Journal articles: 'Economic parliament'

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Kakitelashvili, M. M. "The Phenomenon of the Parliaments of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 3 (September 15, 2018): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18382.

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The purpose of article is to define an opportunity application of experience of the European Parliament during creation of Parliament of the Eurasian Economic Union (The Euroasian parliament) and also to reveal positive experience of functioning of the European Parliament which can be used during creation of the Euroasian parliament. The object of the research is social relations in the process of formation and functioning of the Parliament of the EEU. The methodology of the research is General scientific methods of cognition (dialectic, analysis, synthesis, modeling, etc.), as well as sociological, historical, comparative-legal, formal-legal, etc.The specificity of integration associations in the modern world poker on a process to integrate posters, featuring noisy, versatility, variety of levels internal and proven. Also the essence of European integration is marked by the formation of the European Communities to transforming them into the European Union and the transition to a new higher type of integration, estimated the use of certain elements of the international legal model of the European Union. Analyzing historical, political, social prerequisites of formation of supranational parliaments in the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union, the author marks out both similar, and their various lines.Stand out general and particular features of legal regulation of activities of political parties in the legislation of the countries of the EEC and European Union. Analyzed the socio-cultural peculiarities of the formation of party systems in the countries of the EEC, the participation of political parties in elections to national parliaments.On the basis of the analysis of functions of the European Parliament offers on investment of the Euroasian parliament with representative and control functions express.The author comes to a conclusion that an optimum way of election of the Euroasian parliament is the proportional electoral system.

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Woźniakowski, Tomasz P. "Accountability in EU Economic Governance: European Commissioners in Polish Parliament." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4335.

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This article analyses the interactions between the members of the Polish parliament with the European commissioners in the context of the European Semester, the annual cycle of economic coordination. The Commission drafts crucial documents in this process which assess the implementation of the Country Specific Recommendations (CSRs): the Annual (Sustainable) Growth Survey and the Country Reports. The goal of this article is to assess how the Commission is held to account by a national parliament and how this affects the level of implementation of CSRs. The findings suggest that the Commission is accountable to this national parliament, even if the form of accountability taken is rather innovative and its policy impact limited, at both the EU (the CSRs tend to be immune to Members of [national] Parliament’s contestation) and the national level, as the implementation of CSRs seems to be independent of the level of their scrutiny.

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Hibbing, John R., and Samuel C. Patterson. "Public Trust in the New Parliaments of Central and Eastern Europe." Political Studies 42, no. 4 (December 1994): 570–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb00299.x.

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After the collapse of the Soviet empire, democratic parliamentary elections were conducted in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and new parliaments convened, in the early 1990s. How much confidence did citizens in these new democracies have in their new parliament? Under what conditions is citizens' trust in parliament meagre or ample? Public opinion surveys conduced in 1990–1 in nine countries – Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovenia, and Ukraine – provide data for analysing citizens', trusting or distrusting orientations. Parliamentary trust is significantly influenced by perceptions of economic conditions, and by confidence in politicians and government generally but, surprisingly, not much affected by political awareness or involvement levels, political efficacy, or social class differentials. These findings indicate that public confidence in these parliaments will grow with economic prosperity and the demonstrated effectiveness of the government to govern.

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Closa Montero, Carlos, Felipe González de León, and Gisela Hernández González. "Pragmatism and the Limits to the European Parliament’s Strategies for Self-Empowerment." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 13, 2021): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4243.

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Despite the European Parliament’s (EP) growing role, its influence and scrutiny capacity remain considerably weaker than the role traditionally reserved for parliaments in economic and fiscal policy decision-making at the national level. The EP has exploited any opportunity to enhance these powers: In particular, the EP has a record of using crisis and extraordinary situations to expand its role beyond the formal prerogatives given to the institution. Following this literature, this article examines the role and influence of the EP on economic and fiscal policy, focusing on the response to the Covid-19 crisis. Negotiation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility presents an auspicious area to analyse the strategies implemented by the EP to influence the outcome and reinforce its position in EU economic governance. The article will look specifically at the formal and informal mechanisms used by the EP during the crisis to expand its powers. Moreover, it utilises a research design that combines the content analysis of several official/public documents and statements from key members of the European Parliament (MEPs) involved in economic policy.

