Journal articles: 'Economic mobilization'

1

Weber, Klaus, and Roy R. Suddaby. "Imagined Futures and Economic Mobilization." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (August 2017): 16880. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.16880symposium.

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Horani, Mohammad. "Dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state In Jordan: An analytical social conflict approach." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol7iss1pp135-154.

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This study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state in Jordan from the sociological perspective of an analytical social conflict. It also concentrated on the factors that led to the emergence of popular mobilization and its Legitimacy and the variables that guided the peaceful confrontation between mobilization and state. The study results showed that economic deprivation was the main factor behid the emergence of the popular mobilization, and the political demands were emerged when the state didn’t achieve the economical Reforms , and the mobilization derives its legitimacy From its objective economical demands, the Arab revolutions and the concessions of the state which mean recognition of the Mobilization and its demands. Then the results showed that the mobilization was Fall back because of its lack of organization leadership and Ideology and the cleavages in the structure of national identity , but the conscious of the mobilization and its legitimacy may intense it again. Besides, The results indicated that the confrontation was included dialectical Relationship between the peaceful oriention of the state toward the mobilizations and the peaceful orientation of the mobilization from the other hand. This dialectical relationship constituted moral treaty between the two partisans stand out as safty valve against violence and polarization. After that, the study showed some Factors which, sometimes , provoked violence such as : the partisans, usage of violent power, and arrestation of mobilization’s activists . Then, the study showed that the confrontation was realistic , but didn’t occur substantial change in the social structure, However, it escalated the level of freedom, Raised the power of the street, and obtained the state and the society more flexibility and democracy. With regard to the theoretical approach, This study showed that the perspectives of analytical conflict are of complementarily nature, and it could be syenthesized to produce a new theoretical perspective.

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Bahry, Donna, and Christine Lipsmeyer. "Economic adversity and public mobilization in Russia." Electoral Studies 20, no. 3 (September 2001): 371–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00025-1.

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Roberts, Kenneth M. "The Mobilization of Opposition to Economic Liberalization." Annual Review of Political Science 11, no. 1 (June 2008): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.11.053006.183457.

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5

Grant, Jonathan. "American Economic Mobilization in World War II." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1489635.

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Zubkov, Serhii. "Conceptual model of organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the trade enterprise." INNOVATIVE ECONOMY, no. 3-4 (May 2020): 59–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37332/2309-1533.2020.3-4.8.

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Purpose. The aim of the article is to substantiate the constituent elements of the organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of the resource potential of the enterprise. Methodology of research. The following methods are used in the article, namely: monographic – to study the works and substantiate own interpretation of the concept of organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise; systematization and generalization – selection of components of the organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise; analysis and modelling – development of a model of organizational and economic mechanism for mobilizing the resource potential of the enterprise. Findings. The author's interpretation of the concept “organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise” is presented. The model of the organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise is developed and the constituent elements of the organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise are substantiated. It is proved that the construction of organizational and economic mechanism of mobilization of resource potential of the enterprise should combine a significant set of elements, the quality of formation and application of which depends on the effectiveness of measures to mobilize various elements of resource potential, which, of course, should affect the efficiency of the enterprise, especially in economic and financial crises. Originality. A conceptual model of the organizational and economic mechanism to ensure the mobilization of the resource potential of the trade enterprise, which includes the purpose and objectives, principles, subjects and objects of mobilization; support subsystems, functional, target; methods, ways and tools of resource potential mobilization. Practical value. The obtained results can be used in the activities of trade enterprises during the formation of the system of mobilization of resource potential to increase the efficiency of its use. Key words: model, enterprise, mechanism, organizational and economic mechanism, resource potential.

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Wujung, Vukengkeng Andrew, and Fozoh Isiah Aziseh. "Assessing the effect of domestic resource mobilization on the economic growth of Cameroon." AESTIMATIO 12, no. 2016 (2016): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5605/ieb.12.4.

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Duncan, Simon, and Mark Goodwin. "Local economic policies: Local regeneration or political mobilization?" Local Government Studies 11, no. 6 (November 1985): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003938508433236.

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Povey, Tara. "Reformism, Economic Liberalization and Popular Mobilization in Iran." Middle East Critique 28, no. 4 (September 19, 2019): 365–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2019.1664757.

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Sadeq, A. H. M. "Mobilization Of Resources For Development." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 2 (December 1, 1989): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i2.2824.

