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Journal articles on the topic 'Economic policy - Canada'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Harries, J. B., John Cornwall, and Wendy Maclean. "Economic Recovery for Canada: A Policy Framework." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 11, no. 2 (June 1985): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550707.

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2

Marien, Stacey. "Book Review: The Encyclopedia of Central Banking." Reference & User Services Quarterly 55, no. 2 (December 16, 2015): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.55n2.179a.

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Rochon is an Associate Professor of Economics, at Laurentian University, in Ontario, Canada, where he is Director of the International Economic Policy Institute. His areas of research include monetary theory and policy, financialization, and post-Keynesian economics. Rossi, is a Full Professor of Economics at the University of Fribourg, Switzerland, where he holds the Chair of Macroeconomics and Monetary Economics, and Senior Research Associate at the International Economic Policy Institute at Laurentian University in Canada. The two editors have co-authored several articles together and now have edited this reference work.

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3

Choi, Bernard C. K., and James R. Nethercott. "The economic impact of smoking in Canada." International Journal of Health Planning and Management 3, no. 3 (July 1988): 197–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hpm.4740030306.

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4

Welch, David A. "Review: Canada: Canadian Foreign Policy and International Economic Regimes." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 48, no. 3 (September 1993): 570–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209304800311.

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5

Colgan, Charles S. ""Sustainable Development" and Economic Development Policy: Lessons from Canada." Economic Development Quarterly 11, no. 2 (May 1997): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124249701100202.

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6

Macdonald, Martha. "Economic restructuring and gender in Canada: Feminist policy initiatives." World Development 23, no. 11 (November 1995): 2005–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-750x(95)00080-v.

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7

Marczuk-Karbownik, Magdalena. "“Canada will not stand idly by ...”: Ukraine in the Foreign Policy of Canada." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0013.

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Ukraine has always had a special place in Canadian foreign policy. Currently, Canada is deeply engaged in supporting Ukraine to restore political and economic stability and to implement democratic reforms. The Government in Ottawa has condemned Russian aggressive policy and the illegal military occupation of Crimea and has taken a variety of steps and initiatives since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine in 2014 including imposing sanctions, economic and military assistance, and supporting of NATO measures.

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8

ROSAASEN, K. A., and J. S. LOKKEN. "ECONOMIC, MARKETING AND POLICY CONSTRAINTS AFFECTING ANIMAL PRODUCTION IN CANADA." Canadian Journal of Animal Science 66, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 845–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4141/cjas86-095.

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The current economic, marketing and policy constraints facing the animal production industry in Canada are examined. An historical review indicates the consequences (sometimes unintended) of economic or policy changes in the past in the areas of land settlement, marketing and grading. Natural factors constraining production such as gestation periods and climate and human factors such as consumption potential both physically and socially are considered. Government policy is identified as a key determinant in the animal production industry and an alternative explanation of the activity of government in the economy is outlined. The effect of economic and policy variables including interest rates, feed prices, economies of scale, productivity gains, trade policy, tax policy, grain and livestock marketing and stabilization on animal production are described. Throughout, the importance of government policy in determining the development of the animal production industry is emphasized. The major areas of tax policy and grain support programs in Western Canada are key determinants of regional livestock production patterns. The future of these policies is uncertain and this uncertainty is a major constraint to animal production in Canada. Uncertainty has always been a major constraint on animal production. Producers have developed mechanisms to deal with market variation, biological factors such as disease, fluctuating interest rates and the whims of the environment. However, a major source of uncertainty has not been addressed: — government policy. In part, this uncertainty is due to the on-again, off-again policies governments have followed. But history indicates it is foolish to believe that all important variables are within the control of government. Policy evolves through a political process that often reflects the interests of special interest groups rather than the long-term interests of producers or consumers. Change occurs slowly, impeded by resistance from those in favored positions within the current system. Policy uncertainty remains as a key variable to be addressed by the livestock industry in Canada. Key words: Animal production, economic constraints, policy constraints, policy uncertainty

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9

Tarride, JE, JP Collet, M. Choinière, C. Rousseau, and A. Gordon. "The economic burden of neuropathic pain in Canada." Journal of Medical Economics 9, no. 1-4 (January 2006): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3111/200609055068.