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Bell, David, and Sheila Dow. "Economic Policy Options for a Scottish Parliament." Scottish Affairs 13 (First Serie, no. 1 (November 1995): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1995.0053.

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Woźnicki, Tomasz. "Współpraca międzyparlamentarna w świetle art. 13. Traktatu o stabilności, koordynacji i zarządzaniu w Unii Gospodarczej i Walutowej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 3-2015 (January 31, 2016): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.3.15.7.

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The article presents the most important changes which were made to the EU inter-parliamentary cooperation by article 13 of the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the Economic and Monetary Union (so-called Fiscal Compact). Author analyses the decision made by the Conference of Speakers of the EU Parliaments in April 2013 in Nicosia establishing the new conference under article 13 of the Treaty and presents conclusions from the first two years of the functioning of the conference. In particular, the author refers to the relations between national parliaments and European Parliament in the context of the creation of this new inter-parliamentary body.

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Kizito, Ehigiamusoe Uyi. "The Role of Parliament on Economic Integration in Africa: Evidence from ECOWAS Parliament." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 4, no. 1 (2012): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0410110.

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Hooghe, Marc, Ruth Dassonneville, and Jennifer Oser. "Public Opinion, Turnout and Social Policy: A Comparative Analysis of Policy Congruence in European Liberal Democracies." Political Studies 67, no. 4 (March 8, 2019): 992–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718819077.

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According to democratic theory, policy responsiveness is a key characteristic of democratic government: citizens’ preferences should affect policy outcomes. Empirically, however, the connection between public opinion and policy is not self-evident and is increasingly challenged. Using an originally constructed data set with information from 21 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries between 1980 and 2014, our research design allows for a comprehensive investigation of the linkages between ideological positions of citizens, parliaments and cabinets on one hand, and redistributive policies in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries on the other hand. We find that the role of the cabinet is more important than that of parliament. Although citizens’ left–right positions do not have an effect (directly or indirectly) on the level of social expenditure, there is a connection between mass preferences and the ideological position of parliament and government in high-turnout contexts.

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Kreilinger, Valentin. "From procedural disagreement to joint scrutiny? The Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0035.

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Abstract The provision of Article 13 TSCG to create an Interparliamentary Conference was the starting point for long discussions after which national parliaments and the European Parliament eventually reached a compromise. This article pursues a two-fold objective: It first examines the different phases of interparliamentary negotiations from 2012 to 2015. On the basis of a distinction between three competing models for interparliamentary cooperation, the article shows that the two models of EP-led scrutiny and creating a collective parliamentary counterweight did not prevail: Parliaments agreed that the new Interparliamentary Conference on Stability, Economic Coordination and Governance (SECG) would follow the ‘standard’ interparliamentary conference (COSAC model). In terms of national parliaments’ actual participation, the lowest common denominator compromise has not changed the numbers of participating MPs: Attendance records are stable over time, the size of national delegations continues to vary and participating MPs are still twice as likely to be members of Budget or Finance committees than to be members of European affairs committees.

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Tremmel, Jörg. "Der Eigenvorsorgebeitrag als Alternative zur beamtenrechtsähnlichen Versorgung für Abgeordnete. Zu den Ergebnissen der Kommission im Baden-Württembergischen Landtag." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 2 (2019): 327–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-2-327.

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In 2018 the state parliament of Baden-Württemberg installed a commission of experts to inspect the existing retirement income system of its parliamentarians (Altersversorgung des Abgeordneten) . The commission report prompts a comparison between the existing retirement income system in Baden-Württemberg and a reflection on alternatives in other German states . Due to political, legal and economic reasons, one should opt against the system of civil servants-like pension schemes for members of parliament . Of all the alternatives, the system of a private pension contribution is most likely to reconcile the interests of all those involved . In order to do justice to the importance of the office and to secure sufficient retirement benefits, the amount of the contribution should be 2,000 Euro per month in the state parliaments and 2,500 Euro per month in the Bundestag .

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Meissner, Katharina Luise. "Brexit under Scrutiny in EU Member States: What Role for National Parliaments in Austria and Germany?" Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 279–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2007.