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IntroductionThe employment of resources is important for any aspect of the spectrumof overall development, be it economic or non-economic, spiritual or material.Although spiritual matters seem to be noneconomic in nature, their inculcationand development involve the use of resources. Hence, Allah (SWT) instructsmankind to invest in the development of spiritual values. The spread andestablishment of Islam require travelling, dissemination of knowledge,education, publication of literatw~u, se of media, protecton of Islamic societiesfrom non-Islamic forces (i.e. internal and external defense), administrationof institutions intended for the implementation of Islamic obligations andnorms, and the like. Each of these functions requires tremendous amountsof material and human resources.Economic development comprises two essential components: economicgrowth and equity in the distribution of income and wealth. Economic growthrequires investable resources for producing capital goods, hiring workers andmanagers, acquiring raw materials, improving technology, and organizingthe production process. In particular, capital formation and technologicalchange have been considered as key factors in economic development; theavailability of adequate investable resources is a prerequisite for the smoothsupply and use of these factors.The Islamic code of life provides enormous incentives for mobilizingresources, both material and human, and an institutional framework conduciveto efficient use of resources for development. This paper, which concentrateson mobilizing resources for development, discusses natural, human andfinancial resources, as well as the role of government and internal and externalinstitutions in the development process ...

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Jolly, R. J. H. "Subsurface Sediment Mobilization." Marine and Petroleum Geology 21, no. 5 (May 2004): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.marpetgeo.2004.03.004.

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Paret, Marcel. "Migration politics: Mobilizing against economic insecurity in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217739447.

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From the mid-2000s, the United States and South Africa, respectively, experienced significant pro-migrant and anti-migrant mobilizations. Economically insecure groups played leading roles. Why did these groups emphasize politics of migration, and to what extent did the very different mobilizations reflect parallel underlying mechanisms? Drawing on 41 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 119 interviews with activists and residents, I argue that the mobilizations deployed two common strategies: symbolic group formation rooted in demands for recognition, and targeting the state as a key source of livelihood. These twin strategies encouraged economically insecure groups to emphasize national identities and, in turn, migration. Yet, they manifested in different types of mobilization due to the varying characteristics of the groups involved, and the different national imaginaries and organizing legacies they had to draw upon. The analysis demonstrates the capacity of economically insecure groups to make collective claims. It also shows that within the context of anti-migrant nationalism, economic insecurity amplifies the significance of national belonging, citizenship, and migration as important terrains of collective struggle.

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Pavlenko, Yu G. "STATE MOBILIZATION POTENTIAL IN THE CONTEXT OF ECONOMIC SECURITY." Развитие и безопасность, no. 3 (2019): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46960/74159_2019_3_16.

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Han, Enze, Joseph O’Mahoney, and Christopher Paik. "External kin, economic disparity and minority ethnic group mobilization." Conflict Management and Peace Science 31, no. 1 (September 26, 2013): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894213501762.

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Arce, Moises, and Paul T. Bellinger. "Low-Intensity Democracy Revisited: The Effects of Economic Liberalization on Political Activity in Latin America." World Politics 60, no. 1 (October 2007): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.0003.

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Existing literature emphasizes the disorganizing or weakening effects of economic liberalization on civil society, whereby free-market policies are said to demobilize and depoliticize collective actors. The article evaluates the effects of economic liberalization on large-scale societal mobilizations across seventeen Latin American countries for the period 1970–2000. The article further tests the effects of economic liberalization on individual political participation across sixteen Latin American countries for the period 1980–2000. In contrast to the atomization literature, this article provides strong evidence that economic liberalization leads to greater levels of societal mobilization in the context of free-market democratization. The article also demonstrates that economic liberalization does not induce a decline in political participation. Collectively, these results cast doubt on the theoretical underpinnings and empirical findings presented in Kurtz (2004).

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Smart, Judith. "The Politics of the Small Purse: The Mobilization of Housewives in Interwar Australia." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790999024x.

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AbstractThe Housewives' Associations were the largest women's organizations in Australia during the interwar years and were the first consumer-watch agencies. This article examines the gendered economic identity they cultivated in successfully mobilizing women under the banner of free-market economics against the protectionism of the mainstream political parties and the labor movement. In challenging the dominant economic discourse, they asserted the claims of consumption to the same status and recognition in the functioning of the economic system as the overwhelmingly masculine forces of capital and labor. In the process, they also threw into question the relevance of class as a basis for women's political activism.

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STEVENS, DANIEL. "Mobilization, Demobilization and the Economy in American Elections." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 1 (December 13, 2006): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000087.