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10

Kooten, G. Cornelis, and Louise M. Arthur. "Economic Development with Environmental Security: Policy Conundrum in Rural Canada." American Journal of Agricultural Economics 79, no. 5 (December 1997): 1508–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1244372.

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11

Curtis, Douglas. "Monetary Policy and Economic Activity in Canada in the 1990s." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552595.

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12

Batabyal, Sourav, and Robert Killins. "Economic policy uncertainty and stock market returns: Evidence from Canada." Journal of Economic Asymmetries 24 (November 2021): e00215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jeca.2021.e00215.

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13

Niquidet, Kurt, Jingwen Tang, and Brian Peter. "Economic analysis of forest insect pests in Canada." Canadian Entomologist 148, S1 (June 19, 2015): S357—S366. http://dx.doi.org/10.4039/tce.2015.27.

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AbstractCanada is host to a number of native and introduced forest insects that negatively affect the goods and services provided by forests. Some insects affect forests on a fairly predictable, ongoing basis, while others have impacts that are intermittent, difficult to predict, and sometimes catastrophic. Economic analysis has provided important insights that have informed our understanding of the impact of forest pests and pest management. At the same time, interactions between forests, forest insects, forest management, and economic welfare are complex, and credible assessments may be time consuming and may not always provide results with the certainty sought by policy-makers. This paper reviews the contribution of economics to forest pest management in Canada and suggests future directions for this important field of research.

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14

Battista, Renaldo N., Brigitte Côté, Matthew J. Hodge, and Don Husereau. "Health technology assessment in Canada." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (July 2009): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090424.

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Canada's health system is a unique combination of public financing and private provision. With the significant government role in financing health services, health technology assessment (HTA) has found a ready audience as a form of policy research. In addition, Canada has been a leader in HTA and is entering a phase of deepening and maturation of HTA activities. The relative absence of dramatic change in the overall health system, coupled with public faith in the Canadian approach has been favorable to HTA's development in Canada. Emerging issues, beyond the demographic and economic pressures facing all Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development health systems, include the convergence of assessment modalities and organizations for drug and nondrug technologies, increasing public concerns about the viability of Canada's approach to healthcare services, and the transition of HTA from an activity targeting macro-level policy makers to a management tool for healthcare facilities and providers.

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15

Hurrelmann, Achim, Ece Özlem Atikcan, Adam William Chalmers, and Crina Viju-Miljusevic. "Political controversy about international economic agreements: Lessons for Canada–UK trade negotiations after Brexit." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 3 (September 2019): 453–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019875838.

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The withdrawal of the UK from the EU, if and when it occurs, will likely imply that Canada must conclude a new bilateral trade agreement with the UK. In light of recent trends toward an increasing politicization of trade negotiations, this policy brief assesses the respects in which a Canada–UK agreement could become politically controversial. Drawing on explanations for the politicization of recent trade deals, it identifies potential flashpoints for political conflict in the Canada–UK trade relationship. It then discusses how policy-makers can channel trade-related controversies into the policy process in an inclusive and evidence-based manner.

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16

Thomson, Jennifer. "What's Feminist about Feminist Foreign Policy? Sweden's and Canada's Foreign Policy Agendas." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 424–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz032.

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Abstract Across politics and public discourse, feminism is experiencing a global renaissance. Yet feminist academic work is divided over the burgeoning use of the term, particularly in reference to economic and international development policy. For some, feminism has been co-opted for neoliberal economic ends; for others, it remains a critical force across the globe. This article explores the nascent feminist foreign policies of Sweden and Canada. Employing a discourse analysis of both states’ policy documents, it asks what the term “feminist” meant in preliminary attempts at constructing a feminist foreign policy. It argues that although both use the term “feminist,” they understand the term very differently, with Sweden centering it in domestic and international commitments to change, while Canada places greater emphasis on the private sector. This suggests that this policy agenda is still developing its central concepts, and is thus ripe for intervention on the part of policymakers and civil society organizations.

