Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Economic parliament'

It is clear that economic growth is achieved by a number of means depending on theoretical affiliation and also that growth rate varies across countries. The thesis investigates the relationship between economic growth and the proportion of representation by women in national parliament across countries. Women are discriminated at every level in the society based on gender and the thesis analyses the effects on production and growth, based on the fact that half of the population are not given equal opportunities to participate in economic activities. The study is performed through two cross-country regression analyses, divided by low- and high-income countries with secondary data. The variables included are: the proportion of seats represented by women, initial GDP/capita, FDI, level of education, population growth, and terms of trade and level of democracy. The variables are chosen in accordance to growth theories. The findings cannot isolate if a high proportion of female parliamentarians increase growth, but the result indicates that a more gender equal economy operate at a higher production level. Increased proportion of female representation in local parliament should according to theory, increase inclusive incentives and policies for women in the labour force and enrolment in higher education, thus increasing the average level of human capital. Previous studies support the result; gender equality is viewed as “smart economics”.

The purpose of the thesis is to identify relationships between economic factors and the probability to vote on populist parties. The results are in turn based on the populist parties’ outcome in the 2006 Swedish election to parliament. Parties below the 4 percent margin, prior to the election, which is the percentage point required to enter the parliament, are defined as populist parties. Furthermore, based on theoretical and previous empirical research, seven economic variables are chosen; disposable income, income distribution, municipal tax rate, unemployment and higher education. In addition to these five, are the number of crime incidents reported, and the share of people born outside of the European Union also included. Moreover, the study is conducted at a regional, or more explicitly, at a municipal level, implying that 290 observations are used for each variable, in a total of five regressions. These are performed to test the diversity of populist parties.

The findings confirm that there are obvious relationships between the chosen variables and the probability of voting on populist parties, as the majority of the regressions explain 25 to 35 percent of the variation in the voting decision. These figures seem consistent, since ideological and factual issues are more important to populist party sympathizers.

Nevertheless, the results show that when it comes to the economic variables - unemployment, education, disposable income and consequently the municipal tax rate are the ones which concerns people the most when voting on populist parties. Additionally, as the share of people born outside of the European Union increases, the probability of voting in favor of Sverigedemokraterna also increases.

Finally, the growth of populist parties or of Sverigedemokraterna in particular, forces the conventional parties to adopt similar political standpoints in order to gain votes. Implying that if the present economic and political situation persists, populist parties’, especially Sverigedemokraterna’s policies will thrive in Swedish politics.

Avsikten med denna studie är att identifiera samband mellan ekonomiska faktorer och sannolikheten att rösta på populistpartier. Genomförandet är i sin tur baserat på 2006 års riksdagsvalresultat. Partier som innan valet befann sig under 4 procentsmarginalen definieras som populistiska partier. Grundat i tidigare forskning och teori, har sju ekonomiska variabler valts; disponibel inkomst, inkomstfördelning, kommunskatt, arbetslöshet och högre utbildning. Förutom dessa fem, är även antalet anmälda brott och andelen människor födda utanför den Europiska Unionen inkluderade. Vidare utförs studien på regional, närmare bestämt kommunalnivå, där 290 observationer används för varje variabel, i totalt fem regressioner. Detta med syfte att testa populistpartiers mångfald.

De empiriska resultaten bekräftar att det finns uppenbara samband mellan de valda variablerna och sannolikheten att rösta på populistpartier, då en majoritet av regressionerna förklarar 25 till 35 procent av variationen i röstningsavgörandet. Dessa siffror verkar stämma överens med verkligheten, eftersom ideologi och sakfrågor är viktigare för populistpartianhängare.

Gällande de ekonomiska variablerna är det arbetslösheten, utbildningsnivån, disponibla inkomsten och kommunalskatten som påverkar människor mest när de röstar på populistpartier. Det visar sig även att när andelen människor födda utanför den Europiska Unionen ökar, ökar även sannolikheten att man röstar på Sverigedemokraterna.

Till sist, tillväxten av populistpartier, speciellt av Sverigedemokraterna, har på senare tid tilltagit, vilket leder till att de konventionella partierna måste anamma likartade politiska ståndpunkter för att kunna få fler röster. Innebärande att om den rådande ekonomiska och politiska situationen består, kommer populistpartiers och i synnerhet Sverigedemokraternas riktlinjer att i framtiden få ett mycket större utrymme i den svenska politiken.

