung, Ka Yan. "Trade effects of the development of ASEAN+ free trade agreements : an empirical study." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2011. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1285.
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Hossain, Mohammad A. "Trade liberalisation and economic performance : analytics and empirics from Bangladesh /." [St. Lucia, Qld. : s.n.], 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16799.pdf.
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Sofjan, Muhammad. "Assessing the economic impact of free trade agreement on Indonesia." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0119/document.
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L’Indonésie est un pays en développement qui adopte une économie ouverteoù le maintien de relations commerciales avec les autres pays est significatif. Il y a un niveauélevé de trafic économique international avec un impact substantiel sur l’économie et sur ledéveloppement national. Durant son développement, la collaboration avec d’autre pays a étégénéralisée. Cette thèse examine l’impact économique des accords de libre-échange et dela libéralisation des échanges tentés en Indonésie. Le but est d’adresser les problèmessuivants : examiner l’effet de la libéralisation des échanges sur le volume des exportations etdes importations, le revenu de l’état dans les aspects des échanges internationaux, tel queles droits d’importation, et fournir un examen approfondi du lien entre la libéralisation deséchanges, la pauvreté et l’inégalité en Indonésie. Une analyse empirique est menée enajoutant les facteurs de libéralisation aux fonctions de demande d’exportation etd’importation pour déterminer l’impact de la libéralisation sur les activités d’exportation etd’importation en Indonésie. Les résultats indiquent que, pour l’Indonésie, les politiques delibéralisation des échanges qui sont mesurées par les droits d’exportation et les droitsd’importation ont un impact négatif sur les exportations et les importations. Afin de faire faceaux problèmes fiscaux, on peut conclure que les politiques de libéralisation des échangesd’augmenter le volume des importations. Les conditions de pauvreté et l’inégalité d’un payspeuvent être influencées par l’ouverture de son économie. Les résultats révèlent que lalibéralisation des échanges a un impact négatif direct sur la pauvreté où la libéralisation deséchanges peut réduire le niveau de pauvretéIndonesia is a developing country that has adopted an open economy wheretrade relations with other countries is significant. Indeed, there is a high level of internationaleconomy traffic that has substantially impacted the economy and national development.Throughout the nation’s development, cooperation and involvement with other countries hasbeen widespread. This thesis investigates the economic impact of free trade agreements andthe trade liberalization attempted in Indonesia in order to: examine the effect of tradeliberalization on the volume of exports and imports; analyse state revenue regarding aspectsof international trade, such as import duty; and provide a detailed investigation of therelationship between trade liberalization, poverty and inequality in Indonesia. An empiricalanalysis is conducted by adding liberalization factors to the import and export demandfunctions to determine the impact of liberalization on export and import activities in Indonesia.The results indicate that, for this nation, trade liberalization policies measured through exporttaxes and import duties negatively impact exports and imports. To deal with fiscal issues, itcan be concluded that the policies of trade liberalization are still able to increase importvolume. Conditions of poverty and inequality in a country can also be influenced by theopenness of its economy. The results reveal that trade liberalization negatively impactspoverty and may reduce poverty levels in Indonesia
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Lin, Zeng 1953. "Liberalism and nationalism in the world trade market." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69537.
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This thesis analyzes the dialectical relations of economic liberalism and nationalism. Four arguments are made: (1) the international economic order is the product of the intercourse between liberalism and nationalism; (2) world trade expansion is conditioned by the rise of protectionism; (3) the formation of regional trading blocs sets up a bridge between regional liberalism and GATT (General Agreement on Trade and Tariff); (4) the success of development is determined by the results of the crystallization of the nation-state. The arguments of this paper develop from abstract to specific. In the first part, the philosophical foundations of liberalism and nationalism are given attention. Both forces are regarded as the foundations of modern international relations, the success of one side depending on the other. In this connection, Ruggie's (1982) "embedded liberalism" is extended to the whole range of modern history. The three theories are also reviewed with respect to their ideologic commitments. The rapprochement of nationalism and liberalism implies that their originally one-sided standpoints need modification. In the second part of this thesis, empirical analyses are introduced. The different state patterns, such as free capitalism and state socialism, are regarded as the results of crystallization (Mann, forthcoming). The rise of protectionism and regionalism reflect the erosion of the existing international relations. Successful nationalism could set up the foundation for the solid development of liberalism under the political framework of democracy, which could alter the existing international relations.
