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1
Wilson, Jeya. "Sanctions and South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:67c840e5-03ee-4437-a81d-c67f37b0a8b5.
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This thesis studies sanctions and South Africa to show that sanctions can be an effective instrument of foreign policy. It provides a general study on sanctions and South Africa that is not limited to economic factors alone. It develops a framework for analysis using legal, economic and political factors that form the components of sanctions such as the legality of sanctions, the actors which impose sanctions, types of sanctions, the purposes and targets of sanctions, and the response of targets. The effectiveness of sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy is assessed, and factors that limit or enhance their effectiveness are identified. The investigation is in two parts. The first part uses the framework to examine international cases other than South Africa. The second part uses the same framework to examine sanctions against South Africa. Fundamental to the study is the fact that although sanctions are widely used in the conduct of international relations, the research on them is meagre in comparison with the available literature on other instruments of foreign policy such as diplomacy and war. The study finds that from a legal viewpoint there is no apparent rule in international law that prohibits the imposition of sanctions. For sanctions to succeed, sanctioners must commit themselves to making the sanctions work from the point of implementation and enforcement. Different types of sanctions achieve different levels of effectiveness. Even if sanctions do not fulfil their stated purpose, they do often fulfil other purposes which may, in fact, be more important. When faced with sanctions, targets invariably react to their imposition. The effectiveness of sanctions cannot be measured by economic and stated objectives alone. When additional criteria are used, it is found that contrary to conventional wisdom, sanctions are an effective instrument of foreign policy.
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Keech, Marc. "International sport and the end of apartheid." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285306.
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The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.
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Policy, Department of Economic. "Discussion document on economic policy." Department of Economic Policy, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66691.
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This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC. It does not represent an agreed policy, but rather seeks to contribute to a democratic process of formulating our movement's economic policy. The movement believes that economic policy should address itself to the demands and needs of the majority of the people, and active discussion and debate is essential if they are to have a more prominent place. The ANC has long recognised the necessity for political liberation and constitutional changes to be accompanied by socioeconomic transformation. The Freedom Charter proclaimed the necessity for the people to share in the countries wealth, for the land to be distributed to those who work it, for there to housing, security and comfort for all, and for the doors of learning and culture to opened. The constitutional guidelines also recognised the need for economic restructuring to be part of the process of constitutional change."This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC". -- Introduction
"DEP workshop, Harare, 20-23 September 1990."
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Moll, Terence Clive. "Output and productivity trends in South Africa : apartheid and economic growth." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359403.
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Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
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McLennan, David. "The lived experience of inequality in post-apartheid South Africa : measuring exposure to socio-economic inequality at small area level." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eede1ec4-62d2-4dd3-8175-29c81cb301ca.
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South Africa has undergone a remarkable political transformation since the birth of democracy in 1994, yet it remains plagued by extremely high levels of socio-economic inequality, violent crime and social unrest. Although inequality is often regarded as a major driver of many social problems, the evidence base concerning inequality in South Africa is relatively limited, consisting primarily of national level Gini coefficients or General Entropy measures based upon household income, expenditure or consumption data. In this thesis I argue that these broad national level measures say little about people's actual day-to-day lived experiences of inequality and how these individual experiences of inequality may be shaped by the local geographical areas in which people live and go about their daily lives. I construct a series of empirical measures of exposure to socio-economic inequality which reflect the socio-spatial environments in which people live. I argue that these new measures can be used as explanatory factors in the study of other social outcomes, both at an individual level (for example, individuals' attitudes) and at an area level (for example, rates of violent crime). Exposure to inequality is measured both from the perspective of the 'poor' population and the perspective of the 'non-poor' population and the measures are constructed and presented at small area level using the Datazone statistical geography. I analyse the spatial distribution of exposure to inequality and find that exposure to inequality is typically highest in urban neighbourhoods, particularly in the major metropolitan areas. I develop a measure of intensity of exposure in order to highlight areas with both high exposure and high levels of deprivation. I also present one example of how my new measures can be used to explore associations with other outcomes, specifically looking at the relationship between people's lived experience of inequality and their attitudes towards inequality and redress.
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Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.
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The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
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Dwesini, Nontembiso Eugenia. "The implications of smallholder agricultural productivity growth for poverty alleviation in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1021286.
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The adoption of the Millennium Development Goal 1(MDG 1) of reducing the rate of poverty to half of the 1990-level by 2015 has been a challenge faced by the developing countries including South Africa. The foundations of democracy have to be continuously assessed so that the obstacles faced by South Africa as it strives towards sustainable democracy are addressed. With agricultural sector identified as having the potential to alleviate poverty compared to the mining sector, manufacturing sector and services sector, it faced the challenges that include: (i) accelerating agricultural productivity; (ii) reducing poverty and vulnerability; and (iii) narrowing rural-urban income disparities. The identification of the critical linkages in the agricultural development framework allows for effective strategic planning, effective decision making and appropriate policy formulation. Expectedly, the sector has attracted considerable fiscal policy interest and public investments. The primary aim of this research study is to assess the extent to which smallholder agricultural productivity growth alleviates poverty in South Africa. The statistical and econometric techniques namely; Johansen technique of co-integration analysis (1995), analysis of covariance and correlation, Vector Error Correction Model, are employed in this research study. The data description, data sources, expected relationship between variables and indexation of data are done. The drivers and cause-effect relationships between agriculture and poverty reduction are investigated. The employed models allowed for an exploration of plausible future growth in agricultural elasticity of poverty and the possibility of reducing poverty level in South Africa. The data is obtained from the National Department of Agriculture from 1994 -2013. The analysis of the results strongly confirms that agricultural productivity has a significant inverse relationship to the levels of poverty in South Africa. The outcome of the analysis will contribute to improved decision making on the use of public funds in agriculture.
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Valsamakis, Antoinette. "The role of South African business in South Africa’s post apartheid economic diplomacy." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3391/.
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This thesis explores the role of South African business as non-state actors (NSAs) in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. The work is an empirical contribution to the debate within diplomacy studies asserting the importance of NSAs in diplomacy studies and that the inclusion of economic considerations in diplomacy studies is crucial. Whilst a broader agenda in diplomacy studies is increasingly being recognised by diplomacy scholars, there is limited case-based evidence of the increasingly active role being played by NSAs in diplomacy generally and economic diplomacy more specifically. The research uses a multistakeholder diplomacy framework to analyse the extent to and ways in which corporate actors engage in South Africa’s post-apartheid economic diplomacy. This study explores specific business activities around economic diplomacy, expounds why South African business adopts different strategies at different times and crucially examines how corporate actors do this. The thesis identifies three distinct modes of corporate diplomacy: consultative, supplementary, and entrepreneurial. The thesis concludes that corporate diplomacy warrants far more scholarly attention than has hitherto been the case, both in developed and emerging economies, on the basis that corporate actors in South Africa play a crucial role in economic diplomacy, both as consumers and producers of diplomatic outcomes.
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Malebo, Uhuru. "Evaluating the Impact of Economic Sanctions on South Africa: A Synthetic Control Approach." Master's thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32792.
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This research paper applies the synthetic control method to measure the economic cost of sanctions imposed on South Africa between 1985 and 1994. The economic sanctions imposed on South Africa between 1985 and 1994 by the United Nations, the United States of America, and the European Community negatively affected the economy. This negative effect on the economy, measured by the gross domestic product per capita, continued until 1998 despite the sanctions having ended four years earlier. Using the synthetic control method, this research paper measures the economic cost by estimating the difference in the gross domestic product per capita between the treated country (South Africa) and the counterfactual (synthetic South Africa). Synthetic South Africa represents South Africa without undergoing treatment (sanctions). What would have happened if sanctions were not imposed? The results indicate that the economic cost is most pronounced after the sanctions ended, indicating a substantial lag effect. South Africa's gross domestic product per capita is 30% lower than synthetic South Africa by 1998. This potentially indicates that the sanctions had a long-lasting effect. The results are not sensitive to the composition of the donor pool. Furthermore, the placebo tests reveal that the results are statistically significant at the 10% threshold with only one country (Philippines) having a treatment effect that is larger than South Africa's and a better fit. For target nations, it means that policy makers should acknowledge that a policy that leads to sanctions may have a severe and long-lasting impact on the economy. Potential areas for future investigation include estimating the humanitarian effect of the sanctions imposed on South Africa and applying the synthetic control method approach to other sanctions episodes in the past.