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Among national parliaments (NPs) in the EU, the Austrian Nationalrat and the German Bundestag stand out as strong legislatures in EU affairs. Both parliaments have used their rights to great extent in recent EU negotiations on international agreements such as the one with Canada on a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement. Yet, in the negotiations with the UK their involvement varies. Why is this so? Scholarly work on Brexit so far focused on the European Parliament or the UK parliament, while attention to NPs in the EU27 is scarce. This article fills this void in research by tracing the Austrian and German parliaments’ activities in the Brexit negotiations. Despite similar institutional strength I find that the German Bundestag is more extensively involved, particularly on an informal level, compared to the Austrian Nationalrat. The reason for this is Brexit’s varying saliency in these two countries given their different levels of exposure to the UK’s withdrawal. As saliency of a policy issue is considered a major explanatory factor for why NPs engage in EU affairs, the results of this article confirm this expectation within the realm of EU international negotiations.

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Schakel, Wouter, and Armen Hakhverdian. "Ideological congruence and socio-economic inequality." European Political Science Review 10, no. 3 (March 1, 2018): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000036.

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This study examines whether or not political representation in the Netherlands is biased toward the rich and higher educated by comparing the political orientations of members of parliament to those of the electorate. The analyses reveal stark differences in the representation of different socio-economic groups. The political views of elected national representatives are far more similar to those of rich, higher educated citizens than to those with less income and education. Moreover, a longitudinal analysis reveals that inequalities in political representation have actually grown in recent years. We also show that the use of measures of ideological self-identification might to lead to highly misleading results regarding the nature of political representation as opposed to the use of issue items. We conclude that, despite a highly proportional electoral system, the views which are represented in the Dutch lower house of parliament contain major distortions of the views of the broader electorate.

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13

Tribe, Keith. "Britain’s political economies. Parliament and economic life, 1660–1800." European Journal of the History of Economic Thought 27, no. 5 (September 2, 2020): 810–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09672567.2020.1816355.

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Harris, Tim. "Britain’s Political Economies: Parliament and Economic Life, 1660–1800." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 1 (June 2018): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01238.

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15

Sorace, Miriam. "The European Union democratic deficit: Substantive representation in the European Parliament at the input stage." European Union Politics 19, no. 1 (November 22, 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517741562.

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The analysis compares voters' preferences in economic policy to political parties' economic written parliamentary questions during the 2009–2014 term of the European Parliament. The corpus of over 55,000 written questions was ideologically scaled via crowdsourcing. The analysis shows that parties are unresponsive to second-order and to disengaged voters. The results also suggest that there is no upper class bias in European Parliament political representation. The data highlight a strong tendency of EP7 political parties to cluster around the position of the average European voter, at the expense of their average supporter. The democratic deficit is therefore at most a pluralism deficit in the European Parliament, since substantive representation in the European Parliament is successful as far as the majoritarian norm is concerned.

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YAKOVLEV, Petr. "The EU after Brexit: Key Geopolitical and Geo-Economic Challenges." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (21) (2020): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2020-1-30-44.

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The decision on Britain’s secession from the European Union, taken by the British Parliament and agreed by London and Brussels, divided the Union history into “before” and “after”. Not only will the remaining member states have to “digest” the political, commercial, economic and mental consequences of parting with one of the largest partners. They will also have to create a substantially new algorithm for the functioning of United Europe. On this path, the EU is confronted with many geopolitical and geo-economic challenges, which should be answered by the new leaders of the European Commission, European Council, and European Parliament.

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Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.

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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

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Sumara, Tomasz. "Local issues debated on the forum of the Legislative Sejm by the Members of Parliament from the district of Rzeszów in the years 1919–1920." Humanities and Cultural Studies 2/2021, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.7431.

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Parliament members in the Second Polish Republic played leading roles in public and socio-economic life. The Legislative Sejm laid the foundations for an independent Polish state system. Parliamentarians who spoke in the parliament forum not only responded to current political and economic concerns, but also discussed problems regarding the regions they came from. In this way, they became representatives of the voters and their interests.

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Dąbroś, Wojciech, and Janusz Kudła. "The voting of EU members for common consolidated corporate tax base and the tax benefits." Central European Economic Journal 7, no. 54 (September 9, 2020): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ceej-2020-0005.