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Santana, Diana. "Is the Economic Growth in Developing Countries affected by Free Trade?" Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Nationalekonomi, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-32079.
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The thesis examines the relationship between free trade and the economic growth in developing countries. The developments of a more integrated and globalized world challenges countries in new ways by easier access to information and technology, intensified competition and larger requirements on economic efficiency and increased productivity. It is important to examine if trade can induce economic growth, since long-run economic growth determine how living standards change, and provides an opportunity to improve the welfare and reduce the worlds poverty rates. Trade affects countries in different ways and developing countries have diverse growth experiences, where some countries have managed to increase their economic growth compared to others. The thesis presents trade policies and theories, and a brief overview of the controversies regarding trade. The relationship between economic growth and trade is dynamic and complex and trade can be used as a mean to benefit from technological transfers and knowledge spillovers, factors that have a substantial influence on economic growth, along with investments. A cross-section regression analysis is conducted to examine the relationship between trade openness and economic growth. The empirical results show a positive correlation between trade openness and economic growth in developing countries. High initial GDP and population growth are negatively correlated with GDP per Capita growth, while Rule of Law has a positive impact on GDP per Capita growth.
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Gambles, Anna. "The boundaries of political economy : tory economic argument, 1809-1847." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321581.
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Boorne, Scott. "On the political economy of "free trade" in the Americas." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98913.
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The coming into force of "free trade agreements" across the Western Hemisphere since the late 1980s has been a historic change that is still in the process of development. This essay seeks to explain this development. To do so, it investigates examples of the historical development of social relations in the hemisphere. The political will to carry out such a plan can be found in each country in the social base that sees benefit in the course. While this political will exists, everywhere the process has been a contested one, both domestically and internationally. This policy will continue to find support especially from large capital interests and their representatives who will continue to find their opposition in a wide variety of labour and social movements and socialist tendencies. The balance determines the type of contract struck.
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Krouzil, Jan. "Canada's free trade policy experience, from economic adjustment to civil participation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ63764.pdf.
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Sarica, Deniz. "Free trade in Euro-Mediterranean agriculture : an economic perspective of Turkey." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2584.
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It is a standard result of economic theory that free trade maximises global efficiency in a distortion-free world. Over the last two decades countries have made great efforts to liberalise their trade in order to facilitate economic growth through integration in the global economy. Turkey is one of these countries whose international trade plays a significant role in her economic development. Over time, trade increasingly links countries in the Mediterranean region and the trade policy debate is dominated by the regional trade negotiations between the European Union and the ‘Mediterranean Partner Countries’ (MPCs), known as the Union for the Mediterranean. Agriculture is a crucial sector in this region. Unlike manufactured goods, agricultural products have often been only partially integrated into regional trade agreements, due to the high level of protection afforded to them. Agriculture in Turkey holds the promise of making a major contribution to Turkish economic development, with the agricultural trade balance being significantly positive. Turkey is a large and important country in the region and a potential full member of the European Union. This research explores the determining factors of Turkish agricultural export flows to the Euro-Mediterranean countries. The thesis employs the most recent econometric methods in estimating a gravity model and the analysis uses panel data covering the period 1969-2010 for 30 Euro-Mediterranean countries. In addition to performing traditional linear methods, panel unit root and cointegration tests are conducted to examine the likely long run relationship between determining factors and agricultural export flows. The results demonstrate that, as expected, Turkish agricultural exports are positively influenced by economic size and negatively affected by geographical distance. The results also indicate that Turkish agricultural exports to the Euro-Mediterranean countries are positively associated with being a member of a free trade agreement, although this is statistically insignificant. The main inference of the findings is that they do not support the notion that free trade agreements between Turkey and the Euro- Mediterranean countries boost the agricultural exports of Turkey. Comparing the results between the standard panel data estimator and panel cointegration estimators show that there is little difference between them.
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Dulude, François. "Le libre-échange Canada-Etats-Unis : l'importance du contexte international et la complexité du support social." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23211.