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17

Mozaffar, Shaheen, and Fen Osler Hampson. "Forming Economic Policy: The Case of Energy in Canada and Mexico." African Economic History, no. 16 (1987): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601282.

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18

Jones, Charles. "Forming economic policy: the case of energy in Canada and Mexico." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025451.

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19

Lahey, Kathleen A., and Paloma de Villota. "Economic Crisis, Gender Equality, and Policy Responses in Spain and Canada." Feminist Economics 19, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 82–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545701.2013.812267.

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20

Romain, Robert F., and Daniel A. Sumner. "Dairy Economic and Policy Issues between Canada and the United States." Canadian Journal of Agricultural Economics/Revue canadienne d'agroeconomie 49, no. 4 (December 2001): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1744-7976.2001.tb00320.x.

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21

Bradford, N., and D. A. Wolfe. "Governing regional economic development: innovation challenges and policy learning in Canada." Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 6, no. 2 (April 18, 2013): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjres/rst006.

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22

Beswick, Adam. "OECD single-payer policy review." University of Western Ontario Medical Journal 86, no. 2 (December 3, 2017): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/uwomj.v86i2.2078.

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The Canadian national public healthcare system is federally funded and delivered within provincial and territorial jurisdictions. While this system is a source of national pride, the limitations of this mode of healthcare delivery are an important point of consideration in light of the changing demographic and social factors upon which this system’s ongoing economic viability will depend. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development aggregates and reports on measures of national health statistics, and therefore provides a valuable point of comparison between Canada and similarly economically developed nations with public healthcare options. A number of salient public policy differences between Canada and other nations are discussed they relate to healthcare delivery. Two broad health policy areas are emphasized as potential areas of improvement with regard to efficient, cost-effective healthcare delivery: access to primary care, and integration of care between primary and specialist services.

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23

Baladi, Jean-François, Devidas Menon, and Nicolaas Otten. "Use of economic evaluation guidelines: 2 years’ experience in Canada." Health Economics 7, no. 3 (May 1998): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1050(199805)7:3<221::aid-hec341>3.0.co;2-n.

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24

CHEAL, DAVID, and KAREN KAMPEN. "Poor and dependent seniors in Canada." Ageing and Society 18, no. 2 (March 1998): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98006850.

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The economic status and problems of seniors, people aged 55–64 years, have been neglected, particularly those of women. Following a summary of government policy in Canada regarding income transfers, this paper reports upon an analysis of data from the 1993 national Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics. Attention is given to relative poverty and financial dependence within households, as types of economic constraint. Both are higher among seniors than either the middle aged or the elderly. Senior women are the most likely to be dependent. The implications of these findings for future fiscal policy are discussed. It is concluded that more attention in gerontology needs to be given to this age group.

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25

Henstra, Daniel. "Charles Conteh,Policy Governance in Multi-level Systems: Economic Development and Policy Implementation in Canada." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 16, no. 4 (July 15, 2014): 396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2014.928472.

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26

Brym, Robert Joseph, and M. Reza Nakhaie. "Professional, Critical, Policy, and Public Academics in Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology 34, no. 3 (May 29, 2009): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/cjs6305.

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This paper analyzes the results of a unique 2000 study of a representative sample of Canadian academics (n=3,318) in order to provide the first empirical assessment of Burawoy’s intellectual types: professional, critical, policy, and public intellectuals. After determining the distribution of academic types in the Canadian professoriate as a whole, the paper demonstrates that academic types fall along a left-right continuum, different fields of study contain different distributions of academic types, and public, policy, and critical academics tend to have different socio-demographic and economic characteristics than professional academics. The picture that emerges from the analysis is of a professoriate whose contours substantiate the broad outlines of Burawoy’s typology.