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AbstractThis paper examines the relationship between the voting behaviour of European Parliament members on the Common Consolidated Corporate Tax Base (CCCTB) proposal and economic characteristics of their respective countries. We are concerned about the political and economy factors behind policy and decision making of CCCTB in European Parliament. The analysis is conducted with Logit model identifying factors affecting the voting consultation decision of the Parliament of the European Union in 2018. Particularly, we investigate the impact of four components taken from tax benefit index proposed by W. Orłowski. We have found that economic factors alone are responsible the voting behaviour of the European Union deputies, not their personal characteristics.

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Hasanah, Nurul, and Ira Eka Pratiwi. "EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF FEMALE PARTICIPATION IN EDUCATION, PARLIAMENTS, AND WORKFORCE ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN MUSLIM COUNTRIES." OIKONOMIKA : Jurnal Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan Syariah 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.53491/oikonomika.v1i2.74.

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The main objective of this study is to investigate female participation on education, parliament, and workforce in Muslim countries. By using secondary data over the period from 2010 until 2014 and parametric analysis, it can be concluded that there is a significant difference between female participation in Middle East and non-Middle East countries. The estimation showed that the average of female in parliament and female labor force participation are higher in non-Middle East countries. Furthermore, the study also estimates the influence of female participation on economic growth. By using multiple regression panel data method, processed by E-Views, the result found that both female literacy rate and female participation in parliament have a positive and significant relationship with economic growth in Muslim countries. Meanwhile, the result of female labor force participation and female unemployment rate show insignificant effect on economic growth.

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Stockemer, Daniel, and Aksel Sundström. "Age representation in parliaments: Can institutions pave the way for the young?" European Political Science Review 10, no. 3 (March 19, 2018): 467–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000048.

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Middle-aged to senior men of the ethnic majority and higher income groups are generally overrepresented in parliaments. While research on group representation has examined issues of gender, economic standing, and, more recently, ethnicity, few studies examine age groups. We argue that the design of political institutions influences the share of young adults in parliaments across nations and hypothesize that the electoral system type, age candidacy requirements, and quotas influence the share of younger deputies in national parliaments. Analyzing an original data set with a global cross-national sample, we find that proportional representation and giving candidates the right to stand in elections as early as possible (i.e. at the age of 18) matter. In contrast, quota provisions for youths are currently too selectively applied to increase the percentage of young deputies in parliament.

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Shaw, John McCarthy, and David Newlands. "An Economic and Spatial Policy Agenda for the Scottish Parliament." Regional Studies 33, no. 9 (December 1999): 891–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00343409950075524.

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Moury, Catherine, and Elisabetta De Giorgi. "Introduction: Conflict and Consensus in Parliament during the Economic Crisis." Journal of Legislative Studies 21, no. 1 (August 20, 2014): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.939564.

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Cavallaro, Matteo, David Flacher, and Massimo Angelo Zanetti. "Radical right parties and European economic integration: Evidence from the seventh European Parliament." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (March 11, 2018): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518760241.

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This article explores the differences in radical right parties' voting behaviour on economic matters at the European Parliament. As the literature highlights the heterogeneity of these parties in relation to their economic programmes, we test whether divergences survive the elections and translate into dissimilar voting patterns. Using voting records from the seventh term of the European Parliament, we show that radical right parties do not act as a consolidated party family. We then analyse the differences between radical right parties by the means of different statistical methods (NOMINATE, Ward's clustering criterion, and additive trees) and find that these are described along two dimensions: the degree of opposition to the European Union and the classical left–right economic cleavage. We provide a classification of these parties compromising four groups: pro-welfare conditional, pro-market conditional, and rejecting. Our results indicate that radical right parties do not act as a party family at the European Parliament. This remains true regardless of the salience of the policy issues in their agendas. The article also derives streams for future research on the heterogeneity of radical right parties.

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Avilova, A., A. Gutnick, Y. Kvashnin, V. Olenchenko, N. Toganova, and O. Trofimova. "The European Parliament Elections 2014." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-5-20.

