Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Economic mobilization'

The purpose of this study is to investigate long-term trends in the union membership of South Africa and Germany, and to highlight trends in unionisation in both of these countries over a period of time. The long-term aspect of this study differentiates it from more detailed specific studies concerned with the individual fortunes of confederations or unions. The changing fortunes of trade unions have been associated with changes in work organisation, the influence of institutional pressures, or long term changes in the economic cycle. All these factors may, of course, shape and be shaped by each other. From a comparative perspective this dissertation determines whether the fortunes of unions are ultimately a product of the long waves of an economic cycle, or if other factors, such as variations in union/state relations, changes in the forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market, impact upon union membership and mobilisation. It is hoped that the comparison of a transitional and an advanced economy may shed new light on the causes of union growth and decline, and the impact of specific social, legal and cultural variables thereon. The theoretical frame of reference for this study emerged from literature pertaining to union growth and decline. This literature discusses the historical, economic and sectoral challenges that confront the identity of unions and their ability to mobilise membership within contemporary labour markets. The entire study relies heavily on primary data collected from a wide range of sources in both countries. This method facilitates the comparison and cross-checking of information, which ensures a full and balanced study. A synthesis of the facts obtained led to certain suggestions relating to the areas in which both South African and German labour organisations could adapt their agenda and interests to the changing nature of the employment market in order to avert membership decline. The methodology of this research draws from Skopol’s work which argues that social studies ought to be grounded in historical experience in order to make sense out of specific social events that occur today. The research design utilises an initial comparative historical-political analysis of the emergence of unionism in South Africa and Germany, so as to establish those factors which have, in the past, affected union growth and decline in both countries. Thereafter, the impact of contemporary economic and sectoral trends that reoccur in the South African and German labour markets are examined and compared, in order to establish their influence on the growth or decline of union membership in both countries in the future. This study consists of four sections. The first section comprises a historical dimension that uses Valenzuela’s work relating to the political nature of labour movements to establish those factors which, in the past, have affected union growth and decline. This is done to determine whether the type of insertion of labour movements into historical national political processes, and the links formed between trade unions and political parties influences membership growth or decline. The following three sections deal with the present challenges that may affect the unions in the future. Section Two deals with factors of economic recession (namely, poverty and unemployment) which confront trade unions in the 1990s. Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation is applied to determine if recessive socio-economic factors can account for the strength of decline of unions, as opposed to union mobilisation being purely linked to transitions between long waves of the economy as Kelly suggests. The relevance of these theories to the rise and decline of unionism in South Africa and Germany is compared and contrasted. The third section determines whether changes to more flexible forms of work organisation and shifts in the employment market can account for the contrasting strength of the South African labour movement and the decline of the German labour movement today. The way in which these issues impact negatively upon union strength in South Africa and Germany in the 1990s is compared and contrasted, again using Hyman’s Theory of Disaggregation. The final section establishes whether or not the roles adopted by the South African and German labour movements during their confrontation with labour repressive regimes impacts upon their ability to attract union membership today, despite the constraints imposed upon unions by prevailing economic and structural uncertainties. Therefore the historicity of the South African and German labour movements, (based upon the findings of the first part of this study), is referred back to. At the same time, the reactions of the South African and German labour movements to prevailing economic and structural realities, (as examined in the second part of this research) are re-examined. Three conclusions are reached. Firstly, regardless of their strengths or weaknesses, all labour organisations are capable of adjusting to the adverse changes taking place in contemporary employment markets if they prove willing to advance and defend the interests of all who work, including those in the informal sector. If unions continue to neglect the informal labour market, they run the risk of being transposed by social movements that are antagonistic to trade unions or new expressions of the workforce’s latent collectivism. Secondly, in successfully playing a social movement role that led to the downfall of Apartheid in 1994, the South African labour movement has evolved as an energetic body with a dimension of recumbent militancy that attempts to adapt its identity to the changing nature of the employment market. This enables the South African labour movement to continue to attract membership despite the prevailing economic uncertainties. In contrast, forced co-operation and consensus within the German industrial relations arena since World War Two has resulted in a less dynamic union movement that lacks initiative in adapting to the changing nature of the employment market. The result is a decline in unionism. Finally, the fortunes of unions are not, as Kelly suggests, purely a product of economic cycles. Political climates can also influence mobilisation, as has occurred in both South Africa and Germany. This implies that mobilisation is not only activated by the economic dissatisfaction of a union movement.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity.