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Carim, Xavier. "Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974.
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This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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Kumchulesi, Grace. "An economic analysis of declining marriages in post-apartheid South Africa, 1995-2006." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9893.
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Includes bibliographical references.Survey by survey comparisons of marriage rates in nationally representative cross-sectional datasets suggest that marriages are declining in South Africa. For African South African women of working age (between 15 and 59 years) marriage rates declined from 38.7 percent in 1995 to 31.4 percent in 2004. This change in marriage patterns motivated the current research and we asked whether the drop in marriage rates indicates a real generational shift in marital behaviour, or if this can be explained by changes in sampling frames in the independent surveys. The broad objective of the study is to investigate declining marriages in post-apartheid South Africa. The specific objectives are threefold. First, we construct a synthetic panel dataset from the 1995 to 1999 annual October Household Surveys and from the 2000 to 2006 September wave of the biannual Labour Force Surveys. Using the pseudo panel, we make use of the Age-Period-Cohort Model to disentangle marriage trends into age, period, and cohort effects in order to establish whether the change in marital patterns observed in post-apartheid South Africa reflects a real decline in marriages. Having established that the change in marriage rates indeed reflects a generational change in marital behaviour, the second objective focuses on the determinants of women's marriage decisions. To this end, we attempt to account for the interdependence between female labour force participation and marriage decisions by estimating simultaneous equation models for each cross-sectional year from 1995 to 2006. Availability of women's jobs in a District Council locality is used as an exogenous shock in the labour force participation equation to identify the marriage equation. The analysis finds that age, education, labour market status, availability of potential partners in the local marriage market, and location are all important factors in a woman's marriage decision. While the results show that labour force participation and a high level of education lower the probability of marriage, age and availability of potential partners are found to increase it. The third objective is an explanation of the trend towards fewer marriages by relating the changing effects of the variables to the marriage decline. Using the Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition technique, we establish that marriage decline is predominantly explained by a change in the marital behaviour of African South African women, rather than change in the distribution of the characteristics that determine marriage decisions. A detailed decomposition of the characteristic portion of the marriage decline analysis indicates that a rise in education levels and in labour force participation contributes to increasing the marriage decline. On the other hand, distribution in age of women, how they are geographically distributed, and the [unequal] distribution of men and women contribute to narrowing the marriage decline.
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Van, Vuuren Ian. "Varieties of neoliberalism within the Post-Cold War period : economic policy in the Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79903.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis describes the development of neoliberalism within the global context and explains how this ideology influenced economic policy formulation in post-apartheid South Africa. Policies from the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) to the New Economic Growth Path (NEGP) are analysed within the timeframe from 1996 to 2011 to determine how and whether neoliberalism had an impact on policy formulation. The development of neoliberal thinking is historicised to illustrate how it became the dominant ideational framework at the world order level. This was a path dependent process which is traced at the social, institutional and ideational levels. The establishment of the Mont Pelerin Society, the development of the post-Second World War economic order and the development and implementation of the Washington Consensus are important aspects of a counter-ideational challenge to Keynesianism which took place over some 25 years. The rationale behind neoliberalism and the implementation of neoliberal policies is strongly motivated by assumptions such as private property rights, deregulation of trade, finance and production and a form of state which facilitates market dominant policies. Neoliberalism strongly came to prominence during the 1970s and 1980s. During this time increased pressure was placed on the South African apartheid government from outside and inside to implement more market-orientated or neoliberal economic policies. It became increasingly evident that South Africa’s isolation to economic globalisation was not sustainable. At the time of the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC) and the release of Nelson Mandela in 1990, the ANC did not have a clearly formulated economic programme. Neoliberal thinking gradually gained in influence among ANC leaders and policy makers and after the party resoundingly won the 1994 elections, it seemed that neoliberal thinking became well established, albeit with some important variations and distinctive characteristics. The Growth, Employment and Redistribution programme did not fully achieve its primary goals of employment creation and redistribution, although a period of economic growth (2002-2006) did follow the first phase of its implementation. This led to a rethink and reevaluation of economic policy, particularly after the global financial crisis (2007-2009). The first “rethink” led to the adoption of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa (AsgiSA). This shift is regarded by some analysts as an economic transition period from GEAR to a more developmentalist and interventionist policy, but is, in fact, characterised by continuity and is in line with the World Bank’s post-Washington consensus thinking. This period is also characterised by internal tensions within the ANC and the leadership struggle between Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki (the incumbent president and architect of GEAR), Zuma’s victory was regarded as a victory for the left, but was followed by minor concessions and more continuity in policy, notwithstanding the launching of the NEGP in 2011 which spells out some goals for democratising and restructuring the economy. The study concludes that neoliberalism had a unique influence on economic policy formulation in South Africa even though it was not a pure reflection of neoliberal policies. Economic policy formulation in South Africa has undergone constant change and adaptation and reflects the shifting balance of power between the major social forces related to production and finance in the country. At the rhetorical level, policy seems to be moving in the direction of a democratic developmental state and this needs to be viewed within the context of the circumstances which led to the development of the RDP, GEAR and the NEGP.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis beskryf die ontwikkeling van neoliberalisme binne die globale konteks en verduidelik hoe hierdie ideologie ekonomiese beleidformulering in Suid-Afrika beïnvloed het. Ekonomiese beleid vanaf die Herkonstruksie en Ontwikkling-program (HOP), die Groei, Indiensneming en Herverspreiding-program (GIEH) en die Nuwe Ekonomiese Groei-pad (NEGP) word geanaliseer binne die tydsbestek vanaf 1996-2011, ten einde te bepaal hoe en of neoliberalisme ’n impak op beleidsformulering in die land gehad het. Die ontwikkeling van neoliberale denke word histories beskryf ten einde te illustreer hoe dit, op die wêreld-orde vlak, die dominante ideologiese raamwerk vir ekonomiese beleid geword het. Hierdie proses was afhanklik van ’n aantal duidelik lynverwante fases wat nagespoor word op die kontinuum van sosiale, institusionele en idees dimensies. Die vorming van die Mont Pelerin Stigting, die ontwikkeling van die na-oorlogse (WWII) ekonomiese orde en die ontwikkeling en implementering van die Washington-konsensus is belangrike aspekte van die bou van ’n ideologiese alternatief vir Keynesianisme wat oor ongeveer 25 jaar plaasgevind het. Die rasionaal onderliggend aan neoliberalisme en daarmee gepaardgaande beleid word sterk gemotiveer deur die aannames van privaat eiendomsregte, deregulering van handel, finanasies en produksie en ’n staatsvorm wat mark-dominante beleid fasiliteer. Neoliberalisme het tydens die 1970s and 1980s prominent geword. Tydens hierdie periode is van buite en van binne toenemende druk op die apartheid regime geplaas om meer markgeorienteerde en neoliberale beleidsveranderinge te implementeer. Dit is veral tydens die 1980s dat dit al hoe duideliker geword het dat Suid-Afrika se isolasie in ’n ekonomies globaliserende wêreld nie meer haalbaar was nie. Ten tye van die ontbanning van die ANC en die vrylating van Nelson Mandela in 1990, het die ANC nie ’n duidelik geformuleerde ekonomiese program en beleid gehad nie. Teen 1994, het neoliberale denke geleidelik in invloed toegeneem onder ANC leiers en beleidmakers, en na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing, het dit voorgekom asof dit goed gevestig was, met nietemin belangrike plaaslike variasies en onderskeibare kenmerke. Die GIEH, wat as die amptelike vervatting van neoliberale ekonomiese beleid beskou kan word, het nie ten volle sy primêre doelwitte van werkskepping en herverspreiding bereik nie, alhoewel ’n periode van ekonomiese groei (2002-2006) wel gevolg het na die eerste fase van dié beleid se implementering. Dit het tot ’n herbeskouing en herevaluering gelei, veral na die globale finansiële krisies (2007-2009). Die eerste “herformulering” van beleid het gelei tot die aanname van die Versnelde en Gedeelde Groei-inisiatief vir Suid-Afrika (VGGISA). Hierdie ontwikkeling is deur sommige waarnemers beskou as ’n ekonomiese oorgang van GIEH na ’n meer ontwikkelingsgerigte en intervensionistiese staat, maar is, in der waarheid, gekenmerk deur kontinuïteit en was in pas met die post-Washington konsensus beleid van die Wêreld Bank. Hierdie periode is ook noemenswaardig vir interne spanninge binne die ANC en die leierskaps-stryd tussen Jacob Zuma en Thabo Mbeki (die sittende president en argitek van GIEH). Zuma se oorwinning is beskou as ’n oorwinning vir die linksgesindes in die Drieparty Alliansie (ANC, COSATU en SACP), maar is gevolg deur klein toegewings en meer kontinuïteit in ekonomiese beleid. Dit, nieteenstaande die feit dat die NEGP in 2011 lanseer is,met as onderbou die demokratisering en herstrukturering van die ekonomie. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat neoliberalisme ’n unieke invloed op ekonomiese beleidsformulering in Suid-Afrika gehad het, selfs al was dit nie ’n suiwer weerspieëling van hierdie denkrigting nie. Ekonomiese beleidsformulering ondergaan voortdurend verandering en aanpassing en weerspieël veranderinge in magsverskuiwinge tussen die vernaamste sosiale magte verwant aan produksie en finansies in die land. Op die retoriese vlak, skyn dit asof beleid besig is om te verander in die rigting van ’n demokratiese onwikkelings-staat en dit moet gesien word binne die konteks van die omstandighede wat gelei het tot die ontwikkeling van die HOP, GIEH en NEGP.