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27

Akpinar, Ilke, Dat T. Tran, and Philip Jacobs. "Publicly funded clinical research in Canada." Healthcare Management Forum 32, no. 6 (July 2, 2019): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0840470419827320.

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Clinical research is funded by industry, governments, charities, and hospitals. It is important to know the economic commitment of the various funding bodies, but until now there has been no national source available which provides these data. We surveyed the major funders to provide such a measure. There is evidence that government and charity funding of medical research is a trigger for private sector research investment; therefore, tracking all sources of funding for clinical research will provide policy-makers with an overall picture of health research funding. These data support policy decision-making related to clinical research in Canada.

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28

Lebedeva, L. F., and P. A. Aksenov. "JOSEPH BIDEN’S NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: GLOBAL DIMENSION." International Trade and Trade Policy 7, no. 2 (June 28, 2021): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2021-2-7-16.

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The Biden’s administration took office when the US’s facing the global challenge of pandemic and the recession. Changes in American policy, particularly as concerning international trade, immigration; climate policy initiatives, represent new effects and challenges. Rejoining the Paris climate agreement was one of the first decisions of the new administration. The climate agenda means keeping global warming under control; and trade policy may be part of this process. Making economic development more inclusive and decarbonized, introducing new fuel efficiency standards needs time; as CO2 emissions per capita in US and Canada now are much higher than in France, Great Britain, Germany. Although president Biden entered office having majority in both chambers of Congress, it may not be enough for passing legislation concerning some aspects of his policy agenda, including climate, budget, immigration. So the President started to realize his policy immediately after inauguration through executive orders. Addressing the trade issues, environment agenda, the new administration underlines that approach to international economic relations will be different (from Trump’s priorities), restoring American leadership abroad. Being at the pathway toward recovery at the beginning of the current year, the American economy still needs support and stimulus under struggling with pandemic consequences.

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29

Scarfe, Brian L. "Economic Fluctuations and Stabilization Policy in Canada: The State of the Art." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 13, no. 1 (March 1987): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550546.

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30

Bradford, Neil. "The Policy Influence of Economic Ideas: Interests, Institutions and Innovation in Canada." Studies in Political Economy 59, no. 1 (January 1999): 17–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1999.11675266.

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31

Elrick, Jennifer, and Naomi Lightman. "Sorting or Shaping? The Gendered Economic Outcomes of Immigration Policy in Canada." International Migration Review 50, no. 2 (June 2016): 352–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12110.

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32

Berdahl, Loleen. "(Sub)national Economic Union: Institutions, Ideas, and Internal Trade Policy in Canada." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 43, no. 2 (August 27, 2012): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjs036.

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33

Rowe, Andrea May. "Gender and innovation policy in Canada and Sweden." International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship 10, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 344–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijge-04-2018-0039.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present a comparative case study of national innovation system in Canada and Sweden from the perspective of gender equality. The case study focuses on public policy to illuminate the formal aspects of innovation systems as they are conceived by the state in relation to gender, diversity and social inclusion. Formal policy measures are contrasted with interview data to provide a holistic picture of innovation policy as it relates to gender equality in both countries. Design/methodology/approach This paper relies on data from 44 qualitative interviews with innovation leaders in the public sector, private sector and academia in Canada and Sweden, as well as a sample of innovation and gender experts at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), in Paris, France, between 2012 and 2014. The theoretical framework draws on feminist institutionalism to explain the gendered interactions of institutions in innovation spaces. Findings This study finds that Sweden is a global policy leader in the development of gender-conscious innovation policy, while Canada has yet to consider a gender-conscious approach to innovation policy. Gender-conscious innovation policy norms have not traveled across the OECD because of administrative solos and political opportunity structures. Research/limitations implications Each of the people contacted to sit for an interview was chosen primarily on their professional title and their ability to speak from a place of knowledge about innovation in their country and or industry, and this creates a success bias within the study focusing on the knowledge of elites in the field. Practical implications This study explores how policy might be reimagined to support gender equality and diversity, thus changing the institutional landscape to support a wider range of innovations and distributing the benefits of innovation in a more equitable way. Social implications This paper challenges assumptions about the social and economic power dynamics reflected in current innovation systems in Canada and Sweden. Originality/value This is the first study of its kind in comparative public policy to explore differences in gender equality and innovation policy in Canada and Sweden. This research also contributes more widely to the existing body of gender, public policy and innovation literatures in Canada and Sweden, respectively.