Analyser les processus par lesquels les militants roumains s’engagent dans des luttes pour la justice sociale et économique à la lumière des facteurs individuels, internationaux et contextuels a été l’objectif central de notre recherche. Notre travail part d’un triple postulat théorique. D’une part, par l’étude de cas des trajectoires des militants altermondialistes et de gauche de la Roumanie postcommuniste, la présente thèse visera à offrir une analyse approfondie de la politisation des militants de l’Europe centrale et orientale, tout en se proposant de dépasser les postulats sur l’absence/la faiblesse des mouvements sociaux en Europe centrale et orientale, longuement présentés dans la littérature. Par l’approche généalogique et par le cadre théorique pluraliste choisi, qui combine le néo-institutionnalisme historique, la sociologie de l’engagement et la sociologie des mouvements sociaux, l’objectif est de changer l’accent d’une perspective déterministe sur la mobilisation des acteurs avec l’une processuelle. Deuxièmement, si les transformations postcommunistes ont été prioritairement présentées du point de vue des élites politiques, notre recherche se centre sur des acteurs qui sont en marge de la politique roumaine et sur des engagements « à gauche » dans un contexte qui n’est pas favorable à ces « challengers ». Enfin, la thèse aborde l’impact de la crise économique de 2008 sur la mobilisation politique des acteurs en Roumanie et les opportunités ouvertes par la crise pour l’émergence d’une critique des effets sociaux de la transition et du néolibéralisme.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Reissued 30 May 2017 with correction to degree on title page.
The thesis argues that the Maoist-led government in post-insurgency Nepal has failed to deliver on the promises of reform that brought it to power. The long-enduring social and economic grievances based on the Nepali Hindu social structure persist. Starting in 1996, the Maoists successfully capitalized on such grievances, and with the promise of radical reforms, led a decade-long successful insurgency. A political negotiation incorporating major Maoist demands ended the insurgency in 2006. The electoral victory right after the end of the insurgency provided the Maoists with the mandate and opportunity to reform traditional socio-economic and political structure. Unfortunately, the post-2006 period is seeing an emergence of political instability akin to the post-1991 era. This thesis examines the state of reforms in post-insurgency Nepal to identify the gaps between the promises made and the reforms implemented that are causing ongoing grievances. The thesis also highlights the importance of the coalition culture in producing political stability to eliminate persistent grievances and implement reforms for the future stability of Nepal.
Lieutenant Colonel, Nepalese Army

A return to the principles of globalism, strong anticommunism, and containment does not appear to be in the best interests of the United States at the present time. The priorities of this administration, a resolve to reassert American global leadership, protect interests worldwide, and contain the Soviet Union are predicated on principles of hegemony and preponderance that were short-lived and are now long gone. The United States is no longer the only viable political and economic leader as once was the case. Through the post-war reconstruction and revitalization engineered by the United States, Japan, West Germany, South Korea as well as many other nations have become economic rivals if not superiors (as is the case with Japan in many sectors). Yet, the defense policies of the Reagan administration take into account neither the diminished ability of the United States to enforce order in the world system, as evinced in an independent European Community and the existence of OPEC, nor the reluctance of the members of the system itself to continue as pawns in a"'grand strategy"' of a U.S.-dominated world order. The present decentralized structure of power and the beneficial relationships this structure now holds for previously subserviant nations who now need not rely on the United States as"'world benefactor"' are factors that mitigate the impact of U.S. leadership.
M.A.