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What motivates citizens to vote or abstain from voting? What determines vote choice? Models of turnout predominantly focus on a series of factors that affect perceptions of the benefits and costs of voting. The economy's influence on those perceptions has gone largely undeveloped. Models of vote choice routinely account for economic influences while ignoring turnout. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the role of the economy as mobilizer and demobilizer. I argue that the economy has an impact on turnout decisions and that its impact is asymmetric. All else equal, the incumbent party is able to mobilize more supporters, relative to the non-incumbent party, in good economic times and more supporters are demobilized in adverse economic times. However, Democrats and Republicans are not sensitive to the same elements of economic performance. This is in part a function of the way in which the economy influences perceptions of the closeness of the impending election and of the candidates and their parties. Analysis of pooled data from ANES surveys for the twelve presidential elections from 1956 to 2000 confirms the validity of these arguments.

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Tang, Pingzhou, and Huiying Tian. "Research on the Layout of National Economic Mobilization Logistics Centers." International Journal of Intelligent Systems and Applications 2, no. 1 (November 3, 2010): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5815/ijisa.2010.01.07.

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Artemov, E. T. "Personnel mobilization in the “socialist economic system”: nuclear project case." Proceedings of the Komi Science Centre of the Ural Division of the Russian Academy of Sciences 1 (2019): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19110/1994-5655-2019-1-120-126.

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Muhammad, Kaleem, Khattak Bahader Sher, and Rashid Ali Syed. "Importance of Social Mobilization Intervention of Crop Maximization Project in Socio-Economic Development of Small Farmers of District Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa, Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review I, no. II (December 30, 2016): 98–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-ii).07.

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This research study is carried out to know about the importance of social mobilization intervention of Crop Maximization Project on the socio-economic development of small farmers of district Charsadda. The objective of this research study was to know about the role of the social mobilization of the project in uplifting the social and economic conditions of small farmers of the targeted area. The present research study was carried out in union councils Rajjar-II and Sarki Tetara of Tehsil and district Charsadda. Pre-tested interview schedule was used for data collection from 150 respondents, who were purposively selected through random sampling method. The analyzed data indicated that 100% of the respondents were fully satisfied the role played by social mobilization in their motivation, awareness, empowerment, capacity building and organization. Majority (93.3%) of the respondents utilized these skills empowerment for their social and economic development while only 6.7% of them got no benefits. The research findings indicates that effective social mobilization can pave the way for other practical developmental initiatives by motivating, organizing and building the capacity of the targeted population. In future rural development projects there should be effective social mobilization sector, which can bring the maximum number of the targeted population in main stream to get the maximum benefits from the development projects

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Jing, Xiangyuan, Qingmei Tan, Liusan Wu, and Xiaohui Li. "Adaptability of the Logistics System in National Economic Mobilization Based on Blocking Flow Theory." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2014 (2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/843181.

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In the process of national economic mobilization, the logistics system usually suffers from negative impact and/or threats of such emergency events as wars and accidents, which implies that adaptability of the logistics system directly determines realization of economic mobilization. And where the real-time rescue operation is concerned, heavy traffic congestion is likely to cause a great loss of or damage to human beings and their properties. To deal with this situation, this article constructs a blocking-resistance optimum model and an optimum restructuring model based on blocking flow theories, of which both are illustrated by numerical cases and compared in characteristics and application. The design of these two models is expected to eliminate or alleviate the congestion situation occurring in the logistics system, thus effectively enhancing its adaptability in the national economic mobilization process.

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Nabhan, Faqih. "Profit and Loss Sharing: Solusi Ekonomi Islam Menghadapi Globalisasi Ekonomi." Muqtasid: Jurnal Ekonomi dan Perbankan Syariah 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/muqtasid.v1i2.279-301.

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This paper aimed at presenting conceptual model that can explain conceptual aplication of profit and loss sharing. Theoritically, Islamic bank, as anintermediary institution, is believed as financial institution helping public economic activities and at the same time carrying out human life. Profit and loss sharing, as one of an Islamic economic mechanism, could be an economic solution of the lack of economics thought. The aplication of profit and loss sharing in budgeting can increase the capability of fund mobilization and investment portofolio without rising of Islamic bank.

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Batkovskiy, Aleksandr Mikhaylovich, Vladislav Valer'evich Klochkov, and Alena Vladimirovna Fomina. "The formation of mobilization capacities of the enterprises military-industrial complex in the conditions of their diversification." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2021): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2021.2.31771.