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McKenzie, Ken, and Michael Smart. "Policy Forum: Business Tax Reform in the United States and Canada." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 67, no. 1 (April 2019): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2019.67.1.pf.mckenzie.

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The authors examine some of the key features of the US Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) and discuss the implications for Canadian corporations and government revenues. They show that the tax advantage that Canada enjoyed prior to the TCJA has declined significantly, in terms of both statutory and effective (marginal and average) tax rates. They discuss the economic effects of possible responses to the TCJA by Canadian governments, including cutting statutory rates and accelerating tax depreciation deductions. Looking ahead, the authors argue that it would be preferable to focus on a more fundamental tax reform based on the taxation of economic rents.

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35

Cutler, Fred. "Local Economies, Local Policy Impacts and Federal Electoral Behaviour in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 35, no. 2 (June 2002): 347–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390277827x.

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The fortunes of local, regional and provincial economies have often been linked to geographical variation in electoral outcomes, and nowhere more so than in Canada. This article examines economic localism in Canadian voting behaviour by estimating a model of voters' decisions in the 1993 and 1997 federal elections. Individual-specific determinants of the vote measured in the Canadian Election Study are supplemented by measures of voters' local economies and of the local impacts of policy changes. Voters punish the federal government for bad times in their locale and for policy changes that hurt the local economy. This effect is independent of what voters think about their own finances and about the provincial and national economies. The electoral impact of the local economy does not depend on whether government is acknowledged as a potent economic actor, or on the voter's level of political information. However, the relevance of the local economy for national-level electoral behaviour can be "primed" by campaign events, just like any other criterion of voting choice. The response to local economic conditions is part of a broader explanation for geographic patterns of electoral support in Canada.

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36

Coleman, William D. "Policy Convergence in Banking: A Comparative Study." Political Studies 42, no. 2 (June 1994): 274–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1994.tb01912.x.

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The relationship between global economic integration and policy convergence in banking is examined in five countries: Canada, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States. Focusing upon policy styles and modes of policy-making, considerable convergence in membership of policy communities and some convergence in the organization of state agencies is found. When it comes to policy networks, there is more limited convergence on a corporatist mode of policy-making in banking. Policy style may not be as responsive to international economic changes as policy goals, policy content, and policy instruments.

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37

Pearse, Peter H. "Obstacles to Silviculture in Canada." Forestry Chronicle 61, no. 2 (April 1, 1985): 91–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc61091-2.

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As the source of raw material for Canada's forest industry shifts from the frontier of original timber to managed crops, the policy framework influencing investments in silviculture assumes critical importance. Opportunities for economically beneficial silviculture are probably substantial, but policy makers have been provided with surprisingly little evidence of the kind they need to allocate budgets appropriately. Moreover, governments have created serious obstacles to silviculture through property tax systems that generate disincentives to forest enhancement, through forest tenure arrangements that are insecure or dampen regional timber markets, and through regulations that impede or distort silvicultural effort. Removal of these obstacles, and provision of information and guidance about silvicultural opportunities, would give considerable stimulus to improved forest management in Canada and undoubtedly at less cost than new governmental silvicultural programs. Key words: forest policy economic opportunities, incentives and obstacles for forestry, silvicultural investments, forest regulations.

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38

Gibson, Andrew. "Multilateralism and Arctic Sovereignty: Canada’s Policy Options." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 1 (March 27, 2011): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora10088.