Through a comparative case study of the European identity in Spain and Italy, the thesis aims to gain a better understanding of the formation of a European identity and the factors that explain variations in the degree of European identity between individual member states. As the degree of European identity differs between member states which in other respects are relatively similar, Spain and Italy are studied as two cases with different outcomes to investigate what might explain their different degrees of European identity. The empirical comparison is based on four hypotheses derived from previous research examining the relationships between the following independent variables and European identity; cognitive mobilization, Euroscepticism, political trust and economic benefits. The systematic comparison of explanatory factors between Spain and Italy finds that the existence of Euroscepticism, economic benefits and higher education leads to a higher degree of European identity. Explanatory factors from previous research are partly confirmed and partly non-confirmed and the thesis illustrates that established relationships that explain differences at the aggregated EU level do not explain differences between individual countries to the same extent. The study finds that differences at the Member State level partly explain variations in European identity, but concludes that further studies at the individual level are needed to understand the formation of the individual European identity.
Genom en jämförande fallstudie av den europeiska identiteten i Spanien och Italien ämnar uppsatsen få en bättre förståelse för formandet av en europeisk identitet och vilka faktorer som förklarar variationer i grad av europeisk identitet mellan enskilda medlemsländer.. Baserat på tidigare forsknings konstaterande om att det finns skillnader i europeisk identitet mellan relativt lika EU-medlemsländer, studeras Spanien och Italien som två fall med olika utfall för att undersöka vad som kan förklara skillnaden mellan dem. Den empiriska jämförelsen utgår ifrån fyra hypoteser härledda från tidigare forskning som undersöker sambandet mellan följande oberoende variabler och europeisk identitet; kognitiv mobilisering, euroskepticism, politisk tillit och ekonomiska fördelar. Resultaten från den systematiska jämförelsen av förklaringsfaktorer mellan Spanien och Italien finner stöd för att förekomsten av euroskepticism, ekonomiska fördelar samt högre utbildning leder till en högre grad av europeisk identitet. Uppsatsen delvis bekräftar och delvis bekräftar inte förklaringsfaktorer från tidigare forskning och illustrerar att etablerade samband som förklarar skillnader på den aggregerade EU-nivån inte i samma utsträckning förklarar skillnader mellan enskilda länder. Undersökningen konstaterar att skillnader på medlemsstatsnivå till viss del förklarar variationer i europeisk identitet, men att fortsatta studier på individnivå krävs för att förstå formandet av enskilda individers europeiska identitet.

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Esta pesquisa situa-se no campo dos estudos sobre movimentos ambientalistas de base, notadamente, quando inseridos no contexto da degradação ambiental relacionada à urbanização. Nela é constituída, como objeto específico, a análise da história de um movimento ambientalista presente na cidade de Campina Grande – PB, denominado Articulação Pela Revitalização do Riacho das Piabas (Arrpia). Precedendo a história do movimento em si, é iniciada uma abordagem de determinados conceitos e outros aspectos teóricos basilares para a pesquisa, historicamente contextualizados no intuito de enriquecer a concepção da análise concluinte. Essa aproximação tem como marco teórico a perspectiva da história ambiental e abrange, em um primeiro estágio, discussões sobre urbanização e degradação ambiental. Em um segundo momento, é abordada a questão do desenvolvimento histórico do pensamento ambientalista moderno, destacando-se a emergência dos movimentos sociais derivados desse contexto. A conclusão dessa abordagem conduz, por fim, à análise da história da Arrpia propriamente dita. Essa análise toca eventos que antecedem a consolidação formal do movimento, no entanto, é estabelecido foco no recorte cronológico entre os anos de 2011, quando a Arrpia foi criada, e 2017. Já o recorte espacial instituído se baseia na Comunidade Rosa Mística, onde o movimento surgiu e tem atuado. A história da Arrpia foi investigada através de pesquisas bibliográficas e de procedimentos derivados da pesquisa-ação, na qual há envolvimento cooperativo e participativo entre pesquisador e integrantes representativos do objeto de estudo. O empreendimento desse trabalho foi fundamentado a partir de três aspectos: a consideração de que a constituição de memórias e investigações referentes às relações entre humanidade e natureza são de importância significativa para as sociedades atuais; a percepção de que projetos de revitalização de corpos hídricos carecem de pesquisas com maior ênfase na integração da perspectiva social; e a constatação de lacuna científica no que concerne à caracterização de movimentos ambientalistas de base em Campina Grande. O objetivo dessa pesquisa é, através de uma abordagem sobre a urbanização, o ambientalismo e a trajetória da Arrpia, avaliar os desdobramentos de sua operação e, por fim, inferir como – ou se – sua atuação tem sido relevante.