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Many analyses from the New Political Economy (NPE) perceive the Free Trade Agreement (FTA), either from the narrow angle of Canada-United States relationship, or as the result of pressures from dominant monolithic social forces. The present thesis offers a different angle of analysis by demonstrating the importance of the international context in shaping changes in domestic politics such as those relating to the FTA. The thesis also puts emphasis on the complexity of social support and political bargaining that resulted in the adoption of the FTA.Building of Peter Gourevitch's framework, which evaluates the impact of international crises on domestic politics, the thesis focuses on five possible factors that could explain the free trade outcome. Firstly, constraints and opportunities arising from the international system are assessed to evaluate if the government might have adopted the FTA to protect the "raison d'Etat": it rather appears that it is through the mediation of social actors that the post 1970 international crisis was felt. Secondly, a sectorial analysis finds that two coalitions, each one with two sets of preferences, were opposed on the FTA issue. Thirdly, the role of intermediate associations (business groups, unions and farmers associations) is assessed to see if their impact went beyond the sectorial interest they defended. Fourthly, the influence of economic ideologies is analyzed. Fifthly, the state structure is taken into account to show essentially that the Mulroney government had a double and complementary agenda with the FTA and the Meech Lake negotiations, both of which had a degree of independence from domestic economic and social pressures. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Cross, Peter John. "Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978.
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On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
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Bruneau, Joel Francis. "Essays in environmental regulation and international trade." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0019/NQ56512.pdf.
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Nguyen, Minh Ha. "Endogenous growth, international trade and the environment." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/37948.
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We develop a dynamic model that explicitly considers the trans-boundary pollution problem between two asymmetric countries. We found that the countries will enjoy higher long run growth rates and a higher environmental quality when they coordinate their environmental policies. Furthermore, the two countries suffer more heavily not cooperating with each other when their attitudes towards a cleaner environment differ greatly. The implication is that despite the inherent differences in their development level and in their environmental attitudes, developed and developing countries are strongly encouraged to cooperate environmentally. In the second part of the thesis, we turn the focus to the role of international trade in relation to economic growth and the environment. We found that the long run growth rates of the countries are lower when they engage in international trade, no matter whether the environmental externality is internalised or not. The impact of trade on welfare however is ambiguous.Thesis (M.Ec.)--School of Economics, 2004.
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Londoño, María del Pilar. "Institutional arrangements that affect free trade agreements : economic rationality versus interest groups /." Rotterdam : Rotterdam : Erasmus Research Institute of Management (ERIM), Erasmus University Rotterdam ; Erasmus University Rotterdam [Host], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1765/7578.
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Ismail, Normaz Wana. "Issues in regional economic integration : evidence from ASEAN free trade area (AFTA)." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.440948.
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Casanova-Jimenez, Richard P. "Trade and investment disputes : whose business is it anyway ?" Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78207.
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This thesis is a discussion on whether every sector of human activity really is or needs to be 'global'. It discusses the impact that economic globalization has on the role of the nation-state and on the concept of democracy, at both local and international levels. Particular emphasis is put on some of the democratic challenges associated with dispute settlement at the WTO and also under foreign investment international instruments. It is argued that increased participation by non-state actors, particularly NGOs, in state-to-state and in investor-state arbitration threatens to weaken the arbitration process and does little to remedy alleged democratic deficiencies. The author concludes that many democratic concerns regarding these types of dispute settlement processes may be better addressed by strengthening national democracies. Increased public information, consultation, and participation in the shaping of foreign policy could reduce much of the criticism concerning both, international dispute settlement and decision-making.
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Chong, Wing-yi Elena, and 莊詠怡. "The impact of China's accession to the World Trade Organization on itstextile trade." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953426.
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Man, Yuk-lan Catherine. "Cyanide waste management : technologies, economic aspects, and constraints /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17665346.
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Duong, Xuan Vinh. "ASEAN - China Free Trade Area : A quantitative study of Trade diversion and Trade creation effects on ASEAN - China trade flows." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Economics, Finance and Statistics, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15348.
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The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have a long history of trading with each other. They are economic partners as well as competitors for many years. In order to push their economic relationship to a higher level, in November 2002, ASEAN and China signed the initial framework agreement, determined on establishing the ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) among the eleven countries by 2010 for the ASEAN-6 (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) and by 2015 for the transitional economies of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (the CLMV). There are fears that China’s rapid development recently will encourage ASEAN’s exports to flow into its giant domestic market instead of among the members countries. Also the benefits of the Free Trade Agreement are still unclear. The Thesis uses three gravity models and the panel data of 11 countries from 1992 to 2009 to test two hypotheses: trade diversion (that expanded trade with China will reduce intra-trade within ASEAN) and trade creation (that ACFTA will boost up bilateral trade between ASEAN and China).