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Beckett, Sean Edward. "Environmental concern, race and socio-economic status in post-apartheid South Africa, 1996-2006." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85672.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines longitudinally the nature of environmental concern in post-apartheid South Africa. During the years of colonialism and apartheid, environmental policy making and implementation was characterised by environmental racism that focused on ecocentric notions of nature conservation and protection, to the exclusion of black, coloured and Asian South Africans. The post-apartheid government has attempted to rectify the exclusion of black people from environmental rights, by enshrining in the Bill of Rights the right to an environment that is not harmful to South Africans' health or well-being. In light of the Bill of Rights unique political and practical implementation in South Africa, and on the basis of a comprehensive review of the empirical and theoretical literature on environmental concern, two hypotheses were formulated for testing in this thesis. The first, which is informed by an environmentalism of the poor or “empty-belly environmentalism” theory, proposes that South Africans have become more environmentally concerned since the end of apartheid. The second hypothesis is informed by the post-materialist thesis, and examines whether controlling for socio-economic status eliminates difference in environmental concern amongst the various race groups. The research design applied in this thesis is a longitudinal analysis of secondary data, in particular World Values Survey data. The results of this analysis led to a rejection of the first hypotheses, and a partial rejection of the second hypothesis. Additionally, the results reveal that since 1996 environmental concern has become less influenced by race and class. The thesis also contributes methodologically to future research on environmental concern, by raising concerns about the operationalisation and conceptualisation of environmental concern in the World Values Survey.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die aard van omgewingsbesorgdheid in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika. Gedurende die jare van kolonialisme en apartheid was beleidmaking en -implementering gekenmerk deur omgewingsrassisme wat op ekosentriese opvattings van natuurbewaring en -beskerming gefokus het. Dit het tot die uitsluiting van swart, bruin en Asiatiese Suid-Afrikaners gelei. Die post-apartheid regering het gepoog om hierdie groot ongelykhede reg te stel, deur die reg tot 'n omgewing wat nie skadelik vir hul gesondheid of welsyn is nie, vas te lê in die Handves van Menseregte. In die lig van hierdie omgewingsbeleidspunte se unieke politieke en praktiese implementering in Suid-Afrika, en op grond van 'n omvattende oorsig van die empiriese en teoretiese literatuur oor omgewingsbesordheid, is twee hipoteses in hierdie tesis getoets. Die eerste hipotese, waaraan 'n omgewingsbewustheid van die armes of "leë maag omgewingsbewustheid"-teorie gestalte verleen het, voer aan dat Suid-Afrikaners sedert die einde van apartheid meer omgewingsbesorgd geword het. Die tweede hipotese, wat voortvloei uit die post-materialistiese tesis, ondersoek of die verskil tussen die rasgroepe in terme van omgewingsbesorgheid verdwyn as hulle sosio-ekonomiese status konstant gehou word. Die navorsingsontwerp van hierdie tesis is 'n longitudinale ontleding van sekondêre data. Die resultate van hierdie analise onthul dat omgewingsbesorgdheid sedert 1996 minder volgens ras en klas gestruktureer word; buitendien is die eerste hipotese verwerp en die tweede hipotese gedeeltelik verwerp. Hierdie resultate het kommer oor die operasionalisering en konseptualisering van omgewingsbesorgdheid in die “World Values Survey” gewek.
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Makoni, Tinotenda Charity. "Social movements and economic development in post apartheid South Africa: lessons from Latin America." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76420.
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The aim of this research is to bring the literature on political agency and economics together in an analysis of whether social movements can play an important role in economic development in post-apartheid South Africa. The entrenched discourse of sluggish growth and high inequality in post-apartheid South Africa can largely be attributed to the political decision to implement a neoliberal economic development orthodoxy. On the one hand, there is an urgent need to shift the economic development model to an alternate developmentalist model. However, no clearly articulated alternative developmental model has emerged. As a result, economically, South Africa is seemingly stuck. On the other hand, the selection of an economic development model and change in macroeconomic policies requires a political shift. Politically, formal politics has assumed the form of neoliberal democracy, characterised by a largely centralised state and the usurpation of the state and institutions by a national bourgeoisie. Social movements have emerged in response to the failure of neoliberalism to fulfil the promises of early post independent periods. They have been largely successful at highlighting the injustices and the inequalities in the country. However their ability to influence structural economic development has come into question. Firstly, social movements and their “politically destabilising distributive demands” have faced repression from the state as the state and institutions are aligned behind the interests of capital under a neoliberal democracy. Secondly, social movements in South Africa have been largely ideologically under-developed. They have been largely fragmented and tended to contest specific single issues rather than aiming to shift the deeper underlying systemic drivers behind the symptomatic immediate discomforts. The economic dimensions of such a shift are particularly unclear. This fragmentation and apparent lack of economic pragmatism make management or suppression of disruptive movements by the state relatively easy. The research uses a contrast between the Latin American social movements against a South African background in order to see what lessons South Africa can draw from social movements in Latin America. The Latin American case is cautiously more positive and provides comparably more sanguine lessons. In this way, this research seeks to construct a more comprehensive framework for the further study of social movements in South Africa and their potential impact on economic development in South Africa.
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Wood, Robert Jameson. "Business, state and society in the Western Cape from 1960 to 1990." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018502.