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The subject of this research is the pressing scientific-practical task of how to ensure military-technical procurement of the country by improving optimality of management of the development of material and technical base of the enterprises of military-industrial complex in the conditions of their diversification, however avoiding the militarization of the Russian economy. The authors explore the essence of diversification of the enterprises of military-industrial complex and its economic consequences. It is demonstrated that it raises the competitiveness of enterprises, and thus increases their capitalization. The object of this research is the process of formation of mobilization capacities of the enterprises of military-industrial complex in the current context. The article employs the methods of economic analysis and economic and mathematical modeling of the process of formation of mobilization capacities of the enterprises. The novelty of this research lies in comprehensive examination of the processes of diversification of military production and the formation of mobilization capacities of the enterprises of military-industrial complex. The authors developed a toolset to be implemented in practice for optimizing the process of formation of mobilization capacities of the enterprises in the conditions of their diversification. The conclusion is made on the need and possibility for systematic optimization of the process of formation of mobilization capacities in the conditions of diversification.

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George, Julie A. "Contingent Communities: Regional Ethnic Mobilization in the Yeltsin Era." Russian History 39, no. 3 (2012): 379–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-03903007.

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Scholars disagree regarding the interests and impulses that drive secessionist ethnic nationalism. In Constructing Grievance: Ethnic Nationalism in Russia’s Republics, Elise Giuliano argues that, in the first decade of the Russian Federation’s independence, nationalist groups that highlighted economic discrimination by ethnic Russians against titular ethnic minorities were more able to spark ethnic and territorial separatist demands. She argues that the precise nature of economic experience, where often the actual economic discrimination was more ambiguous than that perceived, was less important than the nationalist groups’ message. In all, this book offers a compelling counterpoint to other work on ethnic separatism in Russia, which has emphasized long-standing historical grievances, institutional legacies, and the interests of political entrepreneurs rather than public interests.

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Skocpol, Theda. "Social Revolutions and Mass Military Mobilization." World Politics 40, no. 2 (January 1988): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010360.

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Despite their limited accomplishments in promoting economic development, the authoritarian regimes brought to power through social-revolutionary transformations—from the French Revolution of the 18th century to the Iranian Revolution of the present—have excelled at conducting humanly costly wars with a special fusion of popular zeal, meritocratic professionalism, and central coordination. Revolutionary elites, whether communist or not, have been able to build the strongest states in those countries whose geopolitical circumstances allowed the emerging new regimes to become engaged in protracted and labor-intensive international warfare.

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Boczy, Tatjana, and Marta Margherita Cordini. "Narratives of Territorial Cohesion and Economic Growth: A Comparative Study." Social Inclusion 8, no. 4 (December 3, 2020): 218–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i4.3349.

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The ability of regions to develop new productive capacities and to address the needs of inhabitants has become central in the EU agenda to trigger cohesion, sustainable growth and equality. This ability does not derive only from material assets but also from cognitive ones, such as trust, ways of cooperation, governance cultures and sense of belonging. Cognitive aspects are in fact fundamental in making the most of the greater potential of territorial features. Using the concept of territorial capital, we investigate this mix between material and cognitive assets in regional planning discourses. Territorial capital raises issues of spatial diversity and inequality as questions of access. Starting from the theoretical framework suggested by Servillo, Atkinson, and Russo (2011) on attractiveness and mobilization strategies, this article addresses the issue of territorial inequalities on material and cognitive bases by analysing mobilization discourses on territorial capital at a regional scale in Italy and Austria. The investigation of three case studies at differentterritorial scales (urban, suburban and rural) in each country allows both intra-regional and inter-regional comparison. By mapping the discursive structures of local economic development documents and key-actor interviews, we analyse the different mobilizing strategies in these contexts. Comparing inter-regional mobilization provides an in-depth insight into differences as well as similarities of cohesion strategies in regional planning on multiple levels. This can spark new territorially sensitive schemes for further sustainable socio-economic and equalising development that connects with the social structures on the ground.

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Zeineldin, Al Habib Estati, and Saeed Chekak. "Mobilization of Moroccan Women." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.61.

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This article draws on the experience gained and the lessons learned during and after the Arab Spring protest movements that called for economic, social, and political change. It raises the issue of the role Moroccan women played in these movements. In attempting to address this issue, the article relies essentially on bibliographical information and data derived from studies and writings that dealt with the feminist struggle in Morocco as a whole. It suffers from the lack of openness to a sociological approach or a political viewpoint in Arab and foreign scientific productions concerned with the struggles of women in Arab or Maghreb countries. In parallel, the study uses ethnographic research discerningly, since accurate and sufficient information available on the local protest movements has not received the necessary follow-up and definition. The article first monitors the shift in the dynamics of women’s protests and focuses on the persistent manifestations within them; it also considers the motives that contribute to the growth of this dynamic while stressing the extent of women’s participation in the February 20 Movement and in rural areas. It then identifies the results and extensions of this participation in relation to the requirements of empowerment. Finally, it discusses the problem of development and democracy that prevent women from achieving the desired change in the short term.