This research belongs in the field of studies on grassroots environmental movements, especially when inserted in the context of environmental degradation related to urbanization. Its specific object is the the analysis of the history of an environmental movement present in the city of Campina Grande - PB, called Articulação Pela Revitalização do Riacho das Piabas (Arrpia). Preceding the history of the movement itself, an approach of certain concepts and other basic theoretical aspects for the research, historically contextualized in order to enrich the conception of the concluding analysis, is initiated. This approach has as its theoretical framework the perspective of environmental history and, in the first stage, discusses urbanization and environmental degradation. In a second moment, the issue of the historical development of modern environmentalist thinking is addressed, highlighting the emergence of social movements derived from this context. The conclusion of this approach leads, finally, to the analysis of the history of Arrpia itself. This analysis touches on events that precede the formal consolidation of the movement, however, a focus is laid on the chronological cut between the years of 2011, when Arrpia was created, and 2017. The spatial cut established is based on the Rosa Mística Community, where the movement has come and gone. The history of Arrpia was investigated through bibliographical research and procedures derived from action research, in which there is cooperative and participatory involvement between researcher and members representative of the object of study. The undertaking of this work was based on three aspects: the consideration that the constitution of memories and investigations concerning the relations between humanity and nature are of significant importance for the present societies; the perception that projects for the revitalization of water bodies require research with greater emphasis on the integration of social perspective; and the finding of a scientific gap regarding the characterization of grassroots environmental movements in Campina Grande. The objective of this research is, through an approach on urbanization, environmentalism and the trajectory of Arrpia, to evaluate the unfolding of its operation and, finally, to infer how - or if - its performance has been relevant.

Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.
This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1998.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 40-41).

This dissertation focuses on class in two senses of the term. First, it analyzes the conditions under which members of an economic class, a group defined by some common economic interest or position, may develop a collective identity, a consciousness of their common interests, and a capacity for collective action in furtherance of these interests. In particular, it is a case study of the U.S. capitalist class, especially the very largest non-financial companies (and their executives and directors), and its political mobilization in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This aspect of the dissertation focuses on the formation of the Business Roundtable, the decisions of the largest U.S. industrial companies to join the Roundtable and its predecessor organizations, and the Roundtable's approach to recruiting new members. Second, the dissertation concerns class as a particular kind of social process, the division of the social product between workers and employers. In particular, it analyzes trends in the labor and capital shares of U.S. national income during the postwar period and especially during the 1960s business-cycle expansion. It explores the role of fluctuations of unemployment in the changing balance of power between labor and capital and in turn on their income shares, and the role of these changes in galvanizing the U.S. capitalist elite into concerted political action.

This research deals with the discordance between the national state and the nation state in the formation of the Republic of Korea (ROK). Charles Tilly (1992) distinguishes between the concept of the national state and that of the nation state, even though many scholars use the nation state. According to Charles Tilly (1975;1985;1992), a national state is simply state that rules demarcated territories, has a differentiated administration, and centralized autonomous structures, while the nation state is a state that comprises one single nation, in other words, a nation is the basis of the nation state. Tilly defines the nation as one community in which people share a strong linguistic, ethnic, religious1and symbolic, historical identity. Based on this national state theory, national subject and identity of the new Korean nation are keys to understand this research. The ROK has been a very strong state in terms of despotic power, which means physical violent means of the state. The ROK has reemerged as a strong state after the Korean War. The regime based on this characteristic tries to mobilize people and their resources. People should answer the state’s call and participate in national development projects. But even the strongest regime cannot rely on its superiority or monopolized means of physical violence to mobilize people and their resources. Therefore, as in fascist states, the regime created a variety of Administered Mass Organization (AMOs). There are two big purposes in mobilizing people of the ROK: one is de-politicization; the other is enforced cooperation in the name of nationalism, which means “state-formed nationalism.” The Saemaul Undong (New Village Movement), the Hankooknochong (Federation of Korea Trade Unions), and the Hakdohokookdan (Student National Defense Corps) were the main AMOs under Park’s rule. De-politicization played a role in making Koreans participants in the AMOs by avoiding being labeled as Uhyong, meaning collaborator with the dictator. Under surf of various ideologies to encourage South Koreans’ participation in development projects or AMOs, South Koreans began to identify themselves with a new ideology as state citizens of the ROK. A new Korean nation emerged through the experiences that Koreans had participated in. This thesis investigates the process of the creation of the new Korean nation during the economic development period. The salvation of a struggle between the nation state vs the national state in Korea emerged as an economic development and the creation a new Korean nation within the boundary of demilitarized zone the ROK. National subject discourse becomes a key factor of the process of emergence of a new Korean nation.