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This research examines the relationship between business, the state and society in South Africa -- particularly the Western Cape -- over the period from 1960 to 1990, viewed against the background of economic conditions in this region, South Africa and the world. Utilising a development history approach, it is based on an extensive study of primary and secondary documentation, supplemented by a panel of in-depth interviews and observation. This study finds that the relationship between business and apartheid incorporated both functional and dysfunctional elements, although over time the benefits diminished and the costs multiplied. The latter, Regulation Theory suggests, is true for any institutional order, but it could be argued that, under apartheid, the particularly fragile and contradictory nature of the institutional arrangement made inevitable crises more rapid and more pronounced. On the one hand, apartheid restricted the economic development of the country, as a result of a range of factors from skills shortages to the visible waste of resources on grand ideological projects and security; as suggested by Resource Curse Theory, minerals windfalls tend to encourage irresponsible behaviour by governments. On the other hand, certain businesses prospered, notably the Afrikaner business sector. All business benefited from the overall growth of the 1950s and 1960s, whilst niche players often did quite well even during the 1980s. Further, the South African businessmen, both English- and Afrikaans-speaking, were skilful in adapting to the difficult conditions brought about by apartheid, and in many cases they prospered. As highlighted by Business Systems Theory, embedded social ties and informal relations may help either support or compensate for formal regulatory pressures. Many of these general trends were particularly accentuated in the Western Cape. The fact that business protests against government policies were often more motivated by concerns as to future property rights and of social disorder, rather than human rights, does indeed raise serious moral issues. However, in helping encourage political reform, they may have made a positive contribution. This study is founded on three related strands of thinking within the political economy tradition, Resource Curse Theory, Regulation Theory and Business Systems Theory, with the emerging common ground between these three bodies of thought being highlighted. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, non-mineral producing regions tend to be particularly adversely affected in mineral rich countries, and there is little doubt that the region bore all the costs of the collapse of the gold price in the 1980s, and lacked the deeper capital base of the now Gauteng region to cushion the shock. Whilst apartheid may, as we have seen, have served conservative sectors of agriculture and mining quite well for many years, it also involved large costs incurred through social engineering experiments and the increasing demands of the security establishment. Resource Curse Theory suggests that national economies become dangerously dependent on the vagaries of commodities markets, and that the process of institutional design and evolution is hampered by assumptions of easy money which may temporary resolve the negative consequences of any institutional shortcomings. The poor price of gold in much of the 1980s brought about a crisis in the system, and, there is little doubt that this contributed to the demise of the order. As suggested by Resource Curse Theory, the experience of the Western Cape, a region of the country poor in minerals, was often one of inefficient and wasteful state intervention, coupled with increasingly poor performance of non-mineral related industries. Indeed, the effects of the recession of the 1980s were most pronounced in non-mineral producing areas of the country, particularly in the Western Cape. Regulation Theory highlights that no set of institutions and practices is ever totally coherent and functional, but at specific times may work to promote both certain types of economic activity and overall growth. It is wrong to suggest that because an order only works for some players at specific times it is simply dysfunctional or does not work properly at all. However, over time, internal contradictions mount and the benefits diminish. A particular feature of the apartheid order was that some of its core benefits at its height were particularly concentrated on some players (segments of Afrikaner commerce and industry, mining and agriculture), whilst the costs were shared across a wider range of players, with a disproportionate burden being borne by the black majority. A further feature was that the costs were often indirect and spread over many years if the benefits were sometimes immediate: this would include the persistent dysfunctionality of much of the South African education system and the criminal ecosystem that was nurtured through sanctions busting. Internal contradictions and spreading dysfunctionality rarely leads to a conscious and coherent period of institutional redesign, but rather an incoherent, experimental and contested process, such as characterized late apartheid reforms, and, indeed, the post February-1990 negotiation process. Finally, again at a theoretical level, as Business Systems Theory highlights, it is important to take account of the formal and informal ties interlinking firms in different sectors in the region, and firms and government, and the extent to which regions within a particular country may follow very distinct developmental trajectories. The benefits and the costs of the system diffused unevenly in the region, giving many players both a stake in the existing order, and an interest in some or other type of reform.
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Dlamini, Thobile G. K. "Dominant and non-dominant group's perceptions of the government-led economic transformation process in South Africa: report." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002472.
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The enormous social, economic, and political government-led societal transformation South Africans have experienced over the past 15 years have brought about numerous societal and identity changes. The aim of the present study was to explore how dominant (White participants) and non-dominant (Black participants) groups experiencing the government-led societal transformation process deal with perceptions of intergroup differences based on Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) and related field research. Social Identity Theory predicts that in the presence of intergroup differences group members irrespective of their status position will apply identity management strategies to either improve or maintain their status position. The relationships between perceptions of intergroup relations and identity management strategies as proposed by Social Identity Theory were tested studying 170 second year Rhodes University psychology students. Sixty participants indicated themselves as Black South Africans (representing non-dominant group) and 110 participants identified themselves as White South Africans (dominant group). The results revealed that dominant and non-dominant groups differ systematically regarding the functional interaction between beliefs about the intergroup situation and identity management strategies. The results of the study indicate too, that ingroup identification differentiates between individual and collective strategies irrespective of the group’s status position.
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Maduna-Mafu, Nqobani. "Land and agrarian reform, and rural livelihoods in post-apartheid South Africa : a study on the Ehlanzeni District in Mpumalanga Province." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/4514.
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The study examines land and agrarian reforms in democratic South Africa focusing on projects implemented under the Comprehensive Rural Development Programme (CRDP) since 2009. Focusing on Bushbuckridge municipal area, the study reviews wide ranging transformative efforts initiated to address agrarian sector inequalities and rural poverty. The review illustrates that modest achievements have been made in restructuring the apartheid political geography manifesting in high levels of asset poverty amongst rural populations and vulnerability to food insecurity. While several factors are explored to explain this, it is discernible that a disjuncture exists between the social justice imperatives and the neoliberal development ideology adopted since transition to democracy. Adopting the sustainable livelihoods approach, the study examines whether the CRDP is adequate to address the needs for land equity in redistribution and to improve rural livelihoods in Mpumalanga, with particular focus on Bushbuckridge municipal area. Furthermore, the study examines the extent to which the implementation of CRDP has met the objective of equitable land redistribution as specified in the policy and also explores the outcomes of implementation, whether necessary conditions to promote the small-scale agricultural sector have been created; for instance, investments in agricultural infrastructure, support services such as credit measures, inputs and capacity building programmes for subsistence sector farming. Through a qualitative inquiry challenges are identified regarding the achievement of equity in land distribution and sustainable livelihoods. The conclusive chapter argues for paradigm shifts in land acquisition, public engagement, gender equity, funding models for subsistence farming, intersectoral co-operation, funding of rural infrastructural projects particularly markets and agro-processing facilities.
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Hunsaker, Christine. "A study of South Africa's National Party perceptions of United States foreign policy in the 1980's with particular reference to sanctions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17312.
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Includes bibliographies.This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.
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Monyai, Priscilla B. "Social policy and the state in South Africa: pathways for human capability development." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007230.
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The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.
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The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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Kulundu, Injairu M. "Participatory human development in post-apartheid South Africa: a discussion of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003001.
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This thesis relates the work of a non-governmental organisation, The Spirals Trust, to discussions on human and participatory development. The focus of the study is one of The Spirals Trust’s projects, the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project, which is discussed in relation to theoretical material on human development and participatory development. Collectively these perspectives are defined in this thesis as ‘participatory human development’. The 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project illustrates some of the challenges that face the practice of participatory human development. Workshops and focus group interviews were conducted with participants who were part of the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project in order to draw out their experiences of the project. Questions were created from themes that emerged from the participants’ discussion of their experiences and these questions were then posed to members of staff of The Spirals Trust. The experiences of both the participants and the staff members are discussed in order to explore issues that emerge in the practice of participatory human development in the 2006/7 Tantyi Youth Empowerment Project. The results highlight the challenges of putting into action the tenets of participatory human development. Feedback showed that a focus on personal development can help cultivate the ethic of participation. The effort that this entailed on the part of facilitators is discussed. The importance of exposing and continually working with power dynamics that may emerge in projects of this nature is revealed and the eroding influence of bureaucratic compliance in projects like this one is explored. The study also suggests that there is a need to promote development initiatives that challenge the political status quo rather than just finding ways to incorporate the marginalised more effectively into current systems. New questions that the research poses to the practice of participatory human development are considered in conjunction with suggestions for further research.
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Kerby, Edward. "The economics of isolation, trade and investment : case studies from Taiwan & apartheid South Africa." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3536/.