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Frye, Timothy, Ora John Reuter, and David Szakonyi. "Political Machines at Work Voter Mobilization and Electoral Subversion in the Workplace." World Politics 66, no. 2 (March 28, 2014): 195–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711400001x.

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The authors explore how modern autocrats win elections by inducing employers to mobilize their employees to vote for the regime and thereby subvert the electoral process. using two original surveys of employers and workers conducted around the 2011 parliamentary elections in russia, they find that just under one-quarter of employers engaged in some form of political mobilization. they then develop a simple framework for identifying which firms engage in voter mobilization and which workers are targeted for mobilization. firms that are vulnerable to state pressure—financially dependent firms and those in sectors characterized by asset immobility—are among the most common sites of workplace-based electoral subversion. the authors also find that workers who are especially dependent on their employer are more likely to be targeted for mobilization. By identifying the conditions under which workplace mobilization occurs in authoritarian regimes, the authors contribute to the long-standing debate about the economic bases of democratization. in addition, they explore an understudied means of subverting elections in contemporary autocracies: the use of economic coercion to mobilize voters. Moreover, their research finds that clientelist exchange can thrive in industrial settings and in the absence of deeply embedded political parties.

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Polozhentseva, Yu. "CONTROL OF DIFFERENTIATION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC SYSTEMS OF REGIONS ON THE BASIS OF THE MOBILIZATION OF INTERNAL AND ATTRACTION OF EXTERNAL DEVELOPMENT RESOURCES." Proceedings of the Southwest State University 21, no. 2 (April 28, 2017): 137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1560-2017-21-2-137-149.

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The study presents an approach to the measurement of differentiation of socio-economic systems of the regions through the mobilization of internal and attraction of external development resources. In the present context they are the main indicators reflecting the relationship between economic growth and social equilibrium, they show the effectiveness of governance and implementation of the principles of social partnership in society. The aim of the study is to establish a scientific and reasonable mechanism for the regulation of differentiation of socio-economic development of the region through the mobilization of internal and outsourcing development. The study is based on scientific methodology, providing the ability to apply systematic approach to management problems solving by differentiation of socio-economic systems of regions. In the globalized world economic space and the profound socio-economic changes the creation of effective system of public administration will improve the efficiency use of limited resources (financial, material, human) allocated for the problem decision of differentiation reduction.It is revealed the differentiation in regional development for the integrated indicator of regions priority(IRP) and proposed a typology of Central Federal district regions based on two criteria: "the level of development of IRP " and " development dynamics of IRP " showing the rate of mobilization of internal and outsourcing development. It is justified the order of selection of promising targeted measures of state regulation in the field of reduction of regions differentiation. The study includes recommendations for the establishment and development of effective tools for smoothing and control of differentiation of socio-economic development of regions through the mobilization of internal and attracttion of external resources of development. It will enhance the investment attractiveness of the regions by stimulating existing competitive advantages.

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Almeida, Paul D. "Defensive Mobilization: Popular Movements against Economic Adjustment Policies in Latin America." Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 3 (May 2007): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x07300942.

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Fournis, Yann. "The Regionalisms of Regional Employers: Diversity in Economic Mobilization in Brittany." Regional & Federal Studies 17, no. 2 (May 31, 2007): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560701318524.

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Looney, Kristen E. "Mobilization Campaigns and Rural Development." World Politics 73, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 205–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000258.

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ABSTRACTMost accounts of East Asian economic growth have focused on the role of developmental states in successful industrialization. This article expands and challenges that framework by showing that rural policy was different from industrial policy. A key finding is that for more than a century, East Asian states have relied on mass mobilization campaigns rather than on technocratic planning and market-conforming institutions to achieve rural development. Based on case studies of Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and China, the author argues that three main factors explain the rise of campaign states: revolutionary traditions, rural populism, and policy learning. A brief assessment of outcomes illustrates the payoffs and costs of campaigns and the practical considerations that drive them. The author’s analysis offers a new perspective on the East Asian model and disputes the widely held view that campaigns are tragic exercises in social control, demonstrating instead that they were central to the region’s rural transformation.

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Mares, Isabela, Aurelian Muntean, and Tsveta Petrova. "Economic Intimidation in Contemporary Elections: Evidence from Romania and Bulgaria." Government and Opposition 53, no. 3 (December 5, 2016): 486–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.39.