Following the implementation of the Water Framework Directive (WFD) integrated catchment management plans must be prepared for all river basins, in order to achieve 'good ecological status' (GES) in all EU waters. This concept is a broader measure of water quality than the chemical and biological measures, which were previously dominant in EU water policy. The Directive also calls for a consideration of the economic costs and benefits of improvements to ecological status in catchment management plans, along with the introduction of full social cost pricing for water use. In this thesis, the primary focus is on the use of the Choice Experiment (CE) method. The CE method is reviewed and then used to estimate the value of improvements in a number of components of ecological status on two Irish waterways (the Boyne and the Suir). Apart from CE method another stated preference approach to environmental valuation is also considered; the Contingent Valuation Method (CVM). This thesis determines what value the targeted population of the two catchments place on the nonmarket economic benefits of moves towards GES by employing both approaches and various model specifications, while the applicability of Benefit Transfer (BT) method is also assessed under different tests. In addition, the design of the questionnaire used in the survey stage of the research, offered the possibility of investigating issues related to the effect of cognitive ability and psychometric factors on choice. Respondents with discontinuous preferences are identified and analysis is conducted to investigate the implications of not accounting for these preferences. Finally, due to experiencing protesting behaviour by a proportion of the sampling population an attempt is made to investigate the parameters that contributed to this inclination.

The research undertaken represents an in-depth study of gender and economics from a multi-disciplinary perspective. By drawing on economic, social policy and political science literature it makes an original contribution to the disciplines of economics and feminist economics by advancing ideas on a feminist theory of policy change and institutional design. Equally, the study develops a framework for a multi-method approach to feminist research with applied policy focus by establishing a pragmatic feminist research paradigm. By espousing multiple research philosophies, it extends understanding of gender differences in policy outcomes by connecting theories from feminist economics, feminist historical institutionalism and ideational processes. Jointly funded by the Economic and Social Research Council UK and the Scottish Government, this project attempts to answer three key questions: What is the relative position of men and women in the Scottish economy and how do childcare responsibilities influence these? Which institutions, structures and processes have been instrumental in embedding gender in Scottish economic policy? To what extent and how is the Scottish Government’s approach to economic policy gendered? Quantitative analysis reveals persistently disproportionate differences in men and women’s position in the labour market. Women remain over-represented in part-time employment and in the public sector in the 10years under investigation. Using panel data, the multinomial logistic regression estimation of patterns in labour market transitions equally reveal disproportionate gendered patterns, with families with dependent children 0-4years at a disadvantage to those without. Qualitative analysis indicates that these differences are partly explained by the fact that the unpaid economy still remains invisible to policymakers despite changes in the institutional design, policy processes and the approach to equality policymaking undertaken in Scotland. Unpaid childcare work is not represented as policy relevant and the way gender, equality and gender equality are conceptualised within institutional sites and on political agendas pose various challenges for policy development on unpaid childcare work and gender equality in general. Additionally, policymakers in Scotland do not integrate both the paid and unpaid economies in economic policy formulation since social policy and economic policy are designed separately. The study also establishes that the range of institutions and actors that make-up the institutional setting for regulating and promoting equality, influence how equality issues are treated within a national context. In Scotland, equality regulating institutions such as parliament, the Scottish Government, equality commission and the law are instrumental variables in determining the range of equality issues that are embedded in an equality infrastructure and the extent to which equality issues, including gender, are consequently embedded in public policy and government budgets. Significantly despite meeting all the attributes of an equality issue, unpaid care is not classified as a protected characteristic in the Equality legislation. These institutions can ameliorate, sustain or perpetuate the delivery of unequitable policy outcomes for men and women in the mutually dependent paid and unpaid economy. Thus, economic, social and political institutions are not independent from one another but are interrelated in complex ways that subsequently have material consequences on men and women in society. In summary, there are interlinkages between the law, labour market, the unpaid economy, the welfare state and gendered political institutions such that policy or institutional change in one will be dependent on or trigger change in another. These institutions are gendered, but are also interlinked and underpin the gender structure of other institutions to the extent that the gendered norms and ideas embedded in one institution, for example legislation or political institutions, structure the gendered dimensions of the labour market, welfare state, and the unpaid economy. By shedding light on institutional and political forces that regulate equality in addition to macroeconomic forces, the analysis reveals the important role of institutions, policy actors and their ideas as instrumental forces which constantly define, redefine and reconstruct the labour market experiences of men and women with significant material consequences.