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Pigman, Geoffrey Allen. "Hegemony and free trade policy : Britain 1846-1944 and U.S.A. 1944-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335695.
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Nayeyo, Anita Huba. "Economic welfare analysis of coarse grain trade under a trade liberalization policy within the Economic Community of West African States." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23416.
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This study analyzed the economic welfare implications of the 1990 intraregional trade liberalization scheme within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on member country producers and consumers. Four countries were chosen as a point of focus: Burkina Faso, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Mali, and two commodities: millet and sorghum. The supply and demand functions were estimated using time series data from 1970 to 1990 obtained at the level of administrative regions within each of the four countries. Optimal production, consumption, trade quantities and trade flows were determined using the REACTT model, a spatial price equilibrium solution algorithm. Two trade scenarios were simulated. The first examined trade flows under the 1990 tariff structures and the second examined trade flows under the proposed zero tariff rates.The REACTT model results showed that removal of the tariffs would increase the crossborder trade flows between the four countries by about 12% for millet and 38% for sorghum. The welfare calculations showed that in the case of millet, all four countries would have net positive gains to the tune of $4.6 million in total. For sorghum, Burkina Faso, Ghana and Mali would have net positive gains, C ote d'Ivoire would have a net welfare loss, and the net impact on all four countries would be a positive gain of about $9.3 million. The results of the REACTT model and the welfare calculations suggest that intra-ECOWAS trade liberalization would increase total trade flows and total economic well being of the member countries.
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Bramley, P. N. "US trade policy in the post-Cold War era : the North American Free Trade Agreement - complexities and change." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311122.
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Yeukai, Chandaengerwa. "Trade promotion vs the environment: Inevitable conflict." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study unveiled the trade-environment debate which has been revolving in the World Trade Organization for quite a long time now. While economic integration and trade liberalization offer the promise of growth and prosperity, environmentalists fear that free trade will lead to increased pollution and resource depletion. On the other hand, free traders worry that over-reaching environmental policies will obstruct efforts to open markets and integrate economies around the world. Trade liberalization has the potential to affect the environment both positively and negatively. Trade and environment tensions have therefore emerged as a major issue in the debate over globalisation. This paper examined the contours of these tensions and argued that trade policy and environmental programs can be better integrated and made more mutually supportive.
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Zechner, Carmen. "Expanding NAFTA : economic effects on Chile of free trade with the United States /." Münster : Lit, 2002. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00050105.pdf.
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文玉蘭 and Yuk-lan Catherine Man. "Cyanide waste management: technologies, economic aspects, and constraints." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31253507.
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Xiao, Zhiyue. "Legal aspects of trade and economic relations between the EEC and China." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1989. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/legal-aspects-of-trade-and-economic-relations-between-the-eec-and-china(f246926a-e465-41c0-b7ac-4ea3d645019b).html.
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This thesis first examines the overall development of the EEC-China trade and economic relations. It then analyses the changing Chinese economy, the non-market economy theory, its application and implication in EEC-China bilateral trade relations. It is suggested that China is no longer a traditional NME after ten years of reform; its economy is in a transitional stage changing from an NME towards a mixed economy. The thesis then reviews the 1978 EEC-China trade agreement. It is found that this agreement provides a highly restrictive MFN treatment between the parties, because China is not a member of the GATT, and is classified as an NME. The thesis analyses the legal framework and problems under the 1978 agreement, and its nature and possible legal effect both in the Community legal system and in the Chinese legal system. It then goes on to look at the Community internal regulations which govern imports from China. The thesis also reviews the 1985 economic cooperation agreement between the EEC and China. It analyses the background and development of the agreement; the areas for cooperation and the investment clause. The cooperation agreement, it is submitted, is more an expression of political goodwill rather than a comprehensive economic cooperation framework such as the home convention. A particular area, namely, antidumping, is separately discussed. This is not only because China is one of the principal targets of the EEC antidumping proceedings, but also the EEC employs a special set of rules against imports from China, as well as other NIlE countries. Trade in textiles is also special interested. It consists of major European imports from China, and as such has a special legal regime. The analysis suggests that trade in textiles between the EEC and China has become more restrictive since 1979. Finally, both the impacts of a single market in 1992 and China's efforts to rejoin the GATF are discussed. It is suggested that the EC should continue to be committed to free trade in theory and more importantly in practice, and to remove existing restrictions on imports from China; whereas China should continue its economic reform and gradually open up its own market to the EC.