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This paper will examine Canada’s policy options regarding Canadian sovereignty over the Arctic Ocean, and will recommend a policy of multilateral engagement. Canada claims full sovereignty over the Arctic Archipelago and its surrounding waters, as well as a more limited form of sovereignty in parts of the Arctic Ocean. There is significant strategic, environmental, and economic value to uncontested Canadian control of these waters. However, these claims are not recognized by other states and contravene accepted international rules laid out in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). As Canada lacks the infrastructure and military power to effectively assert control of the region, as well as the diplomatic power to make other states recognize Canada’s claim, Canada should abandon its unilateral stance and pursue its claim through existing multilateral options: the UNCLOS and the Arctic Council.

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Pentland, Charles. "L’option européenne du Canada dans les années 80." Études internationales 14, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701466ar.

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The year 1982 marked the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, creating the EEC, and the tenth anniversary of Canada s Third Option, which aimed in part at using the new Europe as a counterweight to American influence. This article attempts, first to set the last ten year s of Canada s European policy in the context of postwar economic and strategic relationships and, secondly, to evaluate the European aspect of the Third Option and its prospects for the 1980s. Canada s image of, and policy towards, Western Europe, has always had two distinct elements — economic and strategic - whose interplay describes various phases of the relationship. Until about 1957, the two images were roughly congruent and Canada s economic and military policies mutually reinforcing. A multilateral Atlantic economic community was seen as the underpinning of collective defence. The next fifteen years or so saw the breakup of this patte m, with the emergence of the Community, continued British attempts to join from 1961 on, and the decline in Canadian support for NATO. The birth of the Third Option and the pursuit of the Framework Agreement with the Community saw the gradual revival of Canada's military relationship with Europe, this time in the service of economic diversification and growth. A variety of factors, however - global, European, North American and domestic Canadian - hampered the development of the new link with the Community. Many of these, especially the structural ones underlying the crisis of the world economy and the stagnation of European integration - are likely to persist through the 1980 s. For the next few year s, then, the European option will probably be (a) less communautaire, (b) a less important focus in trade policy relative to other areas, and (c) once more in the service of military and political ends.

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40

Jensen, Nathan M., and Guillermo Rosas. "Open for Politics? Globalization, Economic Growth, and Responsibility Attribution." Journal of Experimental Political Science 7, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2019.24.

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AbstractPrevious literature suggests that economic performance affects government approval asymmetrically, either because voters are quicker to blame incompetence than to credit ability (grievance asymmetry) or because they understand that the degree to which policy-makers can affect the economy varies depending on economic openness (clarity of responsibility asymmetry). We seek to understand whether these asymmetries coexist, arguing that these theories conjointly imply that globalization may have the capacity to mitigate blame for bad outcomes but should neither promote nor reduce credit to policy-makers for good economic outcomes. We look for evidence of these asymmetries in three survey experiments carried out in the USA and Canada in 2014 and 2015. We find ample experimental evidence in support of the grievance asymmetry, but our results are mixed on the impact of economic openness on blame mitigation, with some evidence of this phenomenon in the USA, but not in Canada.

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41

Falconer, Thirstan. "“We Can’t Be Too Selective about This”: Immigration Advocacy in the Canadian English-Language Press, 1949–57." International Journal of Canadian Studies 58 (April 1, 2021): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ijcs.58.x.54.

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Immigration policy during the immediate years after the Second World War highly restricted the arrival of newcomers. Before 1947, Canada’s immigration system was a preferential one, with the highest priority given to British subjects coming to Canada from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions, and the United States. Canada’s preferences then extended to Northern Europeans, then to Central and Southern Europeans. Chinese, Greeks, Italians, Portuguese, and Spanish immigrants were excluded. During the years of Prime Minister Louis St-Laurent (1948–57), Canadians read about the economic benefits that a robust immigration policy promised in the English-language press. The St-Laurent government was under significant pressure to increase the flow of migrants into Canada. However, the Liberal government studiously monitored recent arrivals with a conservative approach to economic growth. The Canadian business community perceived this policy as too cautious, and their preference for a more robust policy frequently surfaced in the English-language press. This article shows that newspapers coverage across the country criticized the government’s immigration policy during the 1950s and advocated for an approach that accommodated more newcomers to spur population and economic growth. Through their coverage, the editors and journalists reasoned that boosting immigration accelerated the Canadian economy. English Canadian journalists and newspapers attempted to influence Canadians about the economic benefits of increasing migration to Canada.