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This article examines electoral intimidation of voters at their workplace in contemporary new democracies. What is the relative importance of workplace intimidation in the broader portfolio of clientelistic strategies used by politicians at times of elections? What explains the subnational variation in the incidence of this electoral strategy? We answer these questions using empirical evidence from two East European countries – Romania and Bulgaria. We assess the prevalence of non-programmatic electoral mobilization in these countries by using list experiments, a survey methodology that elicits unbiased and truthful responses to sensitive political questions. We find that in both countries, workplace intimidation is an important component in the repertoire of non-programmatic mobilization used at election times. Workplace intimidation is especially pervasive in localities dominated by a small number of large employers. The importance of economic intimidation in the portfolio of clientelistic strategies declines as the economic heterogeneity of the locality increases.

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Gillham, Patrick F., Nathan C. Lindstedt, Bob Edwards, and Erik W. Johnson. "The Mobilizing Effects of Economic Threats and Resources on the Formation of Local Occupy Wall Street Protest Groups in 2011." Sociological Perspectives 62, no. 4 (December 13, 2018): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121418817249.

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This paper examines how threatening economic conditions and preexisting community resources facilitated the spread of Occupy Wall Street protest groups to more than 600 counties in the continental United States in 2011. Using a generalized linear mixed model, we find that economic threats and accessible resources are complementary facilitators of movement mobilization. But contrary to the expectations based on earlier media and scholarly accounts, the “disruptive threats” caused by the Great Recession failed to predict the formation of Occupy groups. Instead, groups were more likely to mobilize in counties that had the “positional threats” of relatively higher income inequality and relatively lower median incomes in comparison to state norms. However, the effect of positional economic threats was nuanced as counties with lower than average unemployment more likely had groups mobilized. In addition, resources continue to demonstrate empirical importance in explanations of social movement mobilization, as Occupy groups were more likely to form in counties with greater access to social-organizational and human resources. Combined, these findings suggest that scholars can strengthen their analyses by considering threats and resources as complementary facilitators of local protest mobilization and by focusing greater attention on how differing types of threats may influence the mobilization of social movements.

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de Vries, Catherine E., Armen Hakhverdian, and Bram Lancee. "The Dynamics of Voters’ Left/Right Identification: The Role of Economic and Cultural Attitudes." Political Science Research and Methods 1, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2013.4.

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The mobilization of culturally rooted issues has altered political competition throughout Western Europe. This article analyzes to what extent the mobilization of immigration issues has affected how people identify with politics. Specifically, it analyzes whether voters’ left/right self-identifications over the past 30 years increasingly correspond to cultural rather than economic attitudes. This study uses longitudinal data from the Netherlands between 1980 and 2006 to demonstrate that as time progresses, voters’ left/right self-placements are indeed more strongly determined by anti-immigrant attitudes than by attitudes towards redistribution.These findings show that the issue basis of left/right identification is dynamic in nature and responsive to changes in the political environment.

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Krishnarajan, Suthan, and Lasse Lykke Rørbæk. "The Two-sided Effect of Elections on Coup Attempts." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 7-8 (January 21, 2020): 1279–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719900001.

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In this article, we investigate the relationship between elections and coup attempts. We argue that elections have opposing effects on the risk of coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy in which they are held. Elections occurring in conditions of economic crisis spur anti-government mobilization and high levels of state repression. This increases the subsequent risk of coup attempts. Conversely, elections held during economic expansion induce pro-government mobilization and waning repression, which reduces the subsequent risk of coups. We find strong support for these propositions in a statistical analysis of 130 countries that conducted contested elections in the period 1952 to 2013. The results are robust to an array of model specifications, including when we account for election outcome, postelection economic performance, and the possibility that both elections and economic performance are endogenous to coup attempts.

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Zheng, Zhenqing. "Taiwan’s Wealth Gap and the Evolution of Electoral Politics after the 2008 Global Financial Crisis." Asian Survey 53, no. 5 (September 2013): 825–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.5.825.

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Taiwan’s economic downturn and wealth gap, under the impact of the 2008 global financial crisis, spurred livelihood/redistributive questions to become electoral issues. This paper explores the linkage between the wealth gap and electoral campaigns, and points to a new political economy trend in today’s Taiwan: class mobilization has become the new driver of party politics, with identity mobilization played down.

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Pinto, Pablo M., and Jeffrey F. Timmons. "The Political Determinants of Economic Performance." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 1 (February 2005): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004270886.

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The authors present and test a theory about the effects of political competition on the sources of economic growth. Using Mankiw, Romer, and Weil’s model of economic growth and data for roughly 80 countries, the authors show that political competition decreases the rate of physical capital accumulation and labor mobilization but increases the rate of human capital accumulation and (less conclusively) the rate of productivity change. The results suggest that political competition systematically affects the sources of growth, but those effects are cross-cutting, explainingwhy democracy itself may be ambiguous. These findingshelp clarify the debate about regime type and economic performance and suggest new avenues for research.