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This dissertation studies the economic history of South Africa’s industrial decentralisation policies, which led to greater trade and foreign investment with Taiwan during the closing phases of apartheid. These large industrial schemes sought to increase exports of finished goods, diversify manufacturing from urban centres, and develop the African homelands, while continuing the status quo of racial segregation. In examining (1) bilateral trade, (2) foreign investment and (3) business network agglomeration, I illustrate the role Taiwanese firms played in fulfilling important aims of the industrial decentralisation policy. The three interrelated topics explain how the diplomatic relationship developed, the effects to bilateral trade, and why Taiwanese investors came to be the largest group of industrialists in the apartheid-era homelands. However, the research agenda presented in this thesis is not merely a narrow analysis of trade and investment. It also provides a broader perspective of key questions in South Africa’s economic history: specifically, the rise and fall of apartheid, the contradictory forces of regional industrial decentralisation, which shaped Africa’s most industrialised economy, and the roots of persistent inequality stemming from the homeland system. The period between 1975 and 1994 was turbulent with both countries facing different degrees of political and economic isolation. Prior scholarship has focused on the diplomatic relationship between the two countries, as international sanctions made quantitative data difficult to access. The introduction of new qualitative and quantitive data on the apartheid economy highlights the economic motives for this large wave of Asian foreign investment, especially those in the rural African homelands. Moreover, it draws lessons from the historical patterns of apartheid industrial and spatial development, which are analogous to current African special economic zone policies.
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Hoskins, Jonathan Mark. "Race, class and law in post-Apartheid South Africa: A Marxist critique of Black Economic Empowerment." University of Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7370.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDWith the advent of democracy, the ANC government was faced with the problem of addressing abject poverty, persistent unemployment and rank economic inequality that beset black South Africans under apartheid. To address these problems in a structured and comprehensive fashion, the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003 (BBBEE Act) was promulgated. Several economists believed that growth in the economy is the bedrock upon which black economic empowerment would provide the foundation to correct these economic problems. This study sought to interrogate black economic empowerment as a means to address economic inequality and unemployment. The method of analysis and critique employed in this study is based on theories that Marx formulated in Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. In particular, this study draws on Marx’s theories of fictitious capital, surplus value production and appropriation, and the creation of the industrial reserve army. The thesis uses the theory to examine two BEE cases namely the Sanlam and Sasol equity transactions. It also analyses the relationship between productive capital and fictitious capital through an examination of Lonmin plc and Shanduka Pty Ltd, with a focus on the use of labour power to produce surplus value. Finally, it looks briefly at Sanlam and Sankorp to understand the rise of the black middle class in South Africa. Ultimately, this study charts a Marxist path to explain why black economic empowerment is unable to address economic inequality and unemployment. At the centre of this study is the problematisation of the capitalist mode of production on which black economic empowerment rests. The central argument advanced is that the very capitalist structure upon which this growth strategy was based, in fact laid the foundation for the reproduction of these self-same phenomena.
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Horne, Renee Karol Cynthia. "The politics of economic empowerment in post-apartheid South Africa : the case of broad-based black economic empowerment (BBBEE)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.668131.
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Holmes, Nigel. "The Impact of Economic Sanctions on the Right to Health: A comparative study between South African and Iraq." Thesis, Online Access, 2008. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/usrfiles/modules/etd/docs/etd_gen8Srv25Nme4_3448_1269390425.pdf.
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Lemanski, Charlotte. "The nature of social integration in post-apartheid Cape Town." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cc5d83ee-d6fc-465b-a99e-f0e3de555d8f.
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This research considers the nature of social integration between individuals living in desegregated neighbourhoods in post-apartheid Cape Town. Social integration is understood as a dynamic process between individuals from apartheid's different racial classifications as opposed to the common emphasis in the literature on the static outcome of a neighbourhood being integrated. The research was based on both quantitative and qualitative methods. A quantitative analysis of South Africa's 2001 census results was conducted. From this analysis neighbourhoods in Cape Town with "multiple population dominance', where no single group comprises more than 50% of the suburb population and at least one other group comprises over 25%, were identified. Qualitative fieldwork (semi-structured interviews and mental maps) was conducted in two of these 'multiple population dominance' suburbs. Based on research in these neighbourhoods I conclude that labelling a suburb as physically desegregated implies a level of social cohesion that was not found, and masks the reality of division based on length of tenure and socio-economic status. Within the specific South African context of racial inequality, such opposition to desegregation that is not matched by a shared class is likely to restrict the potential for social integration to develop beyond the confines of black middle-classes moving into 'White' areas, and poor Coloureds and Black Africans living in low-cost housing, thus affecting only a handful of the population.
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Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne. "A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161.
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This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.
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Tselapedi, Thapelo. "Emancipatory spaces in the post-colony : South Africa and the case for AbM and UPM." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004451.
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This thesis is about the relationship between local government, grassroots organisations and the organisation of power resulting from the interaction of the two. Exploring this relationship this thesis investigates whether the actions of grassroots movements can bring local government in line with their developmental role as accorded to them by the Constitution. The assumption embedded in this question is that the current balance of power at the local level exists outside of the service of the historically disadvantaged. Following on from that, the thesis explores, through different modes of analysis, theoretical and historical, the policy and constitutional framework for local government, and then it unravels the context set by the political economy of South Africa. The aim is to make a significant attempt at understanding the possible implications of the interventions grassroots movements make in the public space. The thesis does this also by looking at the strengths and weaknesses of the strategies of the UDF to makes an assessment of the possible endurance of post-apartheid grassroots movements. Since civil society ‘suffers’ from nationalist politics, with its own corporatist institutions, the thesis searches deep within or arguably 'outside of civil society', subjecting AbM and UPM to academic critique, to see how movements embedded among the poor and carrying the political instrument of anger and marginalisation, can dislodge the power of capital. More importantly, the thesis situates the post-apartheid moment within postcolonial politics; navigating through the legacy of Colonialism of a Special Type (CSP), the thesis explores the limits and opportunities at the disposal of grassroots movements. From a different perspective, the thesis is an examination of the organisation and movement of power and the spaces within which power and ideas are contested. Drawing on the political and economic engagements, dubbed the Dar Es Salaam debates, in the 1970’s and 1980’s spurred on by Issa Shivji, the late Prof Dani Wadada Nabudere and Mahmood Mandani, the conclusions of this thesis develops these engagements, essentially making a case for the continued centrality of the post-apartheid state. However, the thesis also asserts the indubitable role that both grassroots movements and civil society need to play, not necessarily in the democratisation of the state, though that goes without saying, but in taking the post-colonial state on its own terms. Consequently, the thesis puts forward the idea that issue-based mobilisation does exactly this, and in the manner that acknowledges the state’s centrality and makes paramount the self-organisation (popular assemblies) of ordinary people in public affairs. The thesis categorically concludes that the centrality of the post-apartheid state and its progressive outlook (constitutional values) is contingent on organs of popular assemblies which need to take the state on its (progressive) terms.
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Cewuka, Thembakazi Gloriadaria. "Reconstruction and Development Programme in Post-apartheid South Africa: a study of Public Perceptions of the housing service delivery in Chris Hani Park Block 3 township, East London." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005991.
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This research sought to understand the perceptions of the township dwellers who are the beneficiaries of the RDP houses in a selected township, Chris Hani block 3 in Mdantsane, East London, in the Eastern Cape. The study specifically sought to establish whether the houses delivered to the residents through the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) adequately meet the basic standards prescribed by the relevant housing policy of South Africa. During the apartheid era black South Africans were marginalised, their development was separate from that of whites and they had no say in what was provided for them, hence they were inadequately housed. On coming into power, the post-apartheid government undertook through legislation to provide sustainable, adequate housing that would address the needs of the historically disadvantaged citizens/poor people of South Africa. The main finding of this study conducted on a sample of ten RDP housing beneficiaries, through personal interviews is that, the RDP is a good programme; however, its implementation is characterised by corruption and greed. The people, whom the programme is meant to benefit, have never been involved in their own development with the results that the houses provided to them, are of a sub-standard quality. The houses do not adequately address the housing needs of the people. The housing policies are also not adequately implemented. It is the author’s hope that the recommendations made by this study, if implemented, will improve the standard of the RDP houses provided to the poor people of South Africa.
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Taylor, Ian. "Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51785.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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Dullabh, Neela. "An examination of the factors influencing the spatial distribution of the Indian communities in Grahamstown, King William's town, Queenstown and Uitenhage from 1880 to 1991." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005506.
