Relevant bibliographies by topics / Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa

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Academic literature on the topic 'Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 12 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa"

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De Wet, Francois, and Ian Liebenberg. "IDEOLOGIES (NEW), ECONOMICS, DEFENCE AND PEOPLE: FIVE DECADES IN THE STATE OF SOUTH AFRICA." Politeia 33, no. 1 (October 20, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1644.

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The economy of politics and the politics of economy converge in interesting ways, sometimes with long-term consequences for a state. In a crucial and dynamic interface economy, community, (non-)diplomacy, defence posture, balance sheets, the hapless ‘citizen’ and ‘leaders’ are all precariously intertwined. It is often argued that the South African economy declined under apartheid as a result of the Border War and international sanctions, with the result that theNational Party had little choice other than to engage its contenders in political talks to ensure transition to democracy as a counter to the eventual economic and political collapse of South Africa. Some were of the opinion that the military over-extension of South Africa, especially in Namibia and Angola, became a core reason for the non-sustainability of apartheid. While this argument may hold, it does not mean that transition at the end of the Border War brought guarantees for future economic growth and political stability.
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Klotz, Audie. "Norms reconstituting interests: global racial equality and U.S. sanctions against South Africa." International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033348.

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The extraordinary success of transnational anti-apartheid activists in generating great power sanctions against South Africa offers ample evidence that norms, independent of strategic and economic considerations, are an important factor in determining states' policies. The crucial role of a strengthened global norm of racial equality in motivating U.S. anti-apartheid sanctions illustrates the limitations of conventional international relations theories, which rely primarily on structural and material interest explanations, and supports theoretically derived constructivist claims. In particular, this case suggests that analysts should examine the role of global norms in defining states' interests, rather than viewing norms solely as external constraints on state behavior.
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Holland, Martin. "The Other Side of Sanctions: Positive Initiatives for Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1988): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001048x.

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In 1977 the member-states of the European Community (E.C.) adopted a collective strategy designed to and apartheid and to encourage the economic independence of South Africa's less-developed neigh-bours. The respective foreign-policy instruments used to achieve these goals were the Code of Conduct and the Lomé Convention, through which assistance was provided for the Frontline states. The scope of the Community's Southern African actions was enlarged in 1985 to include a range of sanctions against Pretoria similar to those adopted by other governments.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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KAEMPFER, WILLIAM H., and MICHAEL H. MOFFETT. "IMPACT OF ANTI-APARTHEID SANCTIONS ON SOUTH AFRICA: SOME TRADE AND FINANCIAL EVIDENCE." Contemporary Economic Policy 6, no. 4 (October 1988): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-7287.1988.tb00551.x.

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Zunes, Stephen. "The role of non-violent action in the downfall of apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1999): 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99002967.

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Against enormous odds, non-violent action proved to be a major factor in the downfall of apartheid in South Africa, and the establishment of a democratic black majority government, despite predictions that the transition could come only through a violent revolutionary cataclysm. This was largely the result of conditions working against a successful armed overthrow of the system, combined with the ability of the anti-apartheid opposition to take advantage of the system's economic dependence on a cooperative black labour force. This article traces the history of nonviolent resistance to apartheid, its initial failures, and the return in the 1980s to a largely non-violent strategy which, together with international sanctions, forced the government to negotiate a peaceful transfer to majority rule.
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Tillery, Alvin B. "Foreign Policy Activism and Power in the House of Representatives: Black Members of Congress and South Africa, 1968–1986." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 1 (April 2006): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000058.

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On 3 October 1986, the 99th Congress—acting at the behest of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC)—voted to override President Ronald Reagan’s veto of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA). The passage of this bill, which placed strict economic sanctions on the white supremacist regime in South Africa, was a watershed moment in American politics for two reasons. First, veto overrides in the foreign policy-making arena are an exceedingly rare form of legislative action. More importantly, this was the first time in American history that the members of a minority group were able to use their positions within the Congress to translate a parochial desire into foreign policy against the will of a sitting president.
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Govender, Karthy. "Oratio: Address to Commemorate the 2013 Martin Luther King Day at the Law Faculty, University of Michigan." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i3a2351.