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Mjøset, Lars. "Nordic economic policies in the 1970s and 1980s." International Organization 41, no. 3 (1987): 403–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027533.

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Although the Nordic countries are small, open economies, they were able to benefit considerably from the expansion of the world economy during the “Golden Age” of the 1950s and 1960s. They achieved industrial diversification and consolidated welfare-state reforms. Throughout this period, several economic policy routines were institutionalized. These routines may be analyzed as parts of a specific economic policy model, determined by the economic structure and the pattern of political mobilization. It seems more fruitful to distinguish five such models rather than to use the generalizing notion of a “Scandinavian model.” In the 1970s, the world economic crisis posed new challenges for the Nordic countries. In the first phase of the crisis, economic policies continued to operate in accordance with the established routines. But structural problems, new patterns of political mobilization, and new forms of external pressure forced governments to shift towards austerity policies in the late 1970s. The extent and the specificities of these shifts are compared and the degree to which the economic policy models have changed assessed. Such an analysis is a first step to answer some crucial questions now facing the Nordic countries: Was their flexible adjustment merely the result of favorable conditions during the 1960s—or is it a permanent trait? Are they now trapped between large industrial nations and dynamic newly industrializingcountries? If so, what will be the fate of their advanced welfare sectors?

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Mechkour, Anouar. "Legal Framework For Shariah Compliance of Moroccan Islamic Banks." Bait Al Mashura Journal, no. 09 (October 1, 2018): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33001/m300420180946.

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The study aims at verifying the extent of Islamic sovereign Sukuk’s ability to achieve economic stability through financing the public budget. The study is based on the hypothesis that there is a relationship between sovereign Islamic Sukuk and reducing economic problems. The study used the descriptive approach in which, the study discussed the components of the public budget and studying its effect on economic problems. The study showed that the use of Sukuk in savings mobilization to finance the public budget deficit could influence two important factors; the first is on the amount of money in circulation, the second is on the Economic Phenomena. The study concluded that the use of sukuk in the savings mobilization to finance the public budget affects the amount of money in circulation, and the Economic Phenomena.The study recommends the use of Sukuk Al- Musharakah in times when the economy is in need to the expansion of the amount of money in circulation,

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Manacorda, Marco, and Andrea Tesei. "Liberation Technology: Mobile Phones and Political Mobilization in Africa." Econometrica 88, no. 2 (2020): 533–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta14392.

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Can digital information and communication technology foster mass political mobilization? We use a novel georeferenced data set for the entire African continent between 1998 and 2012 on the coverage of mobile phone signal together with georeferenced data from multiple sources on the occurrence of protests and on individual participation in protests to bring this argument to empirical scrutiny. We find that while mobile phones are instrumental to mass mobilization, this only happens during economic downturns, when reasons for grievance emerge and the cost of participation falls. The results are in line with insights from a network model with imperfect information and strategic complementarities in protest occurrence. Mobile phones make individuals more responsive to both changes in economic conditions—a mechanism that we ascribe to enhanced information—and to their neighbors' participation—a mechanism that we ascribe to enhanced coordination.

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Gould, Kenneth A. "The sweet smell of money: Economic dependency and local environmental political mobilization." Society & Natural Resources 4, no. 2 (April 1991): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941929109380749.

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Chabanet, Didier, and Frédéric Royall. "Economic recession and the mobilization of the unemployed: France and Ireland compared." French Politics 7, no. 3-4 (September 2009): 268–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fp.2009.20.

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Meyer, Katherine, and Linda Lobao. "Household, Gender, and Political Responses to Economic Downturn: Extending Theories of Mobilization." Sociological Quarterly 44, no. 2 (March 2003): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.2003.tb00553.x.

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Brown, Barbara G., and Allan H. Murphy. "On the economic value of weather forecasts in wildfire suppression mobilization decisions." Canadian Journal of Forest Research 18, no. 12 (December 1, 1988): 1641–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/x88-248.