The objective of the paper is to study the effect that female representation in national parliaments have on economic growth in African countries. The foundation for this research question is the assumption that an increase in female representation will lead to an increase in female education and female labour force participation and this will cause a positive effect on economic growth. To test the hypothesis panel data from 50 African countries is used during the time period 2008-2018. An OLS, entity fixed effect and time and entity fixed effect regression was conducted to test the research questions and control variables are included in the regression. The results showed no statistically significant effects of female representation on economic growth and the relationship was negative which contradicts earlier research and the initial hypothesis.

This thesis concentrates upon a new field of research in South African accounting scholarship – this being, in general terms, accounting history and more specifically an analysis of the origins of the Public Accountants’ and Auditors’ Board as watch-dog in relation to: ● the South African economy in the period 1913–1940; and ● the changing political framework (also in the period 1913–1940). The integration of economy, politics and personal ambition on the part of early 20th Century accounting societies, led to a variety of responses, counter proposals, stalemates and unfocused activity which caused the process of accountants’ registration to extend over 38 years in South Africa. This confusion was in strong contrast to the process of speedy registration of accountants in New Zealand and Australia. The final unification of South African accounting societies in 1951 created the Public Accountants’ and Auditors’ Board. Its creation, at long last, suggested an overarching control and regulation which was mirrored in the final political unification and economic stability of a South Africa dominated by Afrikaner Nationalists. One further element was interwoven into the fabric of the thesis – this being the application of institutional economic theory and its impact upon the accounting concepts of “material irregularity” and “reportable irregularity”.

This study aims to examine the relationship between the ratio of seats held by women in parliament and the years of female education. The study is a cross-national study across 91 countries that uses the average value of data from 2014 to 2018. The findings show no significant relationship between the two variables, and based on the theoretical background, different areas are explored to clarify what caused this result. It is believed that patriarchy, cultural attitudes towards women, income level of individuals, and differing majors in higher education between men and women are why we see this correlation. The study also tests if labor force participation of women and female parliament seats are correlated, and it is found that there is a positive relationship between the two. The interest in this topic comes from looking closer at if women have the same opportunities in politics and generally in the labor force. It is essential since diversity in organizations and the labor market can have significant economic benefits. The results from previous studies into female seats in parliament and education have varied, so this study adds national income to see if that affects the variables.

The aim of my thesis on the topic „Regional and structural EU policy – economic and legislative aspect“ is a description of all important aspects of Regional policy EU and the performance of regional policy in the context of a specific project.

O presente estudo se propõe a investigar em que medida o Parlamento é capaz de exercer, eficazmente, o controle do poder político, no contexto da globalização capitalista, com o objetivo de contribuir com a concretização dos direitos humanos econômicos e sociais. Compreende-se o controle do poder político como o direcionamento das ações do Estado para a realização de seus fins, por meio da fixação de metas e diretrizes, da supervisão e da responsabilização dos agentes políticos. Reconhece-se a importância do Parlamento no desempenho deste papel, porém sua atuação apresenta grandes limites, decorrentes, entre outros fatores, do fenômeno da globalização e da característica histórico-cultural patrimonialista do Estado brasileiro. Diante disso, a sociedade precisa desenvolver outras formas de controle para complementar o parlamentar.
This study wants to investigate in which level the Parliament is able to exercise, with efficacy, the control of the political power, in the context of the capitalist globalization, with the objective to contribute with the concretization of the economics and socials human rights. The control of the political power is understood like the direction of de States actions to the realization of its finalities, by the fixation of objectives and directives, the supervision and the responsabilization of the politics agents. The Parliament has so much importance realizing this paper, but its actuation presents big limits, because some factors, how the phenomenon of the globalization and the historic-cultural characteristic patrimonialista of the Brazilian State. So, the society needs to develop other forms of control to complement the parliamentary.