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The paper commences by considering the similarity between Dr King, MK Gandhi and Nelson Mandela and argues that they are high mimetic figures who inspire us to be better. Their legacy and memory operate as a yardstick by which we can evaluate the conduct of those exercising public and private power over us. Each remains dominant in his respective society decades after passing on or leaving public life, and the paper suggests that very little societal value is had by deconstructing their lives and judging facets of their lives through the prism of latter day morality. We gain more by leaving their high mimetic status undisturbed. There is a clear link between their various struggles with King being heavily influenced by the writings and thinking of Gandhi, who commenced his career as a liberation activist in South Africa. King was instrumental in commencing the discourse on economic sanctions to force the Apartheid government to change and the Indian government had a long and committed relationship with the ANC. The second half of the paper turns to an analysis of how Dr King's legacy impacted directly and indirectly on developments in South Africa. One of the key objectives of the Civil Rights movement in the USA was to attain substantive equality and to improve the quality of life of all. The paper then turns to assessing the extent to which democratic South Africa has achieved these objectives and concludes that the picture is mixed. Important pioneering changes such as enabling gays and lesbians to marry have taught important lessons about taking rights seriously. However, despite important advancements, neither poverty nor inequality has been appreciably reduced. One of the major failures has been the inability to provide appropriate, effective and relevant education to African children in public schools. Effectively educating previously disadvantaged persons represents one of the few means at our disposal of reducing inequality and breaking the cycle of poverty. Fortunately, there is a general awareness in the country that something needs to be done about this crisis urgently. The paper notes comments by President Zuma that the level of wealth in white households is six times that of black households. The critique is that comments of this nature do not demonstrate an acknowledgment by the ANC that, after 19 years in power, they must also accept responsibility for statistics such as this.
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Becker, Charles M. "Economic Sanctions against South Africa." World Politics 39, no. 2 (January 1987): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010438.

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In this paper, I shall dispute the widely held belief that all effective sanctions would greatly hurt poor South African blacks. Rather, it is likely that bans on exports of high technology to South Africa and imports of South African gold and diamonds would cause labor-intensive sectors to expand, thereby limiting the impact of a general recession on unskilled nonwhites. Still, several types of sanctions, such as those on oil, would have a severe impact on poor nonwhites. In addition, forced divestment would result in windfall capital gains for white South Africans; such gains would not be realized, however, if the ban were on new investments only. Finally, I shall discuss the need for infrastructural aid to help South Africa's neighbors weather the storm. Judicious aid to these countries is also important in inducing both Western and South Africanowned investments away from South Africa.
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Klotz, Audie. "Norms and sanctions: lessons from the socialization of South Africa." Review of International Studies 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118364.

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In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa"

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Wilson, Jeya. "Sanctions and South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:67c840e5-03ee-4437-a81d-c67f37b0a8b5.

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This thesis studies sanctions and South Africa to show that sanctions can be an effective instrument of foreign policy. It provides a general study on sanctions and South Africa that is not limited to economic factors alone. It develops a framework for analysis using legal, economic and political factors that form the components of sanctions such as the legality of sanctions, the actors which impose sanctions, types of sanctions, the purposes and targets of sanctions, and the response of targets. The effectiveness of sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy is assessed, and factors that limit or enhance their effectiveness are identified. The investigation is in two parts. The first part uses the framework to examine international cases other than South Africa. The second part uses the same framework to examine sanctions against South Africa. Fundamental to the study is the fact that although sanctions are widely used in the conduct of international relations, the research on them is meagre in comparison with the available literature on other instruments of foreign policy such as diplomacy and war. The study finds that from a legal viewpoint there is no apparent rule in international law that prohibits the imposition of sanctions. For sanctions to succeed, sanctioners must commit themselves to making the sanctions work from the point of implementation and enforcement. Different types of sanctions achieve different levels of effectiveness. Even if sanctions do not fulfil their stated purpose, they do often fulfil other purposes which may, in fact, be more important. When faced with sanctions, targets invariably react to their imposition. The effectiveness of sanctions cannot be measured by economic and stated objectives alone. When additional criteria are used, it is found that contrary to conventional wisdom, sanctions are an effective instrument of foreign policy.
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Keech, Marc. "International sport and the end of apartheid." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285306.

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The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.
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Policy, Department of Economic. "Discussion document on economic policy." Department of Economic Policy, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66691.