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Decision analysis is used to model the rational use and estimate the economic value of weather forecasts in a specific decision-making situation relating to wildfire suppression mobilization. In this situation two fires in a national forest that differ only in timber type and location may require fire-suppression assistance from an adjacent national forest, depending on the weather conditions. The assistance available in the adjacent national forest consists of one 20-man hand crew and one bulldozer. Decisions regarding whether to request assistance and whether and where to deploy these suppression resources are assumed to be made on the basis of weather forecasts. Weather forecasts are found to be useful in this context because they enable the fire manager to select in an optimal manner the fire at which the suppression resources are likely to be most beneficial on each occasion. Specifically, state of the art forecasts have an expected economic value of almost $61 00 in this situation, and perfect information would have a value of approximately $16 600. Sensitivity analysis reveals that these results are quite sensitive to variations in fire outcome (i.e., numbers of acres burned). Improvements in forecast quality would lead to substantial increases in the economic value of weather forecasts in this two-fire situation.

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Vunderink, Gregg L. "Peasant participation and mobilization during economic crisis: The case of Costa Rica." Studies in Comparative International Development 25, no. 4 (December 1990): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02806288.

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Ward, Matthew. "Opportunity, Resources, and Threat: Explaining Local Nativist Organizing in the United States." Sociological Perspectives 60, no. 3 (July 7, 2016): 459–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416655994.

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I examine variation in nativist organizing through an analysis of the number of nativist organizations in U.S. counties. I make two primary contributions to literatures on anti-immigrant phenomena and right-wing mobilization. First, I investigate the extent to which theories of threat, in addition to resource mobilization and political opportunity theories, further our understandings of nativist mobilization. Pro-immigrant oppositional activism and racist hate resource and organizational bases facilitate this mobilization, whereas a weak economic base, growing working-class base, and increasing Latino political representation constrain it. In addition, the association between nativist mobilization and Latino population change, as well as conservative voting, is curvilinear (inverted U). Nativist mobilization thrives in the presence of low-to-moderate levels of demographic threat, as well as in contexts in which political conservatism is present but weak enough to make the conservative, nativist identity nonnormative. Second, few studies examine nonattitudinal or noninstitutionalized anti-immigrant phenomena. There is little understanding of whether or not social structures facilitating anti-immigrant attitudes and institutionalized anti-immigrant activity similarly influence the presence of anti-immigrant mobilization. Although results suggest that political and cultural threats shape diverse anti-immigrant phenomena, I also point to a unique set of structural conditions beyond threat to explain nativist mobilization in particular.

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Makarevich, O. L. "MOBILIZATION AND MANNING OF THE RED ARMY DURING THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA (1918-1922)." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 30, no. 4 (August 25, 2020): 616–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2020-30-4-616-627.

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The article is devoted to the analysis and generalization of the experience of mobilization work of the military administration of the Red Army, received during the Civil War 1918-1922. Historically short period of time is unique in that under emergency conditions of war and economic ruin, in the ring of fronts against the white armies and foreign troops of the interventionists, the Soviet leadership managed to create and establish an overall effective mechanism for manning the Red Army troops. The article considers the evolution of the main mobilization body - the Mobilization Department (since September 1918 - Management) of the all-Russian General staff. The role of so called “military experts” - former officers and Joint Staff generals who often held similar positions in the mobilization bodies of the old army - in the correct formulation of mobilization work is emphasized. The article shows the features and results of registration and mobilization work, expressed in various ways of staffing troops with human resources: general and private appeals, identification and legalization of deserters, unscheduled military (local) mobilization. Explanations are given for the dominance of certain methods of recruiting troops at various stages of the Civil war.

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Knight, Daniel M. "The Greek economic crisis as trope." Focaal 2013, no. 65 (March 1, 2013): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.650112.

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The Greek economic crisis resonates across Europe as synonymous with corruption, poor government, austerity, financial bailouts, civil unrest, and social turmoil. The search for accountability on the local level is entangled with competing rhetorics of persuasion, fear, and complex historical consciousness. Internationally, the Greek crisis is employed as a trope to call for collective mobilization and political change. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Trikala, central Greece, this article outlines how accountability for the Greek economic crisis is understood in local and international arenas. Trikala can be considered a microcosm for the study of the pan-European economic turmoil as the “Greek crisis“ is heralded as a warning on national stages throughout the continent.

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Stoian, Alexandru. "The Role of Public Authorities During Mobilization." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 243–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0097.

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Abstract Imposed by states in order to defend its own territory and national values during the time of crisis, mobilization of armed forces in a contemporary global context creates new challenges for the public authorities, designers of the national legal framework and for the military authorities. In this regard, extraordinary measures can be taken in political, economic, social, administrative, diplomatic, legal and military fields, planned and prepared in peacetime. The Romanian National Defense System consists of the forces intended for defense, the resources of the national defense and the territorial infrastructure and provides a stable foundation for all types of actions related to mobilization, as long as the procedures involved are implemented at a high level of efficiency

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Journal articles on the topic 'Economic mobilization'

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