In March 2018 the European Commission published the Action Plan on Financing Sustainable Growth. One of the main objectives with the actions presented in the action plan is to reorient capital flows towards sustainable investments, i.e. to influence more investors to invest sustainably. The action plan was followed by three proposals for transparency regulation regarding an EU taxonomy on sustainability, sustainability benchmarks and sustainability disclosures. Furthermore, the action plan included actions regarding two other transparency measures – sustainability labels and sustainability ratings. The first purpose of the thesis is to investigate if transparency regulation in the EU can be used as a tool to influence investors to choose sustainable investment funds. One of the main aims of the actions presented in the Action Plan on Financing Sustainable Growth, as well as the accompanying regulation proposals, is to reorient capital flows towards sustainable investments, i.e. to influence more investors to invest sustainably. In light of this, the Commission’s three proposed transparency regulations, as well as the concept of sustainability labels and ratings, are used as a basis for the investigation. The second purpose of the thesis is therefore to critically review the three regulation proposals and the concept of sustainability labels and ratings in order to gain an understanding of how different transparency measures can influence investors to choose sustainable investment funds. The transparency regulations and measures are analysed and critically reviewed in light of their objective to influence more investors to invest sustainably. A behavioural economics perspective, as well as consumer behaviour theories and decision-making models, are applied in order to analyse the transparency regulations and measures from an external perspective. Based on the analysis there are many indicators that transparency regulation can be used as a tool to influence investors to choose sustainable investment funds. However, to what extent transparency regulation can influence investor behaviour varies depending on which transparency measures are used and how they are designed. Sustainability benchmarks seem to have the least potential to influence investor behaviour, while the EU taxonomy on sustainability and sustainability labels seem to have the best potential to influence investor behaviour.

Perseguendo politiche comuni per gli Stati membri, l'Unione Europea si è trasformata da unione puramente economica ad unione politica. Tuttavia, per quanto riguarda quest'ultimo aspetto, è stato fatto poco. Lo scetticismo è venuto a caratterizzare il clima politico dell'Unione Europea e l’elevata eterogeneità nei termini degli Stati membri hanno causato difficoltà nel processo decisionale. Questa tesi si concentra sulle politiche europee da tre aspetti: la legittimità, che si riferisce al sostegno politico dei cittadini, il comportamento di voto e di partecipazione dei cittadini. Una delle questioni principali della ricerca riguarda l’esistenza delle basi per la genesi di veri e propri partiti politici europei, come via d’uscita dalla crisi di legittimità dell'Unione Europea. Ci si chiede poi quali sono i principali fattori che influenzano la partecipazione alle elezioni del Parlamento Europeo, dal momento che esso è l'unica fonte diretta di legittimità. Infine, si studiano le cause del gap in affluenza per le elezioni europee e nazionali, guardando la quota di voto del partito. L'argomento principale per l’esistenza dei partiti pan-europei è quello di difendere gli stessi interessi e valori su scala europea. I risultati empirici sottolineano che la polarizzazione di classe sociale, è già presente nei primi 12 Stati membri dell'UE, e anche nei nuovi Stati membri, mentre nelle elezioni del Parlamento europeo gli elettori votano sinceramente. In conclusione: l'Europa soddisfa la base per la creazione di partiti pan-Europei che difendino vere e proprie politiche europee, mirate ai gruppi sociali che rappresentano, come una possibile soluzione per la crisi di legittimità.
By pursuing common policies for its Member States, the European Union moved from being a purely economic union, to being a political one as well. However, little has been done to tackle the latter aspect. Skepticism has come to characterize the political climate of the European Union and high heterogeneity in terms of Member States has induced difficulties in the decision-making process. This thesis focuses on the European Politics from three aspects: legitimacy, which refers to citizens’ political support, voting behavior and turnout. One of the main research questions we address is whether or not the basis for the existence of true European party politics exists, as a way out of the European Union legitimacy crisis. Then, we ask what are the main factors that influence electoral participation in the European Parliament elections since it is the only source of direct legitimacy. Lastly, we investigate what are the causes for the turnout gap across European and National elections, looking at the party vote share. The main argument for pan-European to exist is to defend the same values and interests European-wide. Empirical results point out that social class's polarization already exists in the initial 12 EU Member States, as well as later entries, while in the European Parliament elections voters cast their vote sincerely. We conclude that Europe fulfils the base requirement for the creation of true European politics, party politics and social groups' targeted-policies being a possible solution for the legitimacy crisis.