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Maniatis, Spyros M. "The communicative aspects of trade marks : a legal, functional and economic analysis." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1998. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1659.
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The Ph.D. thesis looks extensively at the history and functions of trade marks and attempts to outline a theory for trade mark protection established on their communicative aspects. The second chapter is a historical note which looks at trade marks as traces of history and sets the grounds for a functional analysis. The third chapter deals with the proprietary aspects of trade marks, seeking to establish a theoretical deontological argument for their legal protection. The functional analysis of trade marks concentrates on their contemporary role as a fiat of information between marketers, consumers and competitors. The economic analysis is developed around the dualistic nature of trade marks, being on the one hand an essential prerequisite for competition and on the other a potentially perpetual monopoly. The balance between the two as depicted by their legal protection is being continuously re-established. The main object of this thesis is to show that it is the nature of trade marks as a multidirectional system of exchange of information that must form the basis for their protection.
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Khoshchehreh, Mohammad. "The role of free zones in the regional and national development of Iran." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1996. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21373.
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In recent years the number of Free Trade Zones (FTZs) or Export Processing Zones (EPZs) has rapidly grown. Close to fifty countries have now established EPZs to stimulate and diversify their industrial growth. The efectiveness and performance of EPZs is an important topic of interest and concern for political decision-makers and donor agencies. The thesis lays out a theoretical and empirical framework for evaluating such zones, incorporating investigation of the Qesh Free Area(QFA), in the Persian Gulf, whose activities, employment and trading relations were studied to make a full evaluation of its performance. Through interviews with Iranian political and economic leaders and careful interpretation and analysis of pertinent documents, significant achievements and trends in Iran are reviewed. It is concluded that political, economic and social conditions are of greater relevance in attracting investors than the content of specific package of incentives offered to foreign industries and investors.
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Liebman, Benjamin H. "Three empirical studies on the political economy of U.S. trade protection /." view abstract or download file of text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3095259.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-106). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Lopes, Cristovao Antonio Francisco. "The SADC free trade protocol as a vehicle for the Angolan post-war economic recovery." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53170.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Free trade is said to maximize welfare in a world organized by nation-states. To participate in the global economy more effectively most nation-states have implemented economic policies with the objective of freeing international trade. This movement has been facilitated by the process of globalization which has had unparalleled effects on the economic policies of countries worldwide. However, countries-have found it increasingly difficult to manage their economies at the multilateral level since the benefits of global free trade are not equally shared. This has led to an increase in Regional Integration Agreements (RIAs), which are seen as a tool for strategic growth and development while promoting free trade on a more restricted basis. In the last decades of the 20th century, the world has seen an increase in the number of RIAs particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa, However, empirical evidence has shown, contrary to what happened in Europe, that in Africa most attempts at economic integration have failed to promote meaningful economic growth and development. Notwithstanding that, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) has embraced economic integration as a strategy for growth in the region. Focusing on SADC and the Angolan economy as the main units of analysis, this study looks at the theory of economic integration to evaluate its validity for the African context and to find out how useful integration is in promoting economic growth and development in less developed countries. The study concludes that economic integration theory, which was developed within the context of European economies, is not relevant for African economies, which are different in character. Evidence indicates for instance, that in Africa the most important gains from economic integration are dynamic and not static, as the theory seems to suggest. Additionally, contrary to what happened in former attempts at forming RlAs in Africa, SADC has implemented a development integration approach aiming at industrialization. This is important, because according to the "Krugman-Venables model of regional relocation" the least developed countries can benefit from trade and investment from the most developed ones. The SADe Free Trade Protocol may be harmful for the Angolan economy in the short to medium term because of structural problems. However, it was found that if properly implemented it could playa major role in promoting growth and development in the longer term.