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The diploma thesis deals with the state of readiness of the health service of the Slovak Republic for solving crisis features connected with mass infliction of the population. The crisis features are mostly connected with risk to peopleś health and lives therefore the health intervention, which increases the demands made on support of usual health care, seems to be necessary . The health service shall be ready to solve them as soon as possible with use of all necessary force and means. The thesis analyses the level of readiness of the health service for managing emergencies connected with risk to health and lives of a larger number of people. It expertises legal surroundings of health support of crisis management, it explains the basic terminology, evaluates the level of health provision of rescue works and views the impact of reorganisation of the health service on crisis health support. It complex analyses the influence of the whole real level of the health service of the Slovak Republic on solving crisis situations. The diploma thesis proposes pursuant to the performed analyses organizational measures for the better quality of the process of solving crisis features and for increasing its effectivity.

Strengthening civil society participation in development is a prerequisite to enhance access to opportunities and political influence by the poor. An active civil society can improve development accountability. In fact, Africa cannot improve its governance without investing in the role of civil society. This study examines the problem of resource mobilization for NECs in four Africa countries; assessing factors and strategies, which influence their ability to mobilize resources. Utilizing qualitative and quantitative methods, the study found that effective NECs exist in all four countries. The success of these NECs depended on “being strategic” about resource mobilization. The lack of resources mobilization strategies was a key factor in all four NECs. This often meant lack of proactiveness in resource mobilization. In its recommendations, the study presents a model aimed to encourage CSOs to organize and manage resource mobilization in ways that generate income for today, tomorrow and the future in order to sustain their watchdog role in educational development process.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Conventional interpretations of WWII hold that the war brought the United States out of the Great Depression and laid the path for future economic prosperity. However, this was not the case for all businesses and industries. During WWII, unprecedented production output was required of U.S. industries to supply the great “Arsenal of Democracy.” Industrial mobilization required the creation of new agencies and commissions to manage the nation’s resources. These organizations created policies that deeply impacted U.S. industries involved in war production. Policies governing such areas as the allocation of raw materials, transportation of finished goods, and distribution of war contracts created challenges for businesses that often resulted in lost productivity and in some cases, loss of profitability. Government regulation of the labor force and labor problems such as labor shortages, high absenteeism and turnover rates, and labor disputes presented further challenges for businesses navigating the wartime economy. Most studies of WWII industrial mobilization have focused on large corporations in high priority industries, such as the aircraft, petroleum, or steel industries, which achieved great success during the war. This thesis presents a case study of The Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana, a company that is representative of small and mid-sized companies that produced lower priority goods. The study demonstrates that the policies created by the military and civilian wartime agencies favored large corporations and had a negative affect on some businesses like Real Silk. As such,the economic boost associated with the war did not occur across the board.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
97
Military Mobilization is the act of assembling and making both troops and supplies ready for war. It’s an activation of military forces for imminent battle, and redirection of economic and social activities to support a military effort. The relationship between war and military mobilization is much closer in modern time, thus, in this thesis, it starts to consider how we link them together, to win the war and reduce civilian’s casualties. This research uses political and economical approach to analyze the military mobilization system’s development in ROC; moreover, it presents the cause and effect between result of wars and the effect of mobilization. The article consists of 7 chapters, which identified each period’s characteristics and mobilization strategies through the national security strategic situation and tactical guidance, furthermore, how these factors affected the mobilization system in ROC？And what is the key fator？ The result of analysis implies that domestic and international political and economical circumstances, the threat of war and enemy’s movement, international relations and environment, all directly affects national goal, national security and mobilization policy. From organizational aspect, mobilization organization should be treated as a dedicated organization; from operational aspect, mobilization should be commanded and coordinated by central institution, in order to curtail the time of mobilization.