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The article is devoted to the European Parliament elections held in May 2014. Their results are analyzed on two levels – national and pan-European. On the national one the authors provide case studies of the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Poland, Italy and Greece. The impact of economic crisis and later the severe public debt crisis in Eurozone countries on the EU Parliament elections is estimated. Another factor examined in the study is the public awareness of the EU’s institutions in everyday life. The authors point out the contradiction between the public opinion on these institutions and the ongoing process of further integration due to the crises in such fields as finances and government expenditures. The latest process is viewed by the experts as a positive one, but the lack of public understanding resulted in abstention, protest voting and the rise of right-wing and populist parties. The national case studies showed that the situation varied from country to country. In some of them the pan-European agenda has played a greater role, in others it influenced the elections, but in the end they were mainly a referendum on the national government performance. The case of the UK illustrated the first tendency, but partly also the second one: the elections not only put the question about the country’s role in the EU, but also reflected the citizens’ discontent in mainstream politics. France, Greece and partly Italy showed that the voters disapprove the EU politics, especially concerning such fields as immigration and economic and debt crisis. The Polish case demonstrates that the lack of information on the EU’s institutions can jeopardize the positions of centrist parties even in a very pro-European country. The election results in FRG confirm that the Germans are trying to identify their country’s role in the European institutions and find the right attitude toward its growing responsibility for the integration process.

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Root, Hilton L. "The Redistributive Role of Government: Economic Regulation in Old Régime France and England." Comparative Studies in Society and History 33, no. 2 (April 1991): 338–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017059.

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The lobbying activities of private groups had an important redistributive influence on national economic policies in both England and France; however, the different organization of government in the two nations gave a particular shape and structure to the redistributive character of national politics. In England, Parliament's role in the legislative process made gaining economic concessions from the government long and difficult. During the eighteenth century, the English government's role was increasingly limited to adjudicating the claims of influential but conflicting groups. In France, by contrast, the government's economic decisions were neither subject to parliamentary scrutiny nor to open public discussion. Whereas the rules of the redistributional game in eighteenth-century England were increasingly public knowledge, the administrative and political process that allowed the French government to pursue its mercantilist programs was private. Furthermore, the rules changed according to ministerial whim. As one historian put it, public law was a forbidden domain, “a mystery reserved to the king and his ministers,” permitting select members of privileged clans, rather than broadly defined interest groups, to enjoy the benefits of government patronage. Although the creation of sophisticated interests and competitive lobbies allowed the English Parliament to provide special favors to particular industries during the eighteenth century, unlike the French executive, neither Parliament nor the English executive had the discretionary authority to distribute monopoly rents to particular ministerial or royal favorites. In England the government's distribution of spoils followed procedures more open to the English political elite as a whole; still, corruption was more pervasive in English public administration than in France, where executive supervision of central government agents was more comprehensive.

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Baker, David. "Collaborative Research and the Members of Parliament Project." Politics 17, no. 1 (February 1997): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00035.

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This article gives an account of the ‘Members of Parliament Project’ based at Nottingham Trent and Sheffield universities, which reveals something of the team's working practices and intellectual strategy and concludes with reflections on the benefits and costs of collaboration. It also covers the research undertaken: the creation of a database on Conservative Parliamentarians in order to undertake research on a range of socio-economic, ideological and political variables; the use of cohort analysis to study the socio-economic profile of the Conservative elite; the development of a typology of British Conservatism; and the use of attitude surveys to empirically investigate a novel ‘ideological mapping technique.

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Zemlyanskij, V. L. "Provisional National assembly of the Far East: Milestones of the First Far Eastern Parliament." ОЙКУМЕНА. РЕГИОНОВЕДЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ 3 (2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1998-6785/2020-3/85-95.

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Civil war in the Russian Far East 1918–1922 had its own unique features, one of them was the presence of the highest representative bodies of power. Unlike other regions of Russia (in particular, Siberia and the Kuban), the parliaments of Primorye existed with insignificant interruptions from 1920 to 1922. The first parliament in Vladivostok was the Provisional National Assembly of the Far East. The purpose of the article is to study the activities of deputies of the National Assembly. Seaside parliamentarians clearly presented their main tasks (uniting the regions of the Far East, preserving the region for Russia, ending the intervention peacefully, improving the economic situation) and, to the extent possible, sought to achieve them.

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Case, William. "Singapore in 2002: Economic Lassitude and Threats to Security." Asian Survey 43, no. 1 (January 2003): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.1.167.