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This study examines the factors influencing the spatial distribution of the Indian communities of Grahamstown, King William's Town, Queenstown and Uitenhage from 1880 to 1991. Primary sources of information were used to determine both the spatial distribution of the four communities and the factors influencing the distribution found. These primary sources included the use of directories, municipal and archival sources of information, interviews as well the work of various authors. The study found that the spatial distribution of Indians in the four study areas were similar with the Indians occupying residential and commercial premises in the central areas of the urban centres. After 1980 there was a substantial movement to other areas. Prior to 1950 the municipalities played an important role in influencing spatial distribution. However, after the introduction of the Group Areas Act, the govennment controlled Indian spatial distribution. Thus the Group Areas Act was the most important factor affecting Indian spatial distribution. Indians in small urban centres in the Cape Province were segregated and their spatial distribution was controlled both prior to and after 1950. Anti-Indian legislation and restrictions were the main factors influencing Indian spatial distribution.
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Malmgren, Oskar. "The Fading of the Rainbow Nation? : A Study about Democratic Consolidation in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100665.
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This thesis addresses the level of democratic consolidation in South Africa. The study aimed to provide a deeper understanding of the current political situation and the general state of democracy. As a method, a single case study was used where the political situation in post-apartheid South Africa was applied upon the concept of democratic consolidation by using five distinctive consolidation arenas: civil society, political society, judiciary, bureaucratic society and economic society. The results of the analysis show a variance in the degree of democratic consolidation in the country. The judiciary is very much well-functioning and independent and can therefore be classified as consolidated. The civil society and some elements of the political society are mostly functioning and can be classified as mostly consolidated with some reservations, while the bureaucratic and economic societies are deemed to be not consolidated. However, South Africa also possesses several obstacles for genuine consolidation that applies to all arenas, namely high degrees of violence, low social trust, and institutional weakness. The democratic system in South Africa is not currently considered to be under serious existential threat and has proven itself capable of withstanding high degrees of pressure. Nevertheless, it is found to be suffering from a type of democratic fatigue and transformation stagnation, which could have the potential to result in more serious implications in the future. South Africa can therefore be classified as a partly consolidated democracy.
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Moodley, Gunasagren. "Critical analysis of the post-apartheid South African Government's discourse on infromation and communication technologies (ICTs), poverty and development." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1298.
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Thesis (PhD (School of Public Management and Planning
))—University of Stellenbosch,
2005.This study comprises a discursive analysis of the underlying assumptions, rhetorical devices and the latent agendas masked within: (i) the burgeoning international ICT, poverty and development literature; (ii) the policy agendas of the major players in international development; and (iii) the ICT, poverty and development discourse of the post-apartheid South African government. The aim of the study is to move beyond the current enthusiasm for derivative description and technological determinism, and to introduce a deeper, more balanced understanding of the relationship between ICT, poverty and development.
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Botha, André Pedro. "The external dimension in the transformation of Afrikaner Nationalism." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973.
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This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
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Maqubela, Lucille N. "An exploration of parenting : normative expectations, practices and work-life balance in post-apartheid South Africa, 1994-2008." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/56018/.
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This thesis explores the complexities of parenting in post-apartheid South Africa. It investigates the normative expectations surrounding motherhood and fatherhood and how employed mothers, as those who bear the main responsibility for childcare, reconcile family and paid work. It is a qualitative study which draws on 43 interviews with women and men managers in a Government Department and a Parastatal. Thirty seven interviews were with managers (21 mothers and 16 fathers), 3 with gender experts in these organisations, and 3 with Human Resources personnel. It also draws on an analysis of domestic divisions of labour in 3 households and an exploration of national legislation and workplace policies to examine how the workplace accommodates those with family/childcare responsibilities. The study demonstrates that South African parenting is complex: parental norms encapsulate the coexistence of modern and traditional values (Inglehart and Baker, 2003; Hotchfeld, 2008), rather than following a linear pattern of change from traditional to modern. Moreover, there are inconsistencies in values and normative expectations relating to gender-role attitudes and parenting expectations, as well as between gender-role attitudes and parenting practices. Incongruencies and contradictions in relation to parenting are also found between and within domains: the fast-changing workplace brought about by the new democratic government‟s commitment to equality and the subsequent transformation of the public sector contrasts with the „stalled revolution‟ in parenting practices, especially in relation domestic divisions of labour, within the domestic sphere. Using Squires‟s (2005) typology of inclusion, reversal and displacement to analyze South African approaches to workplace gender transformation, the study establishes that South Africa has adopted policies based on inclusion and reversal and has left out displacement, thus increasing women‟s representation at the workplace without challenging the status quo. To this effect the workplace has remained masculineoriented; it is characterized by a long-working hours regime and minimal work-life balance policies. As a result mothers are facing difficulties in reconciling family and paid work. However, women mobilize support outside the workplace to cope with the demands of family and paid work. The study shows that the support networks mobilized by women are influenced by socio-economic and geographical mobility associated with the rise of the new black middle-class families brought about by the political change from apartheid to democracy. The migration of families from working to middle-class areas demonstrates the fluidity of mothering and coping strategies; while fathers remain free from childcare and family responsibilities.
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Reed, Stephen Graham. "The challenge of transformation : an analysis of the ethical and strategic need for transformation with special reference to the Employment Equity Act." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53617.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 1994 South Africa has undergone numerous social and political transformations. Transformation in this country has different meanings for different people, depending on the individuals perspective. The process of transformation has been slow for some, particularly those people who are eager to break away from a past, which has denied them basic individual rights. For others transformation has been too fast and thus a threat to their status quo. In view of this, transformation must be embraced by all through the realisation and admission that the apartheid era was inherently unfair to sections of the population and change must therefore be regarded as the levelling of the playing field. This study focuses on the generation of inequality, the uprooting of this evil and the implementation of equity. In addition, this study particularly focuses on how equity can be implemented in the workplace, why it is important to do so and what are the possible barriers to successful implementation. I will consider some of the theories that may be useful in initiating change. Finally, I will discuss the merits of the Employment Equity Act as legislation to enforce equity in the workplace.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vanaf 1994, het Suid Afrika verskillende sosiale en politieke veranderings ondergaan. Hierdie veraderings het verskillende betekenis vir verskillende mense, afhangend van die individuele se insig. Die proses van veranderings was te stadig vir sommige persone, veral diegene wie angstig was om weg te breek van die verlede, wat hulle ontneem het van hulle basiese individuele regte. Vir andere was die veraderings veels te vinning en was meer 'n bedreiging vir hulle onveranderlike hoë belangrike posisies. Met hierdie faktor insig, moet veranderings omhels word deur almal se opregte beseffing en erkenning dat die apartheid jare se alleen regte vir die een groep baie onregverdig was teenoor die ander groepe, dus moet veranderings aanvaar word as gelykmaking van alle onreelmatinghede. Hierdie studie is die fokus gerig op die jare van vasgevangheid in onregverdigheid en dat hierdie ongeregtigheid kan ontwortel word met die aanbeveling of vervangs van geregtigheid. Die fokus lê veral klem op hoe om gelyke regte by die werksplekke toe te pas.
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Madzivhandila, Mushavhani Wilson. "The effects of the transformation process on the health service in Limpopo provincial government of South Africa." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1007095.
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The Republic of South Africa emerged as 'a product of a historical moment' and also as a reaction against imperialism, colonialism, racial discrimination and domination over the majority of black South Africans by the white minority. The democratic dispensation came into being also for the first time in its life in memorial for a long turbulent history followed by the general democratic elections held on 27th April 1994. The 1994 first general election liberated South Africa from the apartheid system and its subsequent primary objective was “… to transform South Africa into a non-racial and democratic society”. The new democratic government now looks politically different from the racist regime because the current government since 1994 has been, and to date still is, a truly and broadly representative of the South African citizens and also a transparent one, whereas the defunct apartheid government was characterized primarily by, among other things, the violation of human rights, denying black South Africans of any rights of basic services, no rights of owning property or land, no freedom of association and speeches and firmly practised discrimination which was detrimental to the majority of the black population groups in this country. According to the then President Nelson Mandela whilst addressing the ANC masses that were commemorating the eighty-third (83rd) anniversary of the African National Congress on the 8th January 1995, democracy entails “… a thorough-going process of transformation, of overcoming the political, social and economic legacy of apartheid colonialism, of racism, sexism and class oppression.” The government is still grappling with the challenge of ensuringa better life for all the citizens of this country (http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?doc=ancdocs/history/jan8-95html:1).