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This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC. It does not represent an agreed policy, but rather seeks to contribute to a democratic process of formulating our movement's economic policy. The movement believes that economic policy should address itself to the demands and needs of the majority of the people, and active discussion and debate is essential if they are to have a more prominent place. The ANC has long recognised the necessity for political liberation and constitutional changes to be accompanied by socioeconomic transformation. The Freedom Charter proclaimed the necessity for the people to share in the countries wealth, for the land to be distributed to those who work it, for there to housing, security and comfort for all, and for the doors of learning and culture to opened. The constitutional guidelines also recognised the need for economic restructuring to be part of the process of constitutional change.
"This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC". -- Introduction
"DEP workshop, Harare, 20-23 September 1990."
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Moll, Terence Clive. "Output and productivity trends in South Africa : apartheid and economic growth." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359403.

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Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.

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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
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McLennan, David. "The lived experience of inequality in post-apartheid South Africa : measuring exposure to socio-economic inequality at small area level." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eede1ec4-62d2-4dd3-8175-29c81cb301ca.

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South Africa has undergone a remarkable political transformation since the birth of democracy in 1994, yet it remains plagued by extremely high levels of socio-economic inequality, violent crime and social unrest. Although inequality is often regarded as a major driver of many social problems, the evidence base concerning inequality in South Africa is relatively limited, consisting primarily of national level Gini coefficients or General Entropy measures based upon household income, expenditure or consumption data. In this thesis I argue that these broad national level measures say little about people's actual day-to-day lived experiences of inequality and how these individual experiences of inequality may be shaped by the local geographical areas in which people live and go about their daily lives. I construct a series of empirical measures of exposure to socio-economic inequality which reflect the socio-spatial environments in which people live. I argue that these new measures can be used as explanatory factors in the study of other social outcomes, both at an individual level (for example, individuals' attitudes) and at an area level (for example, rates of violent crime). Exposure to inequality is measured both from the perspective of the 'poor' population and the perspective of the 'non-poor' population and the measures are constructed and presented at small area level using the Datazone statistical geography. I analyse the spatial distribution of exposure to inequality and find that exposure to inequality is typically highest in urban neighbourhoods, particularly in the major metropolitan areas. I develop a measure of intensity of exposure in order to highlight areas with both high exposure and high levels of deprivation. I also present one example of how my new measures can be used to explore associations with other outcomes, specifically looking at the relationship between people's lived experience of inequality and their attitudes towards inequality and redress.
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Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.

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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
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Dwesini, Nontembiso Eugenia. "The implications of smallholder agricultural productivity growth for poverty alleviation in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1021286.

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The adoption of the Millennium Development Goal 1(MDG 1) of reducing the rate of poverty to half of the 1990-level by 2015 has been a challenge faced by the developing countries including South Africa. The foundations of democracy have to be continuously assessed so that the obstacles faced by South Africa as it strives towards sustainable democracy are addressed. With agricultural sector identified as having the potential to alleviate poverty compared to the mining sector, manufacturing sector and services sector, it faced the challenges that include: (i) accelerating agricultural productivity; (ii) reducing poverty and vulnerability; and (iii) narrowing rural-urban income disparities. The identification of the critical linkages in the agricultural development framework allows for effective strategic planning, effective decision making and appropriate policy formulation. Expectedly, the sector has attracted considerable fiscal policy interest and public investments. The primary aim of this research study is to assess the extent to which smallholder agricultural productivity growth alleviates poverty in South Africa. The statistical and econometric techniques namely; Johansen technique of co-integration analysis (1995), analysis of covariance and correlation, Vector Error Correction Model, are employed in this research study. The data description, data sources, expected relationship between variables and indexation of data are done. The drivers and cause-effect relationships between agriculture and poverty reduction are investigated. The employed models allowed for an exploration of plausible future growth in agricultural elasticity of poverty and the possibility of reducing poverty level in South Africa. The data is obtained from the National Department of Agriculture from 1994 -2013. The analysis of the results strongly confirms that agricultural productivity has a significant inverse relationship to the levels of poverty in South Africa. The outcome of the analysis will contribute to improved decision making on the use of public funds in agriculture.
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Valsamakis, Antoinette. "The role of South African business in South Africa’s post apartheid economic diplomacy." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3391/.