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vrye handel, so word beweer, vermeerder welvaart in 'n wêreld wat deur nasie-state georganiseer word. Die ekonomiese beleid van nasie-state is daarop gemik om internasionale handel te dereguleer, ten einde hulle in staat te stelom meer effektief binne die globale ekonomie deel te neem. Hierdie proses is gefasiliteer deur die verskynsel van globalisering wat ongeëwenaarde gevolge vir alle state in die wêreld meegebring het. Nietemin, vind state dit in toenemende mate moeilik om hierdie proses op multilaterale vlak te bestuur, aangesien die voordele van internasionale handel nie in gelyke mate gedeel word nie. Dit het gely tot 'n toename in Streeksintegrasie-Ooreenkornste (SIO's ). Hierdie ooreenkomste word beskou as 'n ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling-strategie, terwyl internasionale handelop 'n meer beperkte grondslag bevorder word. Tydens die laatse dekades van die twintigste eeu, het die aantal SIO's (veral in Sub-Sahara Afrika) toegeneem. In teenstelling met die ervaring van die Europese Unie, dui die feite aan dat pogings tot ekonomiese integrasie in Afrika nie daarin geslaag het om betekenisvolle ontwikkeling en ekonomiese groei te bevorder nie. Nietemin, het die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) handels-integrasie aanvaar as 'n strategie vir ekonomiese groei in die streek (met as instrument die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol). Met fokus op die SAOG en Angola as eenhede van analise, evalueer die studie die liberale teorie van ekonomiese integrasie, ten einde uitspraak te lewer oor die geldigheid daarvan binne die konteks van Afrika, Tweedens, word daar ook aandag geskenk aan die vraag of ekonomiese integrasie 'n optimale strategie is vir die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling in minder-ontwikkelde lande. Die gevolgtrekking wat gemaak word is dat ekonomiese integrasie (soos ontwikkel binne die Wes-Europese konteks) nie relevant is vir die eiesoortige omstandighede van Afrikastate nie. Daar is, onder andere, bevind dat die belangrikste voordele van integrasie in Afrika dinamies is, en nie staties nie (soos die teorie van ekonomiese integrasie dit in die vooruitsig stel). Daarby, en teenstrydig met vorige pogings tot die vorming van SIO's in Afrika, het die SAOG 'n ontwikkelings integrasie benadering aanvaar. Hierdie benadering is gemik op eweredige industrialisering in die streek. Dit is 'n belangrike punt, want volgens die "Krugman-Venables model van streekshervestiging" kan die minder ontwikkelde state voordeel trek van handel met, en beleggings uit die meer ontwikkelde state in die streek. Laatstens, is daar bevind dat die SAOG Vryehandel-protokol in die kort tot medium termyn nadelige gevolge vir Angola sal meebring. Dit is as gevolg van strukturele probleme in die Angolese ekonomie. Nietemin, indien behoorlik geïmplementeer, kan dit 'n betekenisvolle rol speel in die bevordering van ekonomiese groei en ontwikkeling oor die lang termyn.
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Odendaal, Daniel Jacobus. "AGOA III and the proposed Free Trade Agreement between SACU and the USA : implications of a Free Trade Agreement with an industrialised country for SACU." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21982.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2007.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The SACU bloc, which accounts for one-half of the subcontinent's GDP, is the largest market for the US exports in SSA (Langton, January 2005). Wide differences exist among the economies of SACU - while SA has developed a significant manufacturing and industrial capacity, the other countries remain dependent on agriculture and mineral extraction. The grouping is dominated by SA, which accounts for 87% of the population, and 93% of the GDP of the customs area. SACU member states had a combined real GDP of $201bn in 2003. Services made up 65% of SA Trade in 2003 and had become a major player. In 2003, SACU was the 32nd largest trading partner of the US with two-way trade equivalent \ $7.3bn. Merchandise imports from SACU totaled $5.6bn in 2003, a 17.3% increase from 2002 and a 126% increase from 1996. They were composed of minerals such as platinum, diamonds, and titanium, textiles and apparel, vehicles, and automotive parts. Major US exports to the region include aircraft, vehicles, computers, and construction and agricultural equipment. Services trade between the US and SA has increased dramatically for both countries, with US exports increasing 154% and service imports from SA increasing by 383% respectively since 1992. The stock of US FDI in SA totaled $3.9bn in 2003 and was centered around manufacturing chemicals and services. The main economic objective of FTAs is to reduce trade barriers between member countries and liberalize trade and investment rules (Kanoute, November 2005). This improves market access which is the key to foreign export earnings and investment. But market access is a door that swings both ways, opening local markets to a flood of imports. This can undermine domestic production and employment, and thus exacerbate poverty. Some US civil society organizations have expressed concern that a SACU FTA could have negative consequences for poor Southern Africans, citing potential adjustment costs for import-competing farmers, poor enforcement of labour rights, privatization of utilities, and increased restrictions on importing generic drugs to treat HIV/AIDS (Langton, January 2005). The proposed FTA is ambitious, especially given the tight deadline and the broad range of topics on the negotiating table (Zunckel, Tralac). These include not only tariffs on goods, as is traditional in trade talks, but the wider global economic panoply of agriculture, rules of origin intellectual property, trade in services, investment, government procurement, trade remedies, labour, environmental standards and trade dispute settlement. The US gains reciprocity by gaining improved access to the SACU market than it currently enjoys under AGOA. The IP and "TRIPS plus" provisions are of particular concern to consumers (www.tralac.org.) Ongoing developments at the multilateral level bode against the advisability of entering into binding bilateral agreements with less favourable provisions on essential medicines. Foreign investment could lead to greater industrialization within SACU and competition within local industry, boosting efficiency. But safeguards and industrial policy must be utilized effectively to protect the region's developmental goals. Reliance on domestic courts as the forum of first instance (and state-to-state dispute settlements should those fail) is preferable, as it allows greater possibilities of defending the public interest of SACU citizens over investors' interests (Langton, January 2005). Reaching consensus on negotiating strategy in SACU is no easy feat. Formal negotiations began in June 2003, but talks have made little progress over the past years. The interests of the five different countries, at differing stages of development, have to be reconciled (Draper. 