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Sternehäll, Tove. "Trust, Power and Partnership : A study of the evolution of Sweden’s bilateral economic partnership with South Africa between 1985-2018." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194051.
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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate how Sweden’s bilateral economic relationship with South Africa has evolved between the years 1985-2018, from a Swedish perspective. The study has four research questions. The first question focuses on how Swedish policies toward South Africa has evolved over time, which is followed by two questions on how these changes has impacted trade and non-trade economic activity between the countries. The last question binds the study together with a discussion of the balance of Swedish priorities between humanitarian goals and domestic self-interests during this period. The existing literature is mainly focused on the economic relationship leading up to the fall of apartheid in 1994, and there is not much written on the subject since then. This study aims to contribute to the field by connecting the apartheid-era literature to the development of the post-apartheid bilateral economic relationship. The study is based on a cross analysis of complementary data sources and methods to capture the complexity of the bilateral economic relationship between the two countries. The main bulk of data is derived through semi-structured interviews with representatives from the Swedish government, the civil society, and researchers with experience of this bilateral relationship. This is complemented with a content analysis of Swedish policy documents and illustrative quantitative data. The thesis is built on an analytical framework based on Embeddedness theory and a conceptualisation of Economic- and Soft Power, which highlights the interconnectedness between social, political, and economic relationships.
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Lekhooa, Tumo. "Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958.
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The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
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Abbey, Steve Keith. "Modelling socio-economic dynamics in a working class desegregation area in post-industrial, post-Apartheid South Africa - the case of Danville-Elandspoort, Pretoria." Diss., Pretoria : [S.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-08112008-095933/.
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Dickinson, David George. "National identity and economic development : the Workplace Challenge project in the South African plastics industry." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/256706.
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This thesis investigates the role of national identity in economic development in the context of post-apartheid South Africa. It draws on research carried out during 1997-1998 on a supply-side project in the plastics industry - the Workplace Challenge. The key empirical sections of the thesis are formed by in-depth case-studies of two factories which implemented the Workplace Challenge. This is linked to industry-level pressures and analysis of national-level discourses to illustrate how macro-level processes are reflected in micro contexts. After an introductory chapter, the research question is framed, in Chapter Two, by means of an interdisciplinary review of theories of nationalism, identity (particularly social identity theory), and economic development. It is suggested that the existence of a superordinate-level identity - such as that held by citizens of a 'new' South Africa - provides a potential resource, in the form of unity and motivation, that can be brought to bear in the process of economic development. Chapter Three examines the methodology used to investigate this research question. Chapter Four considers the national context of post-apartheid South Africa. Particular attention is paid to the national-building project undertaken since the democratic elections of 1994, the government's economic development strategy, and the main institutions of labour and capital. The Workplace Challenge project, which aims to raise productivity by improving shopfloor relations, is introduced in Chapter Five along with a description of the plastics industry where the project was implemented. Chapters Six and Seven present detailed case studies on the progress of the Workplace Challenge in two East Rand plastics factories. Background on the factories, the initial views of management and workers, and key developments during the year of implementation are outlined. An analysis of these developments is then undertaken. Chapter Eight provides a conclusion. Drawing from the research undertaken, it is argued that the new national identity in South Africa has provided resources for processes of economic change in micro-level institutions. However, given the constructed nature of this new identity, this resource can only be mobilised on a sustainable basis if change is aligned with shared symbolic understandings and an acceptance that resources are equitably distributed by all those subscribing to the new identity.
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Rampedi, Leshabe Samuel. "A critical analysis of the macro-economic policies in post apartheid South Africa and the resultant effects on budgetary provisions for development in the Limpopo Province,with specific reference to roads infrastructural provision." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2065.
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Hurt, Stephen R. "Meeting the challenges of past and present : post-apartheid South Africa's reintegration into the global political economy, 1994-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50772/.
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The end of apartheid presents South Africa with an opportunity to realise its full potential as an important member of the global political economy. This follows a period of three decades of progressive isolation from the global community. The major external challenge facing South Africa now is that the world it is trying to integrate with is much changed from the one it was previously part of. It is of vital importance that as an emerging nation it fully appreciates the nature of this changed world. The global political economy has changed rapidly over the past decade. Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party and after 1985 he gradually introduced the process of reconstructing the Soviet economy, known as perestroika. This, together with glasnost, began a process of rapid change culminating in the collapse of communism throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and an end to the Cold War. Thus, western ideas of democracy became dominant and democratic regimes (although not necessarily liberal democratic) became the world's dominant form. Economically, the most important global trend has been that of liberalisation together with what the literature calls globalisation. Rapid advances in transport and communications technology, combined with the trend towards market deregulation have lowered the barriers between national markets; technology and skills, rather than natural resources and cheap labour have become the crucial enabling factors for competing in the global economy. This thesis contends that such a background gives South Africa little choice but to integrate into the global system if it is to secure the best conditions for its economic, social and political development. It also argues, that as a middle-income developing country or economy in transition, the parameters within which it can achieve this integration are fairly narrowly defined. South Africa is quite unique in the nature of its structural problems due to the legacy of apartheid. It remains a deeply divided society with great extremes of wealth and poverty. Its economy has a dualistic nature with a formal industrial sector and a large underdeveloped informal sector. To compete in the global marketplace South Africa must be able to attract additional production factors and resources from outside. Due to the high levels of protectionism inherited from the apartheid era there is a need for a reorientation of South Africa's trade policy. Relations with its principal trading partner, the European Union, will be crucially important here. Finally, South Africa cannot avoid its geographical location in Africa. An underdeveloped and politically unstable Southern Africa would greatly reduce South Africa's chances of successful global integration. In contrast a stable, more integrated region, would be to the benefit of South Africa, not least in creating a regional bloc able to exert greater leverage at a global level. However, given that regionalisation may not be wholly compatible with greater global integration, at least in the short to medium term, South Africa faces some difficult policy choices ahead.
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Rafferty, Benjamin. "Shaky structures on solid foundation : the impact of low-income state-subsidised housing on the realisation of the right to adequate housing in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/21741.
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This dissertation examines the impact of state-subsidised housing on the realisation of the right to adequate housing in South Africa. The incremental housing policy adopted in 1994 has its roots in the work of the Urban Foundation and others, who significantly shaped the discussions in the National Housing Forum, where South Africa's first post-apartheid housing policy was formulated. As a result low-income housing policy is centred on the use of capital subsidies allocated towards homeownership. In 1996 the state promulgated the Constitution obligating government to ensure that, inter alia, 'everyone has the right of access to adequate housing'. 'Adequate housing', as per the United Nations Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights, comprises of six core elements: accessibility, affordability, location, availability of services, habitability and security of tenure; which have all been affected in various ways by government's legislative and policy interventions. The delivery of state-subsidised housing has been impressive - with nearly three million completed since 1994. However, there have been significant problems. This paper emphasises four main issues: the poor quality houses that have required rectification and/or rebuilding; an overemphasis on homeownership, above rental tenure; a lack of effective transfer of title deeds; and the informal sale of state-subsidised houses. All of which have negatively impacted on progress towards full realisation of the right of access to adequate housing.