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During 2002, Singapore's government attempted to stimulate political life by encouraging debate among its backbenchers in parliament. It took steps also to revive economic competitiveness, adjusting tax incentives and targeting new industries. And it tried to perpetuate security, setting up a range of new agencies through which to deal with terrorist threats.

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Becker, Sascha O., and Erik Hornung. "The Political Economy of the Prussian Three-Class Franchise." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 4 (September 28, 2020): 1143–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000443.

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How did the Prussian three-class franchise, which politically over-represented the economic elite, affect policies? Contrary to the predominant and simplistic view that the system allowed the landed elites to capture most political rents, we find that members of parliament from constituencies with a higher vote inequality support more liberal policies, gauging their political orientation from the universe of roll call votes cast in parliament during Prussia’s rapid industrialization (1867–1903). Consistent with the characteristics of German liberalism that aligned with economic interests of business, the link between vote inequality and liberal voting is stronger in regions with large-scale industry.

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ROGERS, CHRIS. "The Economic Consequences of a Hung Parliament: Lessons from February 1974." Political Quarterly 81, no. 4 (October 2010): 501–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.2010.02119.x.

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Wood, David M. "The Conservative Member of Parliament as Lobbyist for Constituency Economic Interests." Political Studies 35, no. 3 (September 1987): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00196.x.

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Interviews undertaken in the House of Commons with 70 backbench Conservative MPs in 1983–84 examined the extent to which they pursue their own localized industrial policy strategies as part of their efforts to maintain constituency electoral support. This involves lobbying efforts directed toward ministers in support of local industries, either in defence of jobs, in promotion of new jobs, or in a variety of quests for government benefits or relaxation of restrictions. It was found that 36 of the 70 Conservative MPs could be classified as ‘constituency lobbyists’, reflecting interview evidence that they consider lobbying on behalf of local industries to be a normal and important part of their representative rôle as MPs. The hypothesis that vulnerable constituencies—vulnerable in both political and economic terms—would be represented by constituency lobbyists was tested through the construction of an index of constituency ‘security’. It was found that the more secure the constituency, the less likely is the MP to lobby on behalf of local industrial interests.

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Priemus, Hugo. "Dutch Spatial-economic Investment Policy Revised: Strengthening the Role of Parliament." European Planning Studies 16, no. 9 (October 2008): 1249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09654310802401672.

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Lord, Christopher. "The European Parliament in the Economic Governance of the European Union." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2003): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.t01-1-00421.

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TILLEY, JAMES, JOHN GARRY, and TESSA BOLD. "Perceptions and reality: Economic voting at the 2004 European Parliament elections." European Journal of Political Research 47, no. 5 (August 2008): 665–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.2008.00780.x.

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Auberger, Antoine. "Voting and economic factors in French elections for the European Parliament." Public Choice 153, no. 3-4 (May 7, 2011): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9796-9.

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Sgroi, R. C. L. "Piscatorial Politics Revisited: The Language of Economic Debate and the Evolution of Fishing Policy in Elizabethan England." Albion 35, no. 1 (2003): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069143.

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The historiography of Tudor economic legislation has been preoccupied with two questions: firstly whether any consistent economic planning, or simply expedient reactions to various problems, can be discerned in Elizabethan policy; and secondly whether and to what extent policy was imposed “from above” by William Cecil and the privy council, or influenced “from below” by local and factional lobbying. Since the 1980s the research of Geoffrey Elton and his successors has extended our understanding of Tudor parliaments; yet the standard accounts of Elizabethan policy-making have on the whole paid insufficient attention to contemporaries’ perceptions and interpretations of economic change, upon which their suggested solutions and arguments for reform were based. As several studies of particular policies have shown, such as Norman Jones’ analysis of usury statutes, and Paul Fideler’s work on poor relief, the evolution of economic policy in sixteenth-century England can fruitfully be approached by cutting through the rhetoric of preambles and policy statements, and by focusing on the strategies of persuasion underlying debates in Parliament and beyond.

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Joshi, Devin K., and Kara Kingma. "The Uneven Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments: Explaining Variation across the Region." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 352–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341272.

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AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.