2004). No doubt SA, with its diverse array of interests relative to its BLNS partners in the customs union, will drive this. SACU negotiators, in common with those in many developing countries, have great difficulty in understanding, let alone mobilizing, their services sectors. Hence they have adopted a defensive posture, favouring liberalization only in those (few) sub-sectors that are well understood. SACU has formally accepted an offer made by the US to progress a so-called trade and investment cooperation agreement (TICA). Prior negotiation will be needed among SACU countries, who clearly have an interest in coordinating its negotiation with other US bilateral negotiating partners (Whalley & Leith, December 2003).
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Magneli, Maria de Lurdes Fatima. "Trade liberalization and poverty alleviation in developing countries." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.
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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.
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Ahlen, Lindsey. "The economic impact of free trade agreements with Asia on the US pork industry." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/20601.
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Master of AgribusinessDepartment of Agricultural Economics
Allen Featherstone
For the past 25 years, Free Trade Agreements (FTA) in Asia have been increasing. This allows for a potential expansion of exports into Asia for a variety of goods. However usually these agreements have not covered agricultural products. The most recent multilateral agreement currently includes agricultural products and agricultural trade. U.S. pork exports have been on the rise with Asian countries. Trade openness with Asian countries allows U.S. pork companies to gain a market in the region. This thesis estimates the economic impact that FTA’s and multilateral agreements have on pork exports, through the level of open markets measured by Freedom House. Using regression analysis, this research examines the determinants to U.S. pork exports, where trade openness is a major independent variable. Pork is a popular meat preference in East Asia. A regression analysis was estimated to determine the shift along the demand curve of U.S. pork exports to three East Asian countries, China, Japan, and South Korea. Overall all three countries showed their trade openness being weakly associated with the U.S. pork export demand to that particular country during the years of 1995–2013.
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Mohammed, Yasmin. "The Free Trade Agreement between Mercosur and the European Union: a long journey of negotiations." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196034.
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Yu, Zhihao. "Three essays on international trade, political economy and environmental policy." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape7/PQDD_0005/NQ39009.pdf.
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Van, Wyk Albertus Maritz. "The proposed SACU-US free trade agreement : impact on AGOA benefits." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/21977.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) was signed into law in May 2000 by President Clinton to allow sub-Saharan countries to export designated products duty-free into the US. AGOA is a temporary measure that is non-reciprocal and not negotiated by the participating parties. The initiative was launched to liberalise the markets of developing countries on the road to become integrated in the global economy. The initial success of AGOA was limited, with only a few countries making use of AGOA to increase their exports into the US markets. Problems encountered were high levels of protectionism from the US and the existence of technical trade barriers (including sanitary measures in agriculture) and nontariff barriers (including quotas). African countries are using shipment as the main transport for exports, and the US barred transshipment due to corruption that occurred in the past. The AGOA also made provision for 'special provisions' measures to enable AGOA eligible countries to export apparel and textile to the US. The export of apparel was very successful until the Multifibre Agreement expired in 2005, leading to relocation of apparel factories to lower cost bases. The real beneficiaries from AGOA are oil-exporting countries that make up more than 90% of total AGOA benefits. South Africa is the only country who succeeded in diversified AGOA exports. AGOA has been supplemented by AGOA II (extending the product range) and AGOA III (extending the expiry date to 2015). After the EU-SA Free Trade Agreement has been concluded in 1999, the US started with FTA negotiations with the South African Customs Union (SACU) to improve the exposure of US products to the SACU market and to decrease the trade deficit. However, the agenda of the FTA negotiations included second generation issues of intellectual property rights, trade in services, investment and government procurement. The SACU negotiators learnt some lessons from the EU-SA FTA and progress was slow. The extension of AGOA to 2015 saw a decrease in the urgency of striking a SACU-US FTA. Negotiations slowed down and the decision was made in April 2006 to conduct talks on a lower level. This breathing time can be used by the SACU negotiators to develop an aggressive offensive strategy for future negotiations, and to build competency against the efficient and offensive US negotiators. The US-SACU FTA must still be pursued to ensure that the benefits of AGOA are locked in. It will be beneficial for SACU if the different needs for all the SACU countries are addressed and the negotiations are done in incremental steps .