En 2012, en pleine crise économique, le gouvernement autonome de la Catalogne convoque des élections anticipées et demande, pour la première fois depuis le retour de l’Espagne à la démocratie suivant la mort du dictateur Francisco Franco, une forte majorité afin de pouvoir mener la région vers la sécession. Plus ou moins en même temps, le groupe armé sécessionniste basque, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, annonce la fin de sa campagne meurtrière qu’elle mène depuis des décennies et qui fait plus de 800 victimes. Si l’on accusait depuis longtemps les Basques d’être plus séparatistes que les Catalans, ces nouveaux faits suggèrent un renversement des rôles de leurs mouvements sécessionnistes. En s’appuyant sur les littératures sur les mouvements sociaux et la sécession, l’objectif de cette étude est d’expliquer ce phénomène. Nous montrerons d’abord en quoi les structures économiques et institutionnelles encadrant les régions et leurs relations avec l’État central font en sorte que la crise économique espagnole (2008-2014) offre une structure d’opportunité politique pour la réussite du sécessionnisme catalan alors que cela n’a pas été le cas au Pays basque. Ensuite, nous démontrerons que le manque de synchronisme entre les processus basque et catalan de pacification des clivages de la violence politique joue un rôle déterminant sur la capacité de coopération entre nationalistes sur la question nationale durant la crise, ce qui affecte le potentiel de mobilisation sécessionniste. Enfin, nous verrons que grâce aux structures présentées tout au long de cet ouvrage, les cadres sécessionnistes mobilisés par les revendicateurs stratégiques et les fervents champions de la sécession sont plus crédibles et pertinents en Catalogne qu’au Pays basque, ce qui explique les niveaux opposés de résonance transversale du discours sécessionniste.
In 2012, in the midst of an economic crisis, the autonomous government of Catalonia called snap elections, seeking for the first time since Spain’s return to democracy following the death of the dictator Francisco Franco, a strong majority in order to lead the region towards secession. At roughly the same time, the Basque secessionist armed group, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, announced the end of its decades-long murderous campaign, which had claimed over 800 lives. If the Basques have long been accused of being more separatist than the Catalans, these new developments suggested a role reversal for both secessionist movements. By drawing from the literature on social movements and secession, the aim of this study is to explain this phenomenon. We will firstly show that the economic and institutional structures framing for the regions and their relations with the central state made it that the Spanish economic crisis (2008-2014) offered a political opportunity structure for the success of Catalan secessionism, whereas this was not the case in the Basque Country. Secondly, we will demonstrate that the lack of synchronicity between both regions’ processes of pacifying their political violence cleavages played a decisive role in determining the capacity for nationalists to cooperation on the national questions, thereby affecting the potential for secessionist mobilization. Finally, we will see that, due to the structures presented throughout this work, the secessionist frames used by the strategic claimants and the consistent champions of secession were more relevant and credible in Catalonia than in the Basque Country, which explains the opposite levels of transversal resonance of the secessionist discourse.