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Abrahamse, Petra. "A needs assessment of a group of at-risk youth in Mitchell's plain a discourse analytic approach." University of the Western Cape, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8348.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis study focused on determining and understanding the needs of a group of at-risk youth in Mitchell's Plain in order to identify the social competencies and basic life skills they require to enable them to cope with their life circumstances. The first phase of this study, which adopted a qualitative framework to identify the needs of these at-risk youth, was a review of the relevant literature. This review revealed that not only is there a need to understand the transitional stage that youth find themselves in; just as important is the necessity of being aware of the political, economic and social contexts which impact on them. Focus group interviews, which are recognised as encouraging participants to reveal more than in individual interview situations, were then used to obtain the data. Thereafter, both discourse analysis and systems theory were employed to analyse the data. Thus, not only were the utterances. of the participants subjected to rigorous linguistic analysis in order to discover the subtext of what they were saying; the researcher also took cognisance of the wide range of systems which impact on youth, from the macro socio-economic levels to the micro family and school levels. these at-risk youth began to emerge. These, in turn, highlighted those affective, cognitive and behavioural skills needed by at-risk youth to optimise their future development. The analysis of the data also served to validate the assumptions contained in the working hypotheses, namely that the youths' discourses would reveal their most dominant needs. In this respect, it became apparent that socio-economic deprivation, poor educational opportunities, problematic peer and family relationships as well as intra-community violence are all underpinning issues, which contribute to the youth being vulnerable to becoming at risk. As such, these issues require urgent addressing. Furthermore, the effects of racism in post -apartheid South Africa became evident as the youths revealed the inadequacies of their current situation. The youths' discourses, thus, highlighted the economic disparities that are highly visible within their community, despite the political transformation within South Africa. The study concludes by suggesting that if a meaningful way forward is to be found, it lies in improving our understanding of how preventative intervention can effectively take place in the structural, social and interpersonal domains to provide a national programme of action for youth.
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Makubalo, Mlungisi Patrick. "Perceptions on the factors influencing oral health seeking behaviour of communities in Randfontein, Gauteng, South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9978_1368178498.
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The negative effect of poor oral health on quality of life and financial implication of work days lost as a result of dental pain can be accepted as a rationale for inclusion of oral health in the primary health care (PHC) package for South Africa. The norms of the PHC package for oral health services are to expose at least 50% of primary schools to organized school preventive programmes and to ensure basic coverage of everybody in the catchment areas. Currently these norms are not adequately fulfilled in Randfontein. The purpose of this study was to gather information that can be used to improve oral health services in Randfontein. The aim of the study was to gain an understanding of the factors that influence the choice of oral health care seeking behaviour as perceived
by residents in different contexts and to use these perceptions to inform appropriate health planning strategies and implementation of measures that can improve health promotion in Randfontein. This qualitative study explored oral health care seeking behaviour. The study population comprised all residents of Randfontein above seventeen years old who had visited the oral health section in the Randfontein Primary Health Care (PHC) Facility. There were two focus group discussions (FGDs) from each of three separate residential areas namely Mohlakeng with
mainly black residents, Toekomsrus with mainly coloured race residents and from town which is a predominantly Caucasian race area. Data collected was analysed during the data collection stage and thereafter until they made sense to the researcher. To strengthen validity, the accuracy of the interpretation of what respondents said was confirmed with them. Analysed themes were
coded and categorized to enable the key researcher to interpret them for final reporting. Appropriate ethical procedures were followed. The findings were that although all focus groups preferred
allopathic oral health care seeking, various barriers existed. The study concluded that there should be adequate oral health education and promotion, effectivecommunication and an expansion of these services to Toekomsrus, where they do not exist. Perceptions on factors influencing oral health seeking by Randfontein residents
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Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
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Konieczna, Anna. "L'histoire d'une relation spéciale : les relations entre la France et l'Afrique du Sud dans les années 1958-1974." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0055.
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Basée sur des archives françaises et sud-africaines inédites, cette thèse offre une analyse approfondie des relations franco-sud-africaines sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle et de Georges Pompidou (1958-1974). La relation est qualifié de « spéciale » pour plusieurs raisons : le fait qu’il s’agit de liens avec un pays non-francophone qui n’appartient pas à la zone d’influence traditionnelle de la France, le contexte dans lequel elle se noue (le processus de décolonisation simultané à la condamnation internationale du régime d’apartheid), la spécificité de ses éléments constitutifs (une coopération particulièrement intensive dans les domaines « sensibles » du militaire et du nucléaire), et enfin le cadre officiel asymétrique et déséquilibré de cette relation. Divisée en quatre parties, organisées selon une logique chronologique, l’étude présente l’évolution de cette « relation spéciale » et ses différentes dimensions : bilatérale (relations militaires, nucléaires et économiques), régionale (relations en Afrique méridionale, dans la zone de l’océan Indien et en Afrique) et multilatérale (débats à l’ONU, au FMI, et dans le cadre de la CEE). A travers l’analyse des discussions au sein des institutions françaises et des prises de position dans les enceintes internationales, cette analyse reconstitue l’attitude ambiguë de la France envers la question de l’apartheid, les contradictions de la politique d’indépendance française de même que de la politique africaine de la France. Tout en privilégiant le cadre officiel, elle propose aussi une analyse du rôle des « intermédiaires » – parlementaires, entreprises et « marchands de canons » – dans la conduite et la réalisation des objectifs de la politique française vis-à-vis de l’Afrique du SudBased on the original French and South African archives, this dissertation examines the relationship between France and South Africa under the administration of Charles de Gaulle et Georges Pomidou. Several elements explain why this relation may be qualified as « special »: the fact that South Africa didn’t belong to the traditional zone of French influence, the context in which this relation emerges (the process of decolonization along with the international condemnation of the regime of apartheid), its specialization (the close cooperation in the military and nuclear field) and its official atypical frame. Divided into four chronological parts, the dissertation presents the evolution of this « special relationship » and its different dimensions: bilateral (relations in military, nuclear and economic field), regional (relations in Southern Africa, in zone of the Indian Ocean and in Africa) and multilateral (debats at UN, IMF and EEC). By analyzing the discussions within the French institutions and the statements in international arena, this study reconstructs the ambiguous attitude of France towards the question of apartheid, the contradictions of the French policy of national independence as well of the French African policy. While the dissertation emphasizes the official framework, it also tempts to analyses the role of intermediates (parliamentarians, enterprises and military industry) in the conduct of French policy towards South Africa
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Franzoni, Mariella. "The Economy of the Curatorial and the Fields of the Contemporary Art World: Curatorial instances and the market of contemporary art in and from (South) Africa." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667674.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation analyzes the relationship between curating and the contemporary art market, inscribing its enquiry in the realm of curatorial theory. Contributing to epistemological discussions on the notion of the curatorial, this study frames itself as an “economy of the curatorial”, an expression with which we define the sphere of economic relations of production and mediation engendered by curatorial practice and discourse in the contemporary art field. This field is considered increasingly dominated by market imperatives, since market players (commercial galleries, art fairs, and auction houses) have acquired an increasing authority in consecrating artists and, hence, in establishing both the economic and the symbolic value of art. Adopting a situated approach, this thesis is based on qualitative field research carried out in South Africa, and on the analysis of several instances that disclose the role of curators in the market of contemporary African art since 1989. The main case study is the analysis of curators’ role at the Goodman Gallery, which illustrates the performing of the curatorial within the marketplace.Esta tesis propone un análisis de la relación entre la curaduría y el mercado del arte contemporáneo, inscribiéndose en el ámbito de la teoría curatorial. A la vez que contribuye a las discusiones epistemológicas sobre la noción de lo curatorial, este estudio propone pensar estas relaciones como parte de una “economía de lo curatorial”, expresión con la que definimos el ámbito de las relaciones económicas de producción y mediación generadas por la práctica y el discurso curatoriales en el campo del arte contemporáneo. Este campo se considera como cada vez más dominado por los imperativos del mercado, siendo que las galerías comerciales, las ferias de arte y las casas de subastas han adquirido autoridad a la hora de consagrar a los artistas y, por ende, de establecer tanto el valor simbólico como económico del arte. Adoptando un enfoque situado, esta tesis se basa principalmente en una investigación de campo llevada a cabo en Sudáfrica, y en el análisis de varios casos y coyunturas que revelan el papel de los curadores en el mercado del arte africano contemporáneo desde 1989. El caso de estudio clave consiste en el análisis del papel de los curadores en la galería Goodman, las cual ilustra como la curaduría opera en un contexto de mercado.