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This thesis explores the role of South African business as non-state actors (NSAs) in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. The work is an empirical contribution to the debate within diplomacy studies asserting the importance of NSAs in diplomacy studies and that the inclusion of economic considerations in diplomacy studies is crucial. Whilst a broader agenda in diplomacy studies is increasingly being recognised by diplomacy scholars, there is limited case-based evidence of the increasingly active role being played by NSAs in diplomacy generally and economic diplomacy more specifically. The research uses a multistakeholder diplomacy framework to analyse the extent to and ways in which corporate actors engage in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. This study explores specific business activities around economic diplomacy, expounds why South African business adopts different strategies at different times and crucially examines how corporate actors do this. The thesis identifies three distinct modes of corporate diplomacy: consultative, supplementary, and entrepreneurial. The thesis concludes that corporate diplomacy warrants far more scholarly attention than has hitherto been the case, both in developed and emerging economies, on the basis that corporate actors in South Africa play a crucial role in economic diplomacy, both as consumers and producers of diplomatic outcomes.
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Malebo, Uhuru. "Evaluating the Impact of Economic Sanctions on South Africa: A Synthetic Control Approach." Master's thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32792.

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This research paper applies the synthetic control method to measure the economic cost of sanctions imposed on South Africa between 1985 and 1994. The economic sanctions imposed on South Africa between 1985 and 1994 by the United Nations, the United States of America, and the European Community negatively affected the economy. This negative effect on the economy, measured by the gross domestic product per capita, continued until 1998 despite the sanctions having ended four years earlier. Using the synthetic control method, this research paper measures the economic cost by estimating the difference in the gross domestic product per capita between the treated country (South Africa) and the counterfactual (synthetic South Africa). Synthetic South Africa represents South Africa without undergoing treatment (sanctions). What would have happened if sanctions were not imposed? The results indicate that the economic cost is most pronounced after the sanctions ended, indicating a substantial lag effect. South Africa's gross domestic product per capita is 30% lower than synthetic South Africa by 1998. This potentially indicates that the sanctions had a long-lasting effect. The results are not sensitive to the composition of the donor pool. Furthermore, the placebo tests reveal that the results are statistically significant at the 10% threshold with only one country (Philippines) having a treatment effect that is larger than South Africa's and a better fit. For target nations, it means that policy makers should acknowledge that a policy that leads to sanctions may have a severe and long-lasting impact on the economy. Potential areas for future investigation include estimating the humanitarian effect of the sanctions imposed on South Africa and applying the synthetic control method approach to other sanctions episodes in the past.
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Books on the topic "Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa"

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Eeden, Guillaume Van. Give South Africa a chance. New York: Vantage Press, 1987.

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Schmidt, Elizabeth. South Africa sanctions fact sheet: Lessons from Rhodesia. [New York, N.Y. (339 Lafayette Street, New York 10012-2725): Episcopal Churchpeople for a Free Southern Africa, 1986.

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Walters, Ronald W. U.S.-South Africa relations: A legislative review. Washington, D.C: The Foundation, 1985.

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Henderson, Robert d'A. South Africa and selective economic sanctions: A Canadian perspective. Braamfontein, South Africa: South African Institute of International Affairs, 1986.

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Rothchild, Donald S. From exhortation to strategy: Mediation efforts in South Africa. Boston, MA (270 Bay State Rd., Boston 02215): African Studies Center, Boston University, 1987.

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J, Payne Richard. The Third World and South Africa: Post-apartheid challenges. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1992.

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Gann, Lewis H. Hope for South Africa? Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, Stanford University, 1991.

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Slob, Gert. Computerizing apartheid: Export of computer hardware to South Africa. Amsterdam: Holland Committee on Southern Africa, 1990.

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Davis, Stephen M. The Bush presidency and South Africa: Congress and the sanctions outlook. Braamfontein, South Africa: South African Institute of International Affairs, 1989.

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Race for sanctions: African Americans against apartheid, 1946-1994. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa"

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Bethlehem, Ronald. "Economic Development in South Africa." In Towards a Post-Apartheid Future, 62–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11958-5_5.