Este trabalho, intitulado “a problemática da participação das mulheres nos órgãos de poder político: o caso do parlamento Cabo-verdiano” pretende analisar o impacto do desenvolvimento económico, social e cultural, em particular o papel das mulheres neste processo, na participação feminina no parlamento Cabo-verdiano. Procuramos evidenciar ao longo do trabalho que, apesar de este assunto ser encarado como um problema meramente político, envolve outros fatores, nomeadamente económicos e sociais (que serão analisados) mas também questões jurídicas, de cidadania e culturais. Houve mudanças no mundo contemporâneo em torno da condição feminina, nos diferentes domínios da vida económica, social e política, no entanto a participação política feminina nos órgãos do poder político ainda constitui um problema. É de salientar que o fenómeno da desigualdade de participação nos órgãos do poder político ainda não foi totalmente resolvido, mesmo nos países mais desenvolvidos e com democracia estabilizada. Temos que reconhecer, no entanto, que, de um modo geral, foram removidos nos países democráticos, e também em Cabo Verde, os obstáculos de cariz formal e legal para se atingir o objetivo de igualdade entre homens e mulheres. Partindo da premissa que Cabo Verde cresceu e, sobretudo se desenvolveu tanto no domínio económico, social e cultural, procuraremos saber se este crescimento se refletiu e em que grau, na participação política das mulheres no parlamento. Subsidiariamente procuraremos fazer o levantamento de outros fatores de carácter político que podem ter tido influência neste processo.
This work, entitled "The issue of women's participation in politics: The case of Cape Verdean parliament" intends to analyze the economic, social and cultural impact, in particular the role of women in the process of participation in the parliament of Cape Verde. The paper tried to make clear that this subject is regarded as a purely political problem but involves other factors, including cultural aspects, sociological, citizenship and law. There have been changes in the contemporary world around the female condition in different areas of economic and social policy, however women's political participation in the organs of political power is still a problem. It is noteworthy that the phenomenon of unequal participation in the organs of political power has not been fully solved even in more developed and stable democracy. We must recognize, however, that, in general, the obstacles to formal legal order to achieve the objective of equality between men and women were removed in democratic countries, and also in Cape Verde. Assuming that Cape Verde has grown and developed mainly in the economic, social and cultural grounds, still remains to see whether this growth was reflected and to what degree in the political participation of women in parliament. Alternative seek to survey other political factors that may have influenced this process.

The goal of this thesis is to show the life and functioning of the Senate of the National Assembly of Czechoslovakia. The upper house of the Czechoslovak Parliament functioned between 1920 and 1939 after which it was officially dissolved during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. In the concerned period, the chamber was gradually saw 444 lawmakers of seven different nationalities. The biggest number consisted of Czechs and Germans. The functioning of the Senate is analyzed from multiple angles. First the debate accompanying the establishment of a second chamber before the adoption of the new Constitution in 1920 is analyzed. Attention is also paid to the period debates and unrealized proposals for a Senate reform at the end the 1920's, linked to the proposed creation of the Economic Parliament. Also shown is the proportional representation electoral system used for elections to the Senate. The results were reflected in a large number of political parties with low electoral gains, which in turn hindered the creation of a stable political environment. The thesis considers the party, ethnic, social, intellectual and oratory activities of individual senators. The lives of some of the lawmakers who held seats in the upper chamber in the First Republic and were negatively affected by the German...