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MALESKY, EDMUND, and PAUL SCHULER. "Nodding or Needling: Analyzing Delegate Responsiveness in an Authoritarian Parliament." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000250.

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Recent scholarship argues that one solution to ensure longevity and economic growth in an authoritarian regime is to co-opt potential opposition by offering them limited policy influence in a national legislature. Although cooptation theory generates a number of predictions for delegate behavior within an authoritarian parliament, the opacity of such regimes has made empirical confirmation difficult. We resolve this problem by exploiting the transcripts of query sessions in the Vietnamese National Assembly, where delegates question the prime minister and Cabinet members on important issues of the day. Using a content analysis of queries, we offer the first empirical test of delegate behavior in nondemocratic parliaments. We find that some delegates exhibit behavior consistent with cooptation theory by actively participating in sessions, demonstrating criticism of authorities, and responding to the needs of local constituents. Such responsiveness, however, is parameterized by regime rules for nominating, electing, and assigning parliamentary responsibilities to individual delegates.

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Summerhill, William R. "Fiscal Bargains, Political Institutions, and Economic Performance." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-119.

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Abstract In “Bargaining for Absolutism,” Alejandra Irigoin and Regina Grafe argue three points of considerable interest to historians: political absolutism in Castile did not extend to fiscal matters; fiscal relations within Spain and its empire were characterized by bargaining, not directives from the crown; and the differences between Spanish and British imperial fiscal systems have been overstated. Their first and second points are a welcome corrective to oversimplified treatments of early modern Spanish fiscal politics, and echo findings on absolutism in France. In practice, absolutist sovereigns were not autocrats. They needed money to wage war and defend against predatory rivals, and had to exchange rent-generating privileges and monopolies in order to levy taxes and borrow. Irigoin and Grafe understate, however, the differences between fiscal relations in the British and Spanish empires. The institutions governing economic policy making at home were quite distinct in the two cases. After 1688 Britain relied heavily on Parliament for the formulation and approval of economic policies. The formal mechanisms by which the economic interests of different groups were articulated and brokered between Parliament and the government led to more efficient outcomes. In Spain, where the crown could selectively assign and abrogate property rights in a manner unchecked by formal political institutions, fiscal weakness and economic stagnation resulted. This institutional gap was reflected as well in the implementation of economic policy in their respective colonies. In this difference one can trace one important source of differing economic trajectories in the late colonial and early national periods.

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Mitrokhina, E. M., and E. M. Ozhegov. "PARLIAMENT STRUCTURE INFLUENCE ON SOCIO-ECONOMIC POLICY IN RUSSIAN REGIONS: EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология, no. 2 (2016): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2016-2-62-82.

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Okolikj, Martin, and Stephen Quinlan. "Context Matters: Economic Voting in the 2009 and 2014 European Parliament Elections." Politics and Governance 4, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i1.458.

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Using the 2009 and 2014 European Election Studies (EES), we explore the effect of the economy on the vote in the 2009 and 2014 European Parliament (EP) elections. The paper demonstrates that the economy did influence voters in both contests. However, its impact was heterogeneous across the two elections and between countries. While assessments of the economy directly motivated voters in 2009 by 2014 economic appraisals were conditioned by how much responsibility voters felt the national government had for the state of the economy, implying a shift in calculus between the two elections. The analysis suggests that voters in 2009 were simply reacting to the economic tsunami that was the Global Financial Crisis, with motivations primarily driven by the unfavourable economic conditions countries faced. But in 2014, evaluations were conditioned by judgments about responsibility for the economy, suggesting a more conscious holding to account of the government. Our paper also reveals cross-country differences in the influence of the economy on vote. Attribution of responsibility and economic evaluations had a more potent impact on support for the government in bailout countries compared to non-bailout countries in 2014. Our findings demonstrate the importance of economy on vote in EP elections but also highlight how its impact on vote can vary based on context.

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Zajc, Drago. "A New Parliament in the Economic Crisis: Slovenia’s National Assembly, 2008–2016." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518002251.

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Bressanelli, Edoardo, and Nicola Chelotti. "The European Parliament and economic governance: explaining a case of limited influence." Journal of Legislative Studies 24, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2018.1444627.