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Lewellen, Denver. "Emerging Hybrids? Health Care Policy Research in Canada and the United States." Practicing Anthropology 34, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.34.2.715198t603380549.

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Since the 1980s, reductions in public expenditures stemming from neoliberal economic pressures have resulted in health care restructuring within the western hemisphere for single-payer systems as well as within the tiered health care system in the United States. These initiatives commenced alongside the fallout of economic crises in core capitalist countries beginning in the 1970s (see MacGregor 2001; Navarro 1996). In Canada and the United States, resulting reductions in health care expenditures have led to the downsizing of inpatient services and shifts towards outpatient community care.

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Wilkinson, B. W. "L’impact d’une zone de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis : examen critique de l’étude de Wonnacott." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 473–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800696ar.

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Abstract The Wonnacott study concludes that the most realistic and beneficial commercial policy Canada is likely to be able to pursue at the moment would be to negotiate a Canada-U.S. free trade arrangement. This paper consist primarily of assigning different weights to a variety of the considerations Wonnacott raises and analyzing the effects of these different weights on his conclusions regarding the appropriate free trade strategy for Canada. A number of issues are also raised which do not appear to have been examined in Wonnacott's analysis. The thrust of the paper is three-fold. First, there may not be as large a net economic benefits of Canada-United States free trade as the Wonnacott presentation suggests. Second, depending upon the weight one assigns to some of the political-economic factors, the advantages of the former policy may be reduced even more and accordingly we should not be stampeded into a bilateral Canada-United States agreement. And third, if any change in commercial policy is to have a maximum beneficial effect upon Canada, then regardless of what commercial policy is followed, more attention will have to be given to a number of broader issues such as Canadian practices and policies relating to its overall balance of payments (including capital inflows and their effects upon the Canadian dollar), and to protectionnist provincial policies encouraging the fragmentation of industry.

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Hsu, Shi-Ling, and Robin Elliot. "Regulating Greenhouse Gases in Canada: Constitutional and Policy Dimensions." McGill Law Journal 54, no. 3 (January 20, 2010): 463–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/038892ar.

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Abstract Canada’s greenhouse gas emissions have risen dramatically since the 1997 negotiation of the Kyoto Protocol, and that rise has continued through Canada’s 2002 ratification of the Protocol. Along with economic dislocation, constitutional barriers to regulation have sometimes been cited as the reason for caution in regulating greenhouse gases. This article critically evaluates the constitutional arguments and examines the policy considerations surrounding various regulatory instruments that might be used to reduce greenhouse gases. We conclude that the Canadian constitution does not present any significant barriers to federal or provincial regulation and that policy considerations strongly favour the use of two instruments: a federal carbon tax to impose a marginal cost on emissions and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act to review federal projects that may increase greenhouse gases.

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Hamelin, Spencer. "“Nervous nellies and nay-sayers”: Social movements and Canada-United States free trade." SURG Journal 7, no. 3 (August 20, 2014): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v7i3.2936.

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Free trade is part of neo-liberal economics, which is centred on the free market principles of limited government regulation and private sector competition. Free trade focuses on the elimination of trade barriers and tariffs. In Canada, the movement toward free trade began in 1985 with the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, which encouraged free trade between the United States and Canada, and concluded with the 1988 federal election that sealed Canada’s fate within economic union with the United States. This article will combine a Neo-Marxist and Political Process Theory framework to address how during the period from 1985 to 1988, Canadian social movements adopted innovative tactics and mobilized against free trade to gain greater influence over trade policy. Keywords: free trade; social movements; Canada; United States; Auto Pact; United Steel Workers; Canadian Auto Workers, National Action Committee on the Status of Women; Council of Canadians; Macdonald Commission

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Mamedov, Ilgar. "Ukrainian Diaspora of Canada, its history and modernity." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2018): 254–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2018.3-4.3.01.