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Carisch, Enrico, Loraine Rickard-Martin, and Shawna R. Meister. "Earliest Comprehensive Sanctions: Southern Rhodesia and Apartheid South Africa." In The Evolution of UN Sanctions, 165–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60005-5_10.

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Jenkins, Carolyn. "Adjusting to Economic Sanctions in South Africa." In Economic and Political Reform in Developing Countries, 97–122. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13460-1_6.

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Sethi, S. Prakash, and Oliver F. Williams. "The Rocky Road to Post-Apartheid South Africa." In Economic Imperatives and Ethical Values in Global Business, 349–75. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4491-3_15.

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Nürnberger, Klaus. "The Impact of Christianity on Socio-Economic Developments in South Africa." In Christianity Amidst Apartheid, 149–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20527-1_9.

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Thomson, Alex. "“Sanctions by Themselves do Not Represent a Policy”: The Reagan, Bush, and Clinton Administrations, 1986–1994." In U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Apartheid South Africa, 1948–1994, 149–67. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230617285_10.

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Wissink, Henry. "The Struggle for Land Restitution and Reform in Post-Apartheid South Africa." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 57–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78701-5_5.

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Seekings, Jeremy. "The Social Question in Pre-apartheid South Africa: Race, Religion and the State." In One Hundred Years of Social Protection, 191–220. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54959-6_6.

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AbstractIn the first half of the twentieth century, “social” issues in South Africa were framed by both rapid social and economic change (especially industrialisation and urbanisation) and racial division. The social question in South Africa was as much a racialised version of a “national question” as a social one, revolving around the social and economic inclusion (through state intervention) of “poor white” people and white workers and the reinforcement of a clear racial hierarchy. From the 1930s, political elites slowly moved towards the very partial inclusion of the African majority. Political and religious ideas, primarily from Europe, informed understandings of the social question among both supporters and opponents of public provision.
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Sethi, S. Prakash, and Oliver F. Williams. "The Anti-Apartheid Movement and Its Impact on United States Companies to Withdraw from South Africa." In Economic Imperatives and Ethical Values in Global Business, 279–311. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4491-3_12.

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Goldstone, Richard J. "The Role of Economic Sanctions in Deterring Serious Human Rights Violations: South Africa, Iraq and Darfur." In Confronting Genocide, 159–72. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-9840-5_11.

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Conference papers on the topic "Economic sanctions Apartheid South Africa South Africa"

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Jappie, Naziema. "HIGHER EDUCATION: SUSTAINING THE FUTURE OF STUDENTS DURING A PANDEMIC." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end128.

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The COVID-19 challenge is unprecedented; its scale still is not fully understood. Universities in the South Africa do have plans in place to continue the academic year in 2021 but have no idea to what extent education will resume to normal face to face activity. Although the future is unpredictable, given the uncertainty in the epidemiological and economic outlooks, universities have to ensure quality and sustainability for the medium and long-term implications for teaching, learning, the student experience, infrastructure, operations, and staff. Amongst the range of effects that COVID-19 will have on higher education this year, and possibly into future years, admission arrangements for students is one of the biggest. It is also one of the most difficult to manage because it is inherently cross sector, involving both schools and higher education. There is no template in any country of how to manage education during the pandemic. However, there are major concerns that exist, in particular, regarding the impact on learners from low income and disadvantaged groups. Many are vulnerable and cannot access the digital platform. Post 1994, the South African government placed emphasis on the introduction of policies, resources and mechanisms aimed at redressing the legacy of a racially and ethnically fragmented, unjust, dysfunctional and unequal education system inherited from apartheid. Many gains were made over the past two decades especially, in higher education, two of which were access and funding for the disadvantaged students to attend university. However, the pandemic in 2020 disrupted this plan, causing the very same disadvantaged students to stay at home without proper learning facilities, poor living conditions or no access to devices and data. The paper argues that the tensions and challenges that dominated the Covid-19 digital educational reform have resulted in a significant paradigm shift focused on out of classroom experiences as expressed in the new ways of teaching and learning and possibly leaving certain groups of students behind. Consideration is given to three broad areas within higher education in South Africa. Firstly the current dilemma of teaching and learning, secondly, the access or lack thereof to the digital platform and challenges facing students, and the thirdly, the issue of admission to higher education. All three areas of concern represent the degree to which we face educational disruption during the pandemic.
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