En 2012, en plena crisis económica, el gobierno autónomo de Cataluña convoca elecciones anticipadas y, por primera vez desde el restablecimiento de la democracia española tras la muerte del dictador Francisco Franco, exige una mayoría amplia para llevar a la región hacia la secesión. Más o menos al mismo tiempo, el grupo armado secesionista vasco, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, anuncia el fin de su campaña mortífera de décadas, que ha cobrado más de 800 víctimas. Si los vascos han sido acusados durante mucho tiempo de ser más separatistas que los catalanes, estos nuevos acontecimientos sugieren una inversión de roles de sus movimientos secesionistas. Apoyándonos en la literatura sobre los movimientos sociales y la secesión, el objetivo de este estudio es explicar este fenómeno. En primer lugar, mostraremos que las estructuras económicas e institucionales que enmarcan las regiones y sus relaciones con el Estado central aseguraron que la crisis económica española (2008-2014) proporcionara una estructura de oportunidad política para el éxito del secesionismo catalán, mientras que no fue el caso en el País Vasco. A continuación, demostraremos que la falta de sincronía entre los procesos vasco y catalán de pacificación de los clivajes de la violencia política juega un papel decisivo en determinar la capacidad de cooperación entre nacionalistas sobre la cuestión nacional durante la crisis, lo que afecta al potencial de movilización secesionista. Por último, veremos que, gracias a las estructuras presentadas a lo largo de esta encuesta, los marcos secesionistas movilizados por los reclamantes estratégicos y los fervientes defensores de la secesión han sido más creíbles y relevantes en Cataluña que en el País Vasco, lo que explica los niveles opuestos de resonancia transversal del discurso secesionista.
Al 2012, en plena crisi econòmica, el govern autònom de Catalunya convoca eleccions anticipades, demanant per primera vegada des del retorn d’Espanya a la democràcia després de la mort del dictador Francisco Franco, una majoria àmplia per dirigir la regió cap a la secessió. Més o menys alhora, el grup armat secessionista basc, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, anuncia la fi de la seva campanya mortífera de dècades, que va fer més de 800 víctimes. Si els bascos han estat acusats des de fa temps de ser més separatistes que els catalans, aquests esdeveniments suggereixen una reversió dels papers dels seus moviments secessionistes. Recolzant-nos en les literatures sobre els moviments socials i la secessió, l’objectiu d’aquest estudi és d’explicar aquest fenomen. Primer, mostrarem que les estructures econòmiques i institucionals que emmarquen les regions i les seves relacions amb l’Estat central van assegurar que la crisi econòmica espanyola (2008-2014) proporcionés una estructura d’oportunitat política per a l’èxit del secessionisme català, mentre que això no va ser el cas al País Basc. En segon lloc, demostrarem que la manca de sincronia entre els processos basc i català de pacificació dels clivatges de la violència política juga un paper decisiu en determinar la capacitat de col·laboració entre nacionalistes sobre la qüestió nacional durant la crisi, el que afecta el potencial de mobilització secessionista. Finalment, veurem que, gràcies a les estructures presentades al llarg d’aquest estudi, els marcs secessionistes mobilitzats pels reclamants estratègics i els fervents defensors de la secessió han estat més creïbles i rellevants a Catalunya que al País Basc, el que explica els nivells oposats de ressonància transversal del discurs secessionista.

Os vazios urbanos podem definir-se como espaços existentes dentro de uma cidade, mas que estão fora das suas dinâmicas, e que não têm qualquer tipo de construção, ocupação ou uso. Constituem não lugares no entendimento de Marc Augé. O seu aparecimento deve-se a múltiplas causas, muitas delas associadas às ineficiências do mercado imobiliário. No campo teórico, a Economia Circular, é um conceito alternativo à economia tradicional, como solução para os elevados níveis de extração de recursos naturais, de desperdício e de produção de resíduos. A Economia Circular propõe aumentar o ciclo de vida dos produtos, o que implica melhor gestão dos recursos e maior valorização dos produtos. Neste âmbito, a (re)utilização dos vazios urbanos surge como grande oportunidade no campo de ação do Ordenamento do Território para aplicação dos seus princípios. Além dos objetivos concretos ao nível sistémico, estar-se-á a caminhar para um território mais dinâmico, sustentável, coeso e compacto. Em concreto, e dentro dos princípios da Economia Circular, trata-se de analisar o potencial dos vazios urbanos como “stock” a ser mobilizado, oferecendo assim vários benefícios para o ambiente, dado os espaços já existirem, e não necessitarem da extração de recursos, nem de processo de reciclagem, tornando assim as cidades mais circulares devido à sua (re)utilização. A mobilização dos “vazios urbanos” pode trazer ainda um campo de oportunidades emergentes e contribuir para o fenómeno urbano tornando o espaço mais resiliente e competitivo (quando comparado com outros territórios). Como caso de estudo representativo do cenário português pós crise, analisam-se os aglomerados de Mafra e Malveira, onde foram identificados 73 vazios urbanos, sendo que as propostas apresentadas seguiram uma metodologia para definição de usos em áreas com características distintas. Estas podem demonstrar uma nova abordagem para “encarar” os processos de consolidação urbana (compacidade) ligando o Ordenamento do Território à Economia Circular, tornando o espaço urbano mais atrativo e circular.