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Silva, Rodrigo. "Free trade area of the Americas : the viability of a regional legal order." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33366.
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The creation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) by the year 2005 has been a serious undertaking in the hemisphere since the first Summit of the Americas held in Miami in December of 1994. This entails the creation of a free trade agreement that would include virtually all the nations of the Western Hemisphere. However, this is not the first attempt at the creation of trade agreements within the region. From early efforts such as the Latin American Free Trade Agreement to current ones such as the North American Free Trade Agreement and the MERCOSUR, there has been a push for the past 40 years at the use of free trade as a tool for economic development. Nevertheless, traditionally there has been a lack of legal and institutional analysis in the formation of these trading blocs. The same thing appears to be happening in the formation of the FTAA. This thesis analyzes and compares the differing trading blocs in the Western Hemisphere in terms of institutions and capacity to create regional norms and proposes the institutional framework needed for successful regional integration for the FTAA. It then looks at legal obstacles within the Constitutions of select States to the formation of this framework and problems that may arise in jurisdictional uncertainties between the plethora of trading blocs.
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Han, Kyoung Ho. "FDI and economic growth the role of stock market liberalization and trade liberalization /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6052.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on June 22, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Ismailov, Mirvali. "Financial and economic impacts of trade openness in Central Asia." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-3/rp/ismailovm/mirvaliismailov.pdf.
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Sauré, Philip. "Some popular arguments against free trade and their limitations." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7337.
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La tesis tiene dos partes. La primera parte desarrolla un modelo para evaluar los efectos del comercio internacional al crecimiento de economías en transito. Identifica desventaja del argumento "Infant Industry" que ha sido inadvertido previamente: proteccionismo puede reducir el crecimiento al largo plazo sí reduce la demanda local de bienes con altas potenciales de crecimiento en la productividad. Además, analiza los efectos de competencia internacional entre las economías en transito. Puede mostrar que ellos están empujados arriba la escala de cualidad de productos disfrutando crecimiento.La segunda parte analiza subsidios en acuerdos comerciales. El óptimo de los sostenibles acuerdos incluye subsidios de sectores ineficientes. Cuando al ventaja comparativa crece, industrias diminuyendo están protegidos. Presupuestos claves para esos resultados son esencialidad de los bienes importados y flexibilidad de la estructura industrial. Es mostrado que bajo una estructura industrial más rígida, subsidios los sectores de competencia de importes desestabiliza loa acuerdos comerciales.
The thesis has two parts. The first develops a model to assess the effects of trade integration on the income growth in developing countries. The model identifies a drawback of the infant industry argument, previously unnoticed: protectionism can decrease long-run growth by reducing local demand for goods with high potentials of productivity growth. Second, it addresses the effects of competition among developing countries. It is shown that developing economies can be pushed up the production ladder and enjoy increased long-run growth.
The second part analyzes subsidies in trade agreements. Optimal self-enforcing trade agreement includes subsidies to inefficient sectors. When comparative advantage deepens, declining industries are optimally subsidized. Key assumptions driving these results are essentiality of imported goods and a high flexibility of the countries' industrial structure. It is finally shown that that under rigid industrial structure subsidizing import competing sectors actually destabilizes trade agreements.
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Pekurinen, Markku Johannes. "Economic aspects of smoking : is there a case for government intervention in Finland?" Thesis, University of York, 1991. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4255/.
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