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Migration of Ukrainians to Canada took place in 4 stages: before the first world war, after it, after the second world war and at the end of the XX century. It was caused, respectively, by economic, political, military-political and socio-economic reasons. The official attitude towards Ukrainians in Canada proceeded from racial beliefs about their inferiority compared to the dominant Anglo-Saxons. Although this policy was later transformed into multiculturalism, in reality it was quietly and tacitly applied in a daily practice.

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Getsios, D., JJ Caro, KJ Ishak, W. El-Hadi, KA Payne, D. Luong, and D. McMahon. "PUK7 DITROPAN XL VERSUS DETROL IN CANADA: ECONOMIC ANALYSIS." Value in Health 6, no. 6 (November 2003): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1098-3015(10)61790-1.

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HERON, EDWIN LE. "A New Consensus on Monetary Policy?" Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 4 (December 2003): 505–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572004-0605.

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ABSTRACT By analyzing the documents issued by the Bank of Canada, an original monetary policy can be seen. The Canadian monetary policy tries to maintain its autonomy, whilst at the same time respecting floating exchange rates. The numerous innovations are the foundation of a New Consensus on monetary policy. Far from the dilemma rule versus discretion of the former Monetarist and Keynesian methods, a new dilemma will be the focus: that of credibility versus confidence. Here, the anticipations of the economic agents, the behavior of financial markets and the price of assets play a dominating role. Based on the innovative experiment of the Bank of Canada during the 1990s, the characteristics of the New Consensus will be explained. Far from making independent central banks some high-powered institutions, it shows them instead to be “statues with feet of clay”.

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Harris, Peter, Michael Keen, and Li Liu. "Policy Forum: International Effects of the 2017 US Tax Reform—A View from the Front Line." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 67, no. 1 (April 2019): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2019.67.1.pf.harris.

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Proximity and close economic links put Canada on the front line in thinking through the effects of the US Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA). This article reviews the main channels by which the business tax provisions of the TCJA might affect Canada, and possible responses.

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Latif, Ehsan. "The impact of economic downturn on mental health in Canada." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-05-2013-0111.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to use longitudinal Canadian data from the National Population Health Survey (1994-2006) to examine the impact of provincial unemployment rate on mental health as measured by the short form depression scale. Design/methodology/approach – To control for the unobserved individual specific factors, the study utilized individual-specific fixed-effects model. Findings – The study found that, for the overall model, provincial unemployment rate has a significant positive impact on depression. The study further examined the impact of unemployment rate on depression for a number of sub-groups based on gender, age, marital status, and education. The results suggest that the impacts of unemployment rate on depression are heterogeneous across different sub-groups. Practical implications – The results of this study have important policy implications. Previous studies suggest that mental stress may lead to risky health behaviours such excessive drinking, substance use, and smoking. These risky health behaviours may have long term health consequences in terms of chronic conditions such as heart disease, cancer, etc. Thus policy makers may consider taking appropriate steps to provide mental health support during the period of recession. Such support may also be helpful for the unemployed individuals who are too depressed to search for job. Originality/value – Previous studies on this issue may suffer from potential bias since they omitted unobserved individual specific factors from the estimating equations. This paper has taken the opportunity of utilizing longitudinal Canadian Population Health Survey and adopts an individual specific fixed effects method to estimate the effects of macroeconomic conditions on mental health. All of the studies reviewed here used data from the USA. So far no study has examined the impact of unemployment rate on mental health using Canadian data. It is interesting to conduct a study using Canadian data since there are important differences between Canada and the USA with respect to labour market policies and health care systems.

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