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Fasone, Cristina. "European Economic Governance and Parliamentary Representation. What Place for the European Parliament?" European Law Journal 20, no. 2 (August 1, 2013): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/eulj.12069.

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Ferry, Laurence, Larry Honeysett, and Henry Midgley. "Holding the government to account for its finances: the “Unsung” heroes of the UK parliament scrutiny unit." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 33, no. 2 (January 19, 2021): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-11-2020-0180.

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PurposeThis paper describes the role and remit of the Scrutiny Unit, which assists members of parliament (MPs) with the analysis of accounting data.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis is developed through an understanding of the secondary literature and practical experience of the work of the Unit.FindingsThe Scrutiny Unit is an unappreciated and yet vital part of the way in which financial scrutiny operates within the UK parliament. It translates to MPs key financial and economic documents including the budget and accounts. It is a unique institution, covering the entire financial cycle of approval and accountability within parliament.Originality/valueThis is the first descriptive piece on the Unit in an accounting journal and contributes to our understanding of how financial accountability works within the UK parliament.

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Bell, David, and David Eiser. "The economic case for further fiscal decentralisation to Scotland: theoretical and empirical perspectives." National Institute Economic Review 233 (August 2015): R27—R36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011523300104.

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This paper examines the background to calls for further fiscal decentralisation in Scotland in the light of theories of fiscal federalism. In particular, it examines whether spatial differences in preferences, which are central to ‘first generation’ theories of fiscal federalism can be argued to play a central role in the case for granting Scotland further tax and spending powers. ‘Second generation’ theories of fiscal federalism draw attention to the political economy of allocating tax powers to different levels of government. Some of the authors in this strand of theory argue that the case for allocating tax powers to subnational governments can be made in terms of ‘accountability’ – the notion that local politicians can be better held to account for the outcomes of policy actions. Our empirical analysis suggests that there is no clear difference in preferences between Scotland and the rest of the UK along a number of key political dimensions. However, the Scottish parliament enjoys substantially higher levels of trust among the Scottish electorate than does the UK parliament.

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YAKOVLEV, Petr. "Spain after the Election Marathon: Challenges of the New Political Cycle." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 2 (18) (2019): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-2-61-75.

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April – May 2019 was a period of heightened political tension in Spain. The socialist government did not have enough support in parliament. By calling early legislative elections, the Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez strengthened his domestic political position. Success was confirmed in the election to the European Parliament, thus allowing Madrid to assume a greater role in European affairs. The proclaimed objective of the socialist government is to reform the socio-economic structures and build a more equitable society. However, on this path, the country will face internal and external obstacles.

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Norrevik, Sara. "Trust and Support for Comprehensive Trade Agreements in the European Parliament." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 2 (February 20, 2020): 356–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa004.

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Abstract Comprehensive Trade Agreements (CTAs) constitute a new generation of free trade agreements, which challenge traditional models of trade preferences. To understand preferences toward CTAs I present a new predictor, trust in government, that explains support for CTAs in the European Parliament. I develop a unified framework that includes economic and noneconomic factors to explain trade preferences, and analyze support for three recent CTAs: the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement with Canada (CETA), and the EU-Korea Free Trade Agreement. Using an original dataset on trade voting and a multilevel model, I show that higher levels of citizens’ trust in government make Members of the European Parliament more likely to vote in favor of CTAs. My research offers a novel theoretical argument and insights on the connection between public trust and elite position-taking.

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Berlemann, Michael, and Klaus W. Zimmermann. "Trade Unionists in Parliament and Macroeconomic Performance: Evidence from Germany." Economic and Labour Relations Review 22, no. 3 (November 2011): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530461102200307.

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This article focuses on the role of unionised members of parliament. While unions have a direct effect on the labour market via wage negotiations, they often also take part in political debates. In many countries, significant shares of the members of parliament are also members of a trade union. However, up to now little empirical evidence is available on the extent to which unionised members of parliament try to achieve union-specific goals and thereby influence the macroeconomic conditions of an economy. A recent study for Germany comes to the conclusion that union members in the Bundestag cannot be seen as the parliamentary arm of the trade unions. However, we present contradicting empirical results by showing that, in Germany at least, the degree of unionisation of parliamentary members has a negative impact on economic growth and increases inflation, while unemployment remains unaffected.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Economic parliament'

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