Tese de Doutoramento em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais
Desde 2009, o euroceticismo tornou-se uma realidade no seio do Parlamento Europeu (PE), particularmente, através do surgimento de novos grupos políticos eurocéticos, tais como os Reformistas e Conservadores Europeus (ECR) e a Europa da Liberdade e da Democracia (EFD). O aumento do euroceticismo continuou após as eleições europeias de 2014, o que resultou no surgimento de um outro grupo eurocético, a Europa das Nações e da Liberdade (ENF). Após as eleições para o PE de 2019, o recém-formado grupo da Identidade e Democracia (ID) contribuiu para o reforço do euroceticismo transnacional. Embora estes grupos políticos tenham recebido atenção académica, até agora a maior parte dessa atenção foi direcionada para os Membros do Parlamento Europeu e aos seus padrões de voto. A presente tese tem como objetivo complementar os estudos existentes de duas maneiras. Por um lado, ao identificar as condições definidoras do euroceticismo dentro dos grupos partidários do PE entre 2009 e 2019. Por outro lado, ao contribuir para a compreensão sobre como evoluíram essas mesmas condições definidoras sob o impacto do contexto pós-2008. Para esse fim, analisou-se a composição dos grupos políticos eurocéticos recorrendo à forma exploratória do método crisp-set da Análise Qualitativa Comparada (csQCA), que foi aplicada aos partidos políticos dos treze grupos eurocéticos identificados nas legislaturas de 2009, 2014 e 2019. Para o desenvolvimento do modelo analítico, a presente tese sustentou-se no quadro teórico do Pósfuncionalismo. A investigação levada a cabo permitiu concluir que a evolução das condições definidoras do euroceticismo ocorreu a partir de 2014/2015, nos grupos políticos do quadro TAN. Isso contribuiu para que a natureza da contestação também evoluísse: deixando de ser cooperativa para passar a ser confrontativa. Paralelamente, os resultados da análise permitiram concluir sobre o surgimento de uma nova clivagem transnacional, com base nos valores GAL/TAN, que parece ser crucial para a compreensão do euroceticismo nos grupos políticos do Parlamento Europeu no período pós-2008.
Since 2009, Euroscepticism has become a reality in the European Parliament (EP), something reflected in the emergence of new Eurosceptic party groups, such as the European Reformists and Conservatives (ECR) and the Europe of Freedom and Democracy (EFD). The rise of Euroscepticism has continued after 2014 elections, which resulted in the emergence of another Eurosceptic group, the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF). In the aftermath of 2019 EP elections, the new-formed Identity and Democracy (ID) seems to embody a new and innovative transnational Euroscepticism. Although these party groups have hitherto received scholarly attention, most of such attention has been directed at the roles of individual MEPs and their voting patterns. The present thesis aims to complement the existing studies by exploring specific conditions under which the Euroscepticism has evolved within EP party groups between 2009 and 2019. To this end, Eurosceptic EP party groups’ composition was analyzed by resorting to an exploratory crisp set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (csQCA) applied to the political parties, which constitute the thirteen EP party groups identified in the legislatures of 2009, 2014 and 2019. Drawing upon post-functionalism as its theoretical framework, this thesis will pinpoint the conditions for Euroscepticism within the EP party groups and their evolution under the effects of post- 2008 environment. The resulting findings allow us to conclude that the evolution of the defining conditions of Euroscepticism has occurred as of 2014/2015, in the political groups of the TAN framework. Such evolution had a major impact in the nature of the Euroscepticism’s contestation, that evolved from a cooperative to a confrontational contestation. At the same time, the results of the analysis made it possible to conclude about the emergence of a new transnational cleavage, based on the GAL/TAN values, which seems to be crucial for the comprehension of the post-2008 Euroscepticism evolution in EP.
Esta tese teve o apoio da Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia traduzido numa Bolsa de Doutoramento - SFRH/BD/123539/2016 – com a duração de três anos.

Mgr. Soňa Fryščáková The aims and objectives of the European Union information policy (with a focus on librarianship in the institutional structure of the European Union) (dissertation thesis) (Směřování a cíle informační politiky Evropské unie (se zaměřením na knihovnictví v rámci institucionální struktury Evropské unie) Abstract This thesis is focused on the analysis of the selected libraries (and the other information services) of the European Union Institution, in particular the analysis of their current situation with an aim to address a proposal for their further development. The proposal points out problematic areas within the libraries' operation and prepares suggestions to the program goals of the information policy of the libraries of EU Institutions. The first part is devoted to the EU information policy in general and presents the development of the information society in the context of the European Union. The next section describes the information services of the EU Institutions. Specifically, those are libraries of selected EU institutions and also the Historical Archives of the European Union and the professional association of European libraries Eurolib. The last part deals with analysis of the information strategy of the EU institutions and with the solution that represent program aims of...

American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law. These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism. In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method. This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior. The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent. The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will. Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.