Urban voids can be defined as existing spaces inside of a city, but that are outside of their dinamics, and they haven´t any kynd of construction, ocupation or use. They are non places in the understanding of Marc Augé. Their appearance owe´s to multiple causes, many of them associated to the ineffieciencies of the property market. In the theoretical field, the Circular Economy, it´s an alternative concept to the traditional economy, has a solution to the higher levels of extraction resources, waste and rubbish production. The Circular Economy propose to increase the cycle of life of the products, which implies better resource management and longer appreciation of the products. In this context, the reuse of urban voids appears as a big opportunity in the field of action of land use planning for the application of it´s principles. Beyond the concrete goals in systemic level, who understands as urban metabolism, it will be walking towards to a more dynamic, sustainable, cohesive and compact territory. In concrete, and within the principles of the Circular Economy, it´s about analyzing the potencial of urban voids as “stock” to be mobilized, thus offering several benefits to the environment, given the spaces that already exist, and do not require the extraction of resources or recyling process, Thus making the cities more circular due to their (re) use. The mobilization of urban voids can even bring a field of emerging opportunities and contributes to the urban phenomenon becoming the space more resiliente and competitive (when compared with other territories). As representative case of study of the portuguese scenario after de crisis, are analyzed the clusters of Mafra and Malveira, where were identified 73 urban voids, being that presented proposals follow a methodology to define usages for areas with different characteristics. That can demonstrate a new approach to “face” the consolidation connecting the territorial planning to the Circular Economy, and becomming the urban space more atractive and circular.

During August 2008 commissioners, senior tax administrators and policy makers from 28 African countries attended the International Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa. The objective of the conference had been to investigate how African countries can improve their resource mobilization, thereby decreasing Africa’s reliance on foreign aid, improving the fiscal independence of African countries and improving the living conditions of their citizens. It was identified during the conference that African countries can improve their resource mobilization through an improvement of their existing taxation structures. An improvement in existing taxation structures could in turn be achieved through improved sharing of information between African tax authorities on their tax structures currently in place, as well as the habits of their respective taxpayers. In order to facilitate the improved sharing of information, as well as to better equip African Tax Administrations for the task at hand, the African Tax Administration Forum (ATAF) was formed. The aim of this research is to determine whether any progress has been made regarding tax administration reform by African countries following the Conference on Taxation, State Building and Capacity Development in Africa, during the period 2008 to 2012. This has been determined by evaluating the structures of the ATAF and the activities implemented by the ATAF during the period 2008 to 2012 to meet its initial strategic objectives. Secondly, African countries that were previously members of SADC, and have since become members of the ATAF as well, were evaluated in order to determine whether the countries in question have implemented tax administration and governance reforms during the period 2008 to 2012, which have led to an improvement in the tax administration and governance structures of the countries in question. Furthermore, an evaluation was performed as to whether the improvements have led to an improvement in the fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions of the countries in question, during the period 2008 to 2012. The conclusion arrived at reveals that the ATAF has implemented several activities during the period 2008 to 2012, to meet its initial strategic objectives. Furthermore, all the analysed African countries have improved their tax administration structures during the period 2008 to 2012. Unfortunately, not all the countries analysed have been able to improve their governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012 as well. However, where a country has been able to improve both its tax administration and governance structures during the period 2008 to 2012, its fiscal independence and humanitarian conditions have also improved during the period 2008 